ProleWiki - User contributions [en]

File:Masculinity and Ambition in the Baltic Adventure.pdf

2026-08-14T01:59:57Z

Anarcho-Bolshevik: This brief paper by Christian Lane goes into detail about the Freikorp’s Latvian expedition of 1919.

== Summary ==
This brief paper by Christian Lane goes into detail about the Freikorp’s Latvian expedition of 1919.

File:The Italian anti-partisan warfare in the Soviet Union, 1941–43- ideology, occupation routine, professionalism.pdf

2026-07-24T19:15:48Z

Anarcho-Bolshevik: The Italian Army’s involvement in anti-partisan warfare on the Eastern Front during the Second World War remains understudied, overshadowed by the far greater role of the Germans. Yet Italian units deployed against Soviet partisans fought their own ‘micro-war’ within the larger conflict. Some troops had already experienced guerrilla warfare in Eastern Africa (1935–38) or in Yugoslavia (1941–42), while certain officers had previously confronted the partisan threat with harsh methods. Dehumaniz...

== Summary ==
The Italian Army’s involvement in anti-partisan warfare on the Eastern Front during the Second World War remains understudied, overshadowed by the far greater role of the Germans. Yet Italian units deployed against Soviet partisans fought their own ‘micro-war’ within the larger conflict. Some troops had already experienced guerrilla warfare in Eastern Africa (1935–38) or in Yugoslavia (1941–42), while certain officers had previously confronted the partisan threat with harsh methods. Dehumanizing politico-military propaganda reinforced this approach. The Italian command in the field could rely on its Intelligence Service, military police forces such as the ‘Carabinieri’, and commandos often composed of volunteers. These men were expressly trained to hunt partisans and dismantle their networks, becoming the ‘professionals’ of anti-partisan warfare. Italian soldiers carried out round-ups of civilians, conducted interrogations, engaged irregular bands in combat, and at times executed captured ‘bandits’ on the spot. The forms of resistance faced by the Italian Army abroad were comparable to those the Germans repressed in Italy after the new government broke with Nazi Germany and joined the Allies (1943–45). Consequently, Italian anti-partisan warfare soon became an uncomfortable subject and was largely erased from national collective memory.

File:Beyond Europe- North African Jewish Communities and the Holocaust.pdf

2026-06-25T21:45:52Z

Anarcho-Bolshevik: ‘A thorough study of modern Jewish history must be positioned within the context of the Second World War. In the case of North Africa, the anti-Semitic policies from Vichy France and Fascist Italy are often viewed as a pathway to Nazi genocide. However, this analysis will distinguish between Nazism in North Africa and the colonial empires of Vichy France and Fascist Italy. Weaving together pre-colonial and imperial narratives from North Africa while also analyzing Jewish experiences in the tu...

== Summary ==
‘A thorough study of modern Jewish history must be positioned within the context of the Second World War. In the case of North Africa, the anti-Semitic policies from Vichy France and Fascist Italy are often viewed as a pathway to Nazi genocide. However, this analysis will distinguish between Nazism in North Africa and the colonial empires of Vichy France and Fascist Italy. Weaving together pre-colonial and imperial narratives from North Africa while also analyzing Jewish experiences in the turbulent wake of World War II, this work will endeavor to widen the field of scholarship for modern Jewish historians. Through exploring the history of North African Jewish communities, the goal is to provoke new ways of thinking about the Holocaust and facilitate a more comprehensive understanding of the War’s influence on global Jewish identity.’

File:Shaping Holocaust remembrance through Nazi photographs. A multimodal analysis of Israeli schoolbooks.pdf

2026-06-01T16:20:58Z

Anarcho-Bolshevik: Nurit Peled-Elhanan wrote, ‘The paper examines the visual and verbal representation of the Holocaust in Israeli schoolbooks. The relations between images and texts or captions are revealed through a multimodal discourse analysis. Most photographs were transposed to Israeli schoolbooks, unattributed and de-contextualized, from Nazi archives and amateur albums. These photographs have become the icons of the Holocaust, and even the Holocaust itself, or its simulacra, for post-memory generations....

== Summary ==
Nurit Peled-Elhanan wrote, ‘The paper examines the visual and verbal representation of the Holocaust in Israeli schoolbooks. The relations between images and texts or captions are revealed through a multimodal discourse analysis. Most photographs were transposed to Israeli schoolbooks, unattributed and de-contextualized, from Nazi archives and amateur albums. These photographs have become the icons of the Holocaust, and even the Holocaust itself, or its simulacra, for post-memory generations. Therefore, the perpetrator’s perspective often comes through as objective and factual.

‘Schoolbooks transform these photographs to educational resources, or to means by which the state educates its young to remember. The question is, how do these images construct what the students need to remember or rather, what meaning are students prompted to make of them?

‘In the schoolbooks, the photographs illustrate the Zionist narrative “from Holocaust to resurrection” in which the state of Israel is presented as the alternative to another Holocaust. The annihilation is graphically described in detail, but the annihilated are not narrated. Most are presented only as icons of the “final solution” and specimens of categories. This representation attests to an interest to traumatize, not to inspire mourning or arouse empathy and reverence towards the victims “we don’t want to become again”.’

Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (1922–1991)

2026-03-23T13:28:43Z

Anarcho-Bolshevik: /* Human rights */

{{Infobox country
| name = Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
| native_name = Союз Советских Социалистических Республик
| image_flag = File:Flag of the Soviet Union (1955-1991).svg
| image_coat = File:Coat of arms of the Soviet Union.svg
| image_map = File:Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (orthographic projection).svg
| map_width = 220px
| official_languages = None (1922–1990) Russian (1990–1991)| capital = [[Moscow]]
| largest_city = capital
| mode_of_production = [[Socialism]]
| government_type = Federal [[Marxism–Leninism|Marxist–Leninist]] [[socialist state]] (until 1990)
| established_event1 = October Revolution
| established_date1 = 1917 November 7th
| established_event2 = [[Declaration and Treaty on the Formation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics|Establishment of the USSR]]
| established_date2 = 1922 December 30th
| established_event3 = [[World War II]] victory
| established_date3 = 1945 May 9th
| established_event4 = Dissolution
| established_date4 = 1991 December 26th
| population_estimate = 285,742,511<ref>Демоскоп Weekly. [http://www.demoscope.ru/weekly/ssp/sng_nac_89.php Всесоюзная перепись населения 1989 года. Национальный состав населения по республикам СССР] [The 1989 All-Union Population Census. National composition of the population by republics of the USSR].</ref>
| population_estimate_year = 1989
| labour_force = 152.3 million<ref name="CIA-factbook-1990">CIA World Factbook (1990). ''[https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/The_World_Factbook_(1990)/Soviet_Union Soviet Union – World Factbook (Wikisource)]''</ref>
| labour_occupation = 80% industry and other nonagricultural fields 20% agriculture<ref name="CIA-factbook-1990"/>
| unemployment = 1–2%<ref name="CIA-factbook-1991">CIA World Factbook (1991). ''[https://www.theodora.com/wfb1991/soviet_union/soviet_union_economy.html Soviet Union Economy]''</ref>
| leader_title1 = Notable leaderships
| leader_name1 = [[Vladimir Lenin]] (1922–1924) [[Joseph Stalin]] (1924–1953)
|HDI_year=1990|HDI=0.920| currency = Soviet ruble (РУБ)
| p1 = '''1922:'''
| flag_p1 =
| p2 = [[Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (1917–1991)|Russian SFSR]]
| flag_p2 = Flag_of_the_RSFSR_%281918–1925%29.svg
| p3 = [[Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic (1919–1991)|Ukrainian SSR]]
| flag_p3 = Flag_of_the_UkSSR_%281919-1929%29.svg
| p4 = [[Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic (1920–1991)|Byelorussian SSR]]
| flag_p4 = Flag of the BSSR (1919–1927).svg
| p5 = [[Transcaucasian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (1922–1936)|Transcaucasian SFSR]]
| flag_p5 = Flag of the Transcaucasian SFSR (1925-1936).svg
| p6 = '''1923:'''
| flag_p6 =
| p7 = [[Provisional Priamurye Government]]
| flag_p7 = Flag of the Provisional Priamurye Government (1896–1918).svg
| p8 = '''1924:'''
| flag_p8 =
| p9 = [[Bukharan People's Soviet Republic|Bukharan SSR]]
| flag_p9 = Flag of the Bukharan PSR (1920-1924).png
| p10 = [[Khorezm People's Soviet Republic|Khorezm SSR]]
| flag_p10 = Flag of the Khorezm PSR (1920-1923).svg
| p11 = '''1939:'''
| flag_p11 =
| p12 = [[Republic of Poland (1918–1939)|Poland]] (portion)
| flag_p12 = Flag_of_Poland_(1927–1980).svg
| p13 = '''1940:'''
| flag_p13 =
| p14 = [[Republic of Finland|Finland]] (portion)
| flag_p14 = Flag_of_Finland.svg
| p15 = [[Kingdom of Romania (1881–1947)|Romania]] (portion)
| flag_p15 = Flag of Romania.svg
| p16 = [[Republic of Estonia|Estonia]]
| flag_p16 = Flag of Estonia.svg
| p17 = [[Republic of Latvia|Latvia]]
| flag_p17 = Flag_of_Latvia.svg
| p18 = [[Republic of Lithuania|Lithuania]]
| flag_p18 = Flag_of_Lithuania.svg
| p19 = '''1944:'''
| flag_19 =
| p20 = [[Tuvan People's Republic|Tuva]]
| flag_p20 = Flag of the Tuvan People's Republic (1943-1944).svg
| p21 = '''1945:'''
| flag_21 =
| p22 = [[German Reich (1933–1945)|Nazi Germany]] (portion)
| flag_p22 = Flag of Germany (1935–1945).svg
| p23 = [[Empire of Japan (1868–1947)|Japan]] (portion)
| flag_p23 = Flag of Japan (1870–1999).svg
| p24 = '''1946:'''
| flag_p24 =
| p25 = [[Czechoslovak Republic (1945–1948)|Czechoslovakia]] (portion)
| flag_p25 = Flag of the Czech Republic.svg
| s1 = '''1990:'''
| flag_s1 =
| s2 = [[Republic of Lithuania|Lithuania]]
| flag_s2 = Flag_of_Lithuania.svg
| s3 = '''1991:'''
| flag_s3 =
| s4 = [[Georgia (country)|Georgia]]
| flag_s4 = Flag of Georgia (1990–2004).svg
| s5 = [[Republic of Estonia|Estonia]]
| flag_s5 = Flag of Estonia.svg
| s6 = [[Republic of Latvia|Latvia]]
| flag_s6 = Flag_of_Latvia.svg
| s7 = [[Ukraine]]
| flag_s7 = Flag of Ukraine (1991-1992).svg
| s8 = [[Republic of Moldova|Moldova]]
| flag_s8 = Flag of Moldova (1990–2010).svg
| s9 = [[Kyrgyz Republic|Kyrgyzstan]]
| flag_s9 = Flag of the Kyrgyz Soviet Socialist Republic.svg
| s10 = [[Republic of Uzbekistan|Uzbekistan]]
| flag_s10 = Flag of Uzbekistan.svg
| s11 = [[Republic of Tajikistan|Tajikistan]]
| flag_s11 = Flag of Tajikistan (1991–1992).svg
| s12 = [[Republic of Armenia|Armenia]]
| flag_s12 = Flag of Armenia.svg
| s13 = [[Republic of Azerbaijan|Azerbaijan]]
| flag_s13 = Flag of Azerbaijan.svg
| s14 = [[Republic of Turkmenistan|Turkmenistan]]
| flag_s14 = Flag of the Turkmen Soviet Socialist Republic (1973–1991).svg
| s15 = [[Republic of Belarus|Belarus]]
| flag_s15 = Flag of Belarus (1918, 1991–1995).svg
| s16 = [[Russian Federation|Russia]]
| flag_s16 = Flag of Russia (1991–1993).svg
| s17 = [[Republic of Kazakhstan|Kazakhstan]]
| flag_s17 = Flag of the Kazakh Soviet Socialist Republic.svg
| s18 = [[People's Republic of China|China]] (portion)
| flag_s18 = Flag of the People's Republic of China.svg
| GDP_nominal_year = 1989
| GDP_nominal = $2.66 trillion<ref name="CIA-factbook-1990"/>
| GDP_nominal_rank = 2nd
| GDP_nominal_per_capita = $9,211<ref>CIA World Factbook (1990). ''[https://www.theodora.com/wfb/1990/rankings/gdp_per_capita_1.html GDP per Capita 1990]''</ref>
| export_year = 1988
| export = $110.7 billion<ref name="CIA-factbook-1990"/>
| export_commodities = Petroleum and petroleum products, natural gas, metals, wood, agricultural products, and a wide variety of manufactured goods (primarily capital goods and arms)<ref name="CIA-factbook-1990"/>
| export_partners = Eastern Europe (49%), Western Europe (14%), [[Republic of Cuba|Cuba]] (5%), [[United States of America|United States]]<ref name="CIA-factbook-1990"/>
| import_year = 1988
| import = $107.3 billion<ref name="CIA-factbook-1990"/>
| import_commodities = Grain and other agricultural products, machinery and equipment, steel products (including large-diameter pipe), consumer manufactures<ref name="CIA-factbook-1990"/>
| import_partners = Eastern Europe (43%), Western Europe (18%), [[Republic of Cuba|Cuba]], [[People's Republic of China|China]], [[United States of America|United States]]<ref name="CIA-factbook-1990"/>
| flag_caption = [[Flag of the Soviet Union|Flag]] (1955–1991)
| motto = Пролетарии всех стран, соединяйтесь!
| englishmotto = [[Workers of the world, unite!]]
| anthem = [[State Anthem of the Soviet Union|Государственный гимн СССР]][[File:Soviet anthem 1944.ogg]]
| life_span = 1922–1991
}}

The '''Soviet Union''', officially known as the '''Union of Soviet Socialist Republics''' ('''USSR'''),<ref group="note">Russian: Союз Советских Социалистических Республик (СССР)</ref> was a transnational union of [[Marxism-Leninism|Marxist–Leninist]] [[socialist state|socialist states]] that existed in Eurasia from 1922 to 1991.

It was established in 1922 as a union of four [[Socialist state|socialist republics]] created after the 1917 [[October Revolution of 1917|October Revolution]], namely the [[Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (1917-1991)|Russian SFSR]], the [[Transcaucasian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (1922–1936)|Transcaucasian SFSR]], the [[Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic|Ukrainian SSR]] and [[Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic|Byelorussian SSR]]. The years that followed saw the addition of the [[Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic (1924–1991)|Uzbek]] and [[Tajik Soviet Socialist Republic (1929–1991)|Tajik SSRs]]; the Transcaucasian SFSR was dissolved in 1936 in favor of the elevated SSRs of [[Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic (1921–1991)|Georgia]], [[Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic|Armenia]] and [[Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic (1936–1991)|Azerbaijan]]. From 1956 to 1991, the union comprised 15 member republics, two of which had their own member seats at the [[United Nations]].

The USSR represented a groundbreaking political alternative for the [[working class]] as the first stable socialist state in history. This was remarkable especially in a time period where workers in the [[Imperial core|Western world]] were still struggling for basic [[Trade union|union]] rights; the [[1924 Soviet Constitution]] and the [[1936 Soviet Constitution]] represented some of the most progressive political advancements in history.

The Soviet Union developed under extreme pressure from [[capitalist]] states and global [[Imperialist|imperialism]]; during the [[Russian Civil War]], starting from 1918, it suffered successive invasions by [[United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland|Britain]], [[French Republic (1870–1940)|France]], the [[United States of America|United States]], [[Empire of Japan (1868–1947)|Japan]], [[Republic of Poland (1918–1939)|Poland]], and several other minor European powers. Some of these interventions temporarily succeeded in overthrowing local [[Soviet (governmental body)|soviets]] and installing [[anti-communist]] puppet regimes, although they were ultimately unsuccessful in preventing the founding of the Soviet Union.

Barely two decades later, during [[World War II]], the [[German Reich (1933–1945)|Nazi]] invasion represented the second imperialist war on the USSR, this time in the name of [[fascism]]. Although the fascists inflicted catastrophic damage on the western USSR and its population, the [[Workers' and Peasants' Red Army|Red Army]] ultimately succeeded in repelling the Nazi forces and went on to play an integral role in the defeat of German [[National Socialism|Nazism]] in 1945.

Despite these difficulties, the Soviet Union achieved some of the most impressive economic developments in modern history. Socialism transformed a country of illiterate and starving [[Peasantry|peasants]] into an industrial superpower with one of the fastest growing economies on Earth. The Soviet people were one of the world's best-educated and healthiest populations, responsible for some of history's most impressive industrial and scientific achievements to date. And it provided a very influential model for other later socialist projects in places such as [[People's Republic of China|China]], [[Republic of Cuba|Cuba]] and [[Socialist Republic of Vietnam|Vietnam]].

Starting from 1988, many SSRs seceded from the USSR before [[Dissolution of the USSR|its illegal overthrow]] in 1991. Its former territory has been divided among the successor states of [[Russian Federation|Russia]], [[Republic of Latvia|Latvia]], [[Republic of Lithuania|Lithuania]], [[Republic of Estonia|Estonia]], [[Republic of Belarus|Belarus]], [[Ukraine]], [[Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic|Pridnestrovie]], [[Republic of Moldova|Moldova]], [[Georgia (country)|Georgia]], [[Republic of Azerbaijan|Azerbaijan]], [[Republic of Armenia|Armenia]], [[Artsakh]] (existing until 2024), [[Republic of Abkhazia|Abkhazia]], [[Republic of South Ossetia|South Ossetia]], [[Republic of Kazakhstan|Kazakhstan]], [[Republic of Uzbekistan|Uzbekistan]], [[Republic of Turkmenistan|Turkmenistan]], [[Republic of Tajikistan|Tajikistan]], and [[Kyrgyz Republic|Kyrgyzstan]].

== History ==

=== Background ===
In early 20th century, the [[Russian Empire]] was a semi-feudal country ruled by an absolute [[monarchy]]. The average life expectancy in Russia was about 35 years. Literacy rates were only about 20%. The [[Proletariat|workers]] and [[Peasant|peasants]] lived horrible lives without minimum wage laws or basic work safety regulations and worked 60 or 70 hours per week.<ref name=":7">{{Web citation|newspaper=Oktaybr|title=Standard of living in the Soviet Union|date=2021-08-23|url=https://oktyabrvperedi.wordpress.com/2021/08/23/standard-of-living-in-the-soviet-union/?preview=true|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210824102918/https://oktyabrvperedi.wordpress.com/2021/08/23/standard-of-living-in-the-soviet-union/?preview=true|archive-date=2021-08-24|retrieved=2022-09-11}}</ref>

Despite the size of the country, there was a constant shortage of farm land and famines were common. Most of the land belonged to the wealthy [[Landlord|landlords]] and [[Kulak|rich peasants]]. Because of technological backwardness, only the softest and most fertile soil could be used, which severely limited the amount of available farm land. There were many large [[Strike action|strikes]] and protests but it was not uncommon that the [[police]] would be deployed and break the strike, often by firing at the strikers.

In 1898, the [[Russian Social Democratic Labor Party]] (RSDLP) was created, uniting the several communist study groups scattered around Russia. Among its founders were people like [[Vladimir Lenin]] and [[Julius Martov]]. It established itself as a Marxist party that had the task of overthrowing the monarchy and bring about socialism. However, during the course of the struggle, there was a lot of disagreement about when this goal was to be implemented and how. In 1903, emerged a ''de facto'' split in the party, and two factions were formed: the [[Mensheviks]] led by Martov and the [[Bolsheviks]] led by Lenin.

Through the leadership of the RSDLP, and against the worsening life conditions, the Russian workers attempted a [[Russian revolution of 1905|democratic revolution in 1905]]. Massive protests erupted all over the country, mutinies were widespread in the army and the people organized public meetings, called “soviets” or councils, which would get together and discuss what to do in an early form of organisation. The revolution eventually failed however. It won some democratic liberties from the Tsar, but those liberties would be constantly under attack by the monarchy afterwards. This revolution would be seen as a rehearsal for the later revolution.

In 1914, the [[First World War]] began and launched Russia into chaos. The economy was ruined by the war, there was a shortage of food and large amounts of the population were drafted to fight in the war. The war is seen by many people, especially the socialist, as an unjust imperialist conquest, where millions of poor and working class people from different countries had to die for the profits and wealth of the capitalist and monarchist governments of their countries.

The attitude towards the war ended up splitting the international socialist movement and the [[Second International]]. Many parties initially opposed the war, but then chose to support their own government in it, so as to protect their country from the other imperialist powers. Lenin, [[Rosa Luxemburg]] and other revolutionaries saw this as treachery. In their opinion, if everyone only supported their own imperialist government in an imperialist war, it wouldn't do anything to stop the war. They called for “turning the imperialist war to a class war”, friendship between the workers of the various countries, and unity against the capitalist governments of all warring countries. This led to the splitting of the International.

==== February Revolution ====
In February 1917, the Russian monarchy was overthrown. This led to the creation of the [[Russian Provisional Government]], consisting of the capitalist [[Constitutional Democratic Party|Cadet]] party, the [[Party of Socialist-Revolutionaries|Socialist-Revolutionary Party]] (or SRs) and the Mensheviks.

The Bolsheviks initially gave “conditional support” for the Provisional Government, meaning they supported it to the degree that it carried out the democratic reforms and other policies demanded by the population. However, it soon became very evident the Provisional Government was a failure.

The Provisional government refused to carry out [[Land reform|land reforms]]. This was necessary to prevent famine and reduce the land shortage, but it would have meant going against the landlords.

The Provisional government also refused to impose stricter regulations on trading and the economy. This would have been necessary to prevent economic disaster, but it would have meant going against the capitalists who greatly profited from the war and chaos.

Lastly, the Provisional government supported the war. They advocated a “war to a finish”, meaning until they won. It became evident that Russia was losing the war, however the Provisional government was still committed to fulfill the treaties and agreements with their allies in World War 1.

The Bolsheviks were quick to point out that the Provisional government acted exactly like the Tsarist government, which also sided with the landlords, capitalists and started the imperialist war. In their view, the Provisional government was continuing the Tsarist policy.

In April 1917, Vladimir Lenin returned to Russia from exile and puts forward his ''April theses'', political proposals which call for the overthrow of the Provisional government.

The Bolsheviks put forward their slogans:<blockquote>Down with the provisional government!

Down with the capitalist ministers!

Factories for the workers, land to the peasants, end to the imperialist war!

Peace, Bread & Land</blockquote>In June of that year, the capital city Petrograd (today called St. Petersburg) held municipal elections. Bolsheviks achieved a massive victory, growing from essentially nothing to one of the biggest parties in Russia. The so-called “defencist bloc” still held the majority of seats however. This bloc consisted of the SR-party and Mensheviks. Defencism meant that they supported the war effort. The biggest loser of the election was the Cadet party, which achieved only 15% of the votes and lost its power as the biggest party.

On July 1, Russia launched an offensive on the front, which was known as the “Kerensky offensive” or the “July offensive.” The war was going badly and casualties were mounting for Russia, the thirst for blood from the imperialists and the Provisional government were very evident.

On July 3 and 4, there was a massive demonstration in Petrograd, of hundreds of thousands of people. Among the demonstrators were armed soldiers who came from the front to demand change and revolution. The Bolsheviks urged caution and said that the demonstration should be peaceful and organized. They opposed bringing weapons to the demonstration and said that they were not yet strong enough for a revolution. The workers and soldiers decided to bring weapons despite the advice of the Bolsheviks but the Bolsheviks still took part in the demonstrations to lend support to the workers.

The workers and soldiers carried the Bolshevik slogans of "End the war”, "Peace, bread and land". There was a government crack down against the demonstrators. Machine guns were turned towards the crowd, leaving countless dead. The Bolsheviks were now seen as a serious threat by the government. A warrant was issued for Lenin’s arrest, which forced him into hiding. Bolshevik newspaper ''[[Pravda]]'' was banned, their printing plant and party offices were destroyed. This period of repression is known as the “July Days". The Provisional government restored the death penalty on the front against soldiers who disobeyed orders.

The Bolsheviks lost a lot of their forces, and many of their important resources. They began publishing their newspapers under new names to avoid censorship. Despite all their difficulties the workers supported them more than ever, the Provisional government was exposed as a supporter of the capitalist elite and the imperialists. The Provisional government started forming stronger ties with the old capitalist party, the Cadets, to make up for the support they lost from the workers.

In August, there was an attempted coup against the Provisional government, called the “Kornilov Affair”. Kornilov was a general of the White Guard in the Russian army, who wanted to institute military dictatorship and strong rule of law, to stop the chaos in Russia. In other words, complete counter-revolution, end to the demonstrations, end to democracy, end to the working class movement.

The railway workers started a strike and refused to transport his troops while the workers and soldiers of Petrograd formed the armed Red Guard units and took up the defence of Petrograd against Kornilov. Kornilov’s coup ended in failure.

After the overthrow of the monarchy, the formation of soviets had begun again in all large cities, but at the time their leadership would be predominantly Menshevik.

In September, the Bolsheviks gained the majority in the Petrograd Soviet and soon after in the soviets of Moscow and other large cities. The Soviets already carried out many important functions in the cities as the Russian government was incapable of doing so. The Soviets even organized the defence of Petrograd. As the economy was in ruins and the war effort was failing, more people turned towards the Soviets' leadership.

==== Great October Socialist Revolution ====
{{Main article|October Revolution}}
[[File:Lenin_proclaims_Soviet_power.jpeg|thumb|315x315px]]
The 6th Bolshevik party congress had agreed that they should carry out an armed revolution. In October, the Petrograd Soviet created a Military Revolutionary Committee. These special bodies were formed all over the country connected with each soviet in each city. The Menshevik and SR minorities in the soviets opposed revolution, but the SR party split. The “left-SR” group sided with the Bolsheviks.

The Bolshevik soldiers organization took over the garrison. On 24 October the Military Revolutionary Committee occupied the telegraph, telephone offices and other important buildings. The cruiser ''Aurora'', which was controlled by Bolshevik sailors, fired a shot to signal the beginning of the revolution. The workers and soldiers stormed the winter palace. The same evening there was a congress of Soviets, where delegates arrived from all over the country. This congress elected the new Russian government, elected by the soviets of workers and soldiers, the Soviet Government. The October Revolution had taken power.

The October Revolution showed that a revolution by the ordinary people was possible. It showed that capitalism is ultimately incapable of solving its internal contradictions. Despite getting moderate leftists into the government, the policy was as imperialist, profit-driven and anti-popular as during the Tsarist era. The moderate leftists didn’t improve capitalism, they were used by capitalism. Only revolution stopped Russia’s involvement in the World War, carried out land reform and dealt with the crisis of unregulated capitalism, and began the process of building a new economic model which would serve the needs and interests of the people, not profits.<ref name=":9">{{News citation|journalist=TheFinnishBolshevik|date=2017-11-08|title=Brief History of the October Revolution|url=https://mltheory.wordpress.com/2017/11/08/brief-history-of-the-october-revolution/|retrieved=2022-03-25}}</ref>

==== Civil War ====
{{Main article|Russian Civil War}}
The October Revolution led to a civil war where the capitalists tried to seize back the state. 14 capitalist governments including the [[United States of America|USA]], [[United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland|Great Britain]], [[French Republic (1870–1940)|France]], [[Empire of Japan (1868–1947)|Japan]], [[Republic of Poland (1918–1939)|Poland]] and many others invaded [[Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (1917–1991)|Soviet Russia]] to destroy the Soviet government, but they failed, and the Soviet Union was created.<ref name=":9" />

===Treaty on formation of the USSR ===
<blockquote>''See main article: [[Declaration and Treaty on the Formation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics]]''</blockquote>

=== New Economic Policy ===
Lenin proposed the [[New Economic Policy]] at the [[10th Congress of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks)|10th Party Congress]] in March 1921. The NEP allowed peasants to keep their grain and sell their surplus. By 1924, the Soviet Union had defeated foreign invaders and the counterrevolutionary Whites and nationalized key industries. [[Leon Trotsky|Trotsky]] and the [[Left Opposition]] believed that the Soviet Union could only survive if there was a socialist revolution in the [[imperial core]]. The [[14th Congress of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks)|14th Party Congress]] in 1925 rejected the Left Opposition and adopted a course of rapid industrialization for the Soviet economy to catch up to the West.<ref name=":02" />:18–25 The Central Committee purged Trotsky and his supporters from the party in 1927.<ref name=":0223">{{Citation|author=Ludo Martens|year=1996|title=Another View of Stalin|chapter=|page=|pdf=https://gateway.ipfs.io/ipfs/bafykbzaceab64vxtxpqt2cdl4zsrsftmedqidn4foq74gr25qkd35z5nwogdi?filename=Ludo%20Martens%20-%20Another%20View%20of%20Stalin-Editions%20EPO%20%281996%29.pdf|publisher=Editions EPO|isbn=9782872620814}}</ref>:116–9

The [[Right Opposition]], led by [[Nikolai Bukharin|Bukharin]] and [[Alexei Rykov|Rykov]], strongly supported the NEP and encouraged private enterprise. They opposed [[collectivization]] and rapid industrialization.<ref name=":02">{{Citation|author=Roger Keeran, Thomas Kenny|year=2010|title=Socialism Betrayed: Behind the Collapse of the Soviet Union|chapter=|page=|pdf=https://ipfs.io/ipfs/bafykbzaceaj5ucph44bjwyhlhsbycckr3ts76zbucn2hbrea32tltcd4s5ekg?filename=Roger%20Keeran_%20Thomas%20Kenny%20-%20Socialism%20Betrayed_%20Behind%20the%20Collapse%20of%20the%20Soviet%20Union-iUniverse.com%20%282010%29.pdf|publisher=iUniverse.com|isbn=9781450241717}}</ref>:18–25 When the Five Year Plans finally began, Bukharin wanted to prioritize light industry over heavy industry.<ref name=":0223" />:35–42

During the NEP, the rural economy recovered from the wars. The agricultural production of the peasants alone in 1926 was higher than the peasants and landlord's estates combined before World War I. The number of pigs and cattle in 1928 was between 7% and 10% higher than in 1914. Agriculture continued to be mostly individualized. Kulaks and Orthodox priests controlled much of the countryside and continued to take land from poor and middle peasants.<ref name=":0223" />:45–61

=== Industrialization and collectivization ===
[[File:Life has become better poster.png|thumb|315x315px|"Widen the front of the [[Alexei Stakhanov|Stakhanovite]] movement."]]
By the end of the NEP in 1928, different fields of heavy industry had reached or surpassed the pre-war level. The Soviet Union began its first Five Year Plan in 1928 to create modern industry in order to mechanize agriculture and strengthen the country against invaders.<ref name=":0223" />:35–42 From 1928 to 1940, industrial production grew by an average of 11% every year. Literacy rates increased from 46% to 80%.<ref name=":02" />:18–25

In 1936, the Soviet Union adopted a [[Library:Constitution of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (1936)|new constitution]] that replaced the previous constitution from 1924. It guaranteed [[gender]], [[Race|racial]], and [[Nation|national]] equality and freedom of [[religion]], speech, and the press. It also established universal suffrage and equal election of deputies, whereas urban areas had previously had previously been overrepresented.<ref>{{Citation|author=[[Joseph Stalin]]|year=1939|title=History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks)|chapter=The Bolshevik Party in the Struggle to Complete the Building of the Socialist Society. Introduction of the New Constitution|mia=https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/stalin/works/1939/x01/ch03.htm|chapter-url=https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/stalin/works/1939/x01/ch12.htm}}</ref>

Between 1938 and 1941, the Red Army grew from two to six or seven million soldiers. Construction of railroads and factories continued in the Urals, Siberia, and Central Asia.<ref name=":0223" />:35–42

==== Industrialization ====
The industrial output of the Soviet Union doubled between 1929 and 1933. During this same time period, the economies of capitalist countries were shrinking because of the [[Great Depression]], which did not affect the Soviet Union.<ref name=":6">{{Web citation|author=[[TheFinnishBolshevik]]|newspaper=ML-Theory|title=The results of the 1st & 2nd Five-Year Plans: Soviet industrial revolution.|date=2016-08-07|url=https://mltheory.wordpress.com/2016/08/07/the-results-of-the-1st-2nd-soviet-five-year-plans-soviet-industrial-revolution/|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220622100104/https://mltheory.wordpress.com/2016/08/07/the-results-of-the-1st-2nd-soviet-five-year-plans-soviet-industrial-revolution/|archive-date=2022-06-22|retrieved=2022-08-07}}</ref> Electrical generation reached 4.07 gigawatts by 1935, surpassing Lenin's goal by 133%.<ref name=":0223" />:35–42

From 1928 to 1932, the number of industrial workers in the USSR doubled from three to six million, and the country began establishing industrial centers in the Urals and Siberia. By 1932, 56% of the USSR's national income was reinvested in capital outlay.<ref name=":0223" />:35–42

==== Collectivization ====
A series of bad harvests in 1924, 1927, and 1928 led the Soviet government to seize grain from the kulaks to avoid famine in the cities. The government decided to collectivize farming as fast as possible, but Bukharin disagreed and believed kulak production would naturally develop into collective farms. By 1929, cities had to ration bread, meat, sugar, and tea.<ref name=":0223" />:45–61 The Central Committee officially began collectivization in November 1929 and divided the USSR into three groups: the North Caucasus and Middle and Lower Volga would have to collectivize by spring 1931; Ukraine, Kazakhstan, Siberia, the Urals, and the Central Black Earth Region by spring 1932; and Transcaucasia, Moscow, and the rest of Central Asia by 1933.<ref>{{Citation|author=Joseph Stalin|year=1939|title=History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks)|chapter=The Bolshevik Party in the Struggle for the Collectivization of Agriculture|mia=https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/stalin/works/1939/x01/ch03.htm|chapter-url=https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/stalin/works/1939/x01/ch11.htm}}</ref>

Collective farms (''kolkhozy'') surpassed the kulaks in 1929, and 7.5% of peasants had joined collective farms by October 1929. The peasants expropriated kulaks and exiled many of them. By January 1930, 18.1% of peasant families were collectivized including more than 39% in the Volga and Ural regions. Some local authorities were overenthusiastic and tried to collectivize too quickly. Because rural areas lacked a strong party presence, the Central Committee sent [[Sergo Orjonikidze|Orjonikidze]], [[Lazar Kaganovich|Kaganovich]], and [[Yakov Yakovlev|Yakovlev]] to the countryside in February 1930 to educate and oversee the peasantry. Ukraine organized almost 4,000 courses for 275,000 peasants, and the Red Army trained tractor drivers and radio and agriculture specialists.

In January 1930, the party sent 25,000 industrial workers to the countryside to help with collectivization and prevent excesses. Many were [[All-Union Leninist Young Communist League|Komsomol]] members or veterans of the Civil War. They criticized local authorities for forcing peasants to collectivize without preparation and helped win support for collectivization. Kulaks murdered many of these workers and claimed they made an alliance with the antichrist. The workers organized literacy campaigns and ended the cycle of famines that had existed for centuries.<ref name=":0223" />:45–61

During the First Five Year Plan, crop area increased from 118 million hectares to 129.7 million. In 1929, only 3.9% of farms had been collectivized, but by 1933 75% of farmland was in collective farms, 10.8% was in state farms (''sovkhozy''), and 15.7% was farmed by individual peasants. Over 167,000 collective farms were established during this period. The number of livestock decreased dramatically due to kulaks killing their animals to sabotage the Soviet Union. The number of tractors increased from 34,900 to 204,100 during the First Five Year Plan, and the number of combine harvesters increased from 1,700 to 13,500.

During the Second Five Year Plan, livestock recovered from the kulak sabotage. By 1938, there were more than twice as many sheep, goats, and hogs as there had been in 1933. The number of cattle increased by 64.6% during the Second Five Year Plan and the number of horses increased by 5.4%. The amount of mechanical farm equipment continued to increase, and the number of tractors grew from 210,900 to 483,500.<ref name=":6" />

==== Internal struggles ====
In early 1932, Trotsky sent letters to [[Karl Radek|Radek]], [[Grigory Sokolnikov|Sokolnikov]] and [[Yevgeni Preobrazhensky|Probrazhensky]] and encouraged them to join anti-[[Joseph Stalin|Stalin]] activities. [[Leonid Nikolaev]] assassinated [[Sergei Kirov]] in December 1934 in a party office in Leningrad. [[Grigory Zinoviev]], a [[Trotskyism|Trotskyist]], had inspired the assassination.<ref name=":0223" />:116–9

Members of the Right Opposition also planned to overthrow the Soviet government, and Moscow party leader [[Martemyan Ryutin]] released a 200-page platform calling for the overthrow of the CPSU leadership and decollectivization.<ref name=":0223" />:135–41

Marshal [[Mikhail Tukhachevsky|Tukhachevsky]] and other military officials were executed in 1937 for planning to assassinate Stalin and install a pro-German government, and the political commissar system of the Civil War was introduced to prevent a [[Napoleon Bonaparte|Napoleon]]-style military coup.<ref name=":0223" />:150–2 In 1939, Colonel Tokaev met with five high-ranking Red Army officers and discussed a plan to overthrow Stalin in the case of war.<ref name=":0223" />:135–41

In July 1937, Stalin and [[Vyacheslav Molotov|Molotov]] released a list of 72,950 criminals and wreckers to be executed, and [[Nikolai Yezhov|Yezhov]] signed the list. All executions had to be approved by troikas. In late 1937, local authorities attempted to increase execution quotas and purge innocent party members. In January 1938, the Central Committee criticized excessive repression, and [[Lavrentiy Beria|Beria]] even called Yezhov a [[German Reich (1933–1945)|Nazi]] agent in late 1938. On 11 November 1938, Stalin ordered Yezhov to stop the purges.<ref name=":0223" />:166–7

===Great Patriotic War===
<blockquote>''See main article: [[Second World War]]''</blockquote>[[File:Death to invaders poster.png|thumb|290x290px|"Death to the German invaders"]]Contrary to the propaganda that mentioned that Stalin wasn't ready for the war, on January 31st, 1931, he mentions the importance of the creation of an industrial base in the Ural mountains, Siberia and Kazakhstan.<ref>{{Citation|author=Domenico Losurdo, David Ferreira|year=2020|title=Stalin: The History and Critique of a Black Legend|chapter=How to Cast a God into Hell: The Khrushchev Report|section=The Quick Unraveling of the Blitzkrieg|page=22|quote=In fact, Stalin had insisted repeatedly and vigorously on this. On January 31st, 1931, he pushes forward the “creation of a new and well-equipped industrial base in the Ural Mountains, Siberia and Kazakhstan.”|lg=http://library.lol/main/fab891d8f6bbf7bb49e78240483751e4|trans-lang=Italian}}</ref> Following the [[Kingdom of Italy (1861–1946)|Italian]] invasion of [[Ethiopian Empire|Ethiopia]] in 1935, the USSR proposed a collective security system for Europe and signed defense treaties with France and [[Czechoslovak Republic (1918–1938)|Czechoslovakia]]. Germany and [[Empire of Japan (1868–1947)|Japan]] signed the [[Anti-Comintern Pact]] in November 1936, and Italy joined soon after. In May 1938, the USSR sent 40 divisions to guard the western border of Czechoslovakia from Germany, but Britain and France negotiated with Germany to let the Nazis annex the Sudeten region of Czechoslovakia. When the Nazis annexed the rest of Czechoslovakia, the USSR began more negotiations with Britain and France, but they refused to make an alliance and Britain instead made a secret agreement with the Nazis agreeing to protect the British Empire. Poland also refused a defense agreement against Germany. From May to August 1939, the USSR fought off a Japanese invasion of [[Mongolian People's Republic (1924–1992)|Mongolia]].<ref name=":0223" />:185–7

In March 1941, Stalin sent 800,000 reservists to the western border of the USSR. On 21 June, a German deserter reported that the Nazis would attack the next night. [[Semen Tymoshenko|Tymoshenko]] and [[Georgy Zhukov|Zhukov]] alerted all units and told them to occupy firing posts in fortified areas. Germany bombed border cities in the morning of 22 June and Stalin ordered the Politburo to convene. Two days after the Nazi invasion, the Soviets managed to move over 1500 major industrial companies after the Urals.<ref>{{Citation|author=Domenico Losurdo, David Ferreira|year=2020|title=Stalin: The History and Critique of a Black Legend|chapter=How to Cast a God into Hell: The Khrushchev Report|section=The Quick Unraveling of the Blitzkrieg|page=22|quote=Yes, “created two days after the German invasion, the Evacuation Committee managed to move to the East 1,500 major industrial companies, after titanic operations of great logistic complexity.”|lg=http://libgen.li/ads.php?md5=fab891d8f6bbf7bb49e78240483751e4|trans-lang=Italian}}</ref> On 26 June, the Red Army began building a reserve front 300 km behind the front lines. The Nazis broke the Western Front and approached Minsk in the same day.<ref name=":0223" />:191–223 Hitler himself was amazed at the resistance posed by the Soviet Union, mentioning that they found railways that weren't on the maps, huge factories where only villages were before, and himself exclaiming "How is it possible that such a primitive people can reach such technical objectives in such a short period of time?"<ref>{{Citation|author=Domenico Losurdo, David Ferreira|year=2020|title=Stalin: The History and Critique of a Black Legend|chapter=How to Cast a God into Hell: The Khrushchev Report|section=The Quick Unraveling of the Blitzkrieg|page=23|quote=November 29th, 1941:
How is it possible that such a primitive people can reach such technical objectives in such a short period of time?

August 26th, 1942:
With respect to Russia, it is incontestable that Stalin raised the standard of living. The
Russian people don’t go hungry [at the moment when Operation Barbarossa was launched]. In general, it’s necessary to recognize that they have built factories of similar importance to Hermann Goering Reichswerke where two years ago nothing but unknown villages existed. We come across railway lines that aren’t on the maps.|lg=http://library.lol/main/fab891d8f6bbf7bb49e78240483751e4|trans-lang=Italian}}</ref>

During the Second World War, the Soviet Union took control of the [[Baltics|Baltic states]] and liberated them from [[Fascism|fascist]] rule.<ref name=":04">{{Citation|author=Albert Szymanski|year=1984|title=Human Rights in the Soviet Union|chapter=|page=|pdf=https://cloudflare-ipfs.com/ipfs/bafykbzaceazdmtb2y3qq27fve5ib3gk7uv2unt6ae2xss74xmfpur7k5uhl5m?filename=Albert%20Szymanski%20-%20Human%20Rights%20in%20the%20Soviet%20Union_%20Including%20Comparisons%20with%20the%20U.S.A.-Zed%20Books%20Ltd.%20%281984%29.pdf|city=London|publisher=Zed Books Ltd|isbn=0862320186|lg=https://libgen.rs/book/index.php?md5=C597B1232D9EA6B0F3DCB438D7E15A81}}</ref>:78–82 On 8 August 1945, exactly three months after the defeat of Nazi Germany, Soviet troops entered [[Empire of (Great) Manchuria|Manchuria]] and [[Korea]], and Japan surrendered within a week.<ref name=":12">{{Citation|author=Stephen Gowans|year=2018|title=Patriots, Traitors and Empires: The Story of Korea’s Struggle for Freedom|chapter=|page=|pdf=https://ipfs.io/ipfs/bafykbzaced4iiga4ngtxusr2civjxewbili5jne2sbpefbx2s3im2kphattzc?filename=Stephen%20Gowans%20-%20Patriots%2C%20Traitors%20and%20Empires_%20The%20Story%20of%20Korea%E2%80%99s%20Struggle%20for%20Freedom-Baraka%20Books%20%282018%29.pdf|city=Montreal|publisher=Baraka Books|isbn=9781771861427|lg=https://libgen.rs/book/index.php?md5=8435F6FF91279531705764823FDC2A7F}}</ref>:72 The USSR and United States then agreed to temporarily divide Korea along the 38th parallel, with the occupation lasting no more than five years. The Soviets left Korea in late 1948, but the US military did not and continues to occupy [[Republic of Korea|south Korea]] to this day.<ref name=":12" />:79

=== Postwar period ===
==== Stalin's last years ====
The Fourth Five-Year Plan began in February 1946, and industry recovered to prewar levels by 1948. By 1950, industrial production was 73% higher than 1940 and consumer goods were 23% higher. The USSR developed its first [[Nuclear weapon|atomic bomb]] in 1947, ending the USA's nuclear monopoly.<ref name=":0223" />:239–45

After the war, Stalin and [[Andrei Zhdanov|Zhdanov]] initially wanted to reduce military and heavy industry spending. Stalin changed his mind when the [[Marshall Plan]] and [[Truman Doctrine]] showed that the United States was committed to destroying the USSR. By 1952, industrial production reached 2.5 times the amount from before the Second World War.<ref name=":02" />:18–53

The USSR recognized [[State of Israel|Israel]] shortly after its founding but reversed its position in 1953 and supported [[Arab Republic of Egypt|Egypt]] against Israel in the [[Six-Day War]].'''<ref name=":04" />''':90–5

==== Khrushchev period ====
After Stalin died in 1953, [[Nikita Khrushchev]] became General Secretary and [[Georgy Malenkov]] became Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars. The Central Committee under Khrushchev secretly arrested [[Lavrentiy Beria]], head of the [[People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs|NKVD]], and began releasing [[Counterrevolution|counterrevolutionaries]] from prison.

In January 1954, Khrushchev introduced the Virgin Lands policy in an attempt to increase agricultural production by farming new areas in Siberia and Kazakhstan. 300,000 volunteers cultivated 13 million hectares of land in the first year and another 14 million the next year. Molotov criticized this policy for redirecting resources away from industrialization. The campaign was initially very successful, peaking in 1956, but it declined after that and ended in 1964. Khrushchev also tried to increase cattle production by growing corn to feed livestock and promoted chemical fertilizers instead of rotating crops.

Khrushchev delivered a "Secret Speech" in 1956 condemning Stalin. Although most of the Central Committee supported the speech, Molotov, Malenkov, Kaganovich, and [[Kliment Voroshilov|Voroshilov]] said it gave an unbalanced account of Stalin. In 1957, the Presidium voted 7 to 3 (with one abstention) to remove Khrushchev from power. The Central Committee then expelled Molotov, Malenkov, Shepilov, and Kaganovich from positions of power.

Khrushchev decentralized economic planning and replaced it with local planning authorities. He allowed some counterrevolutionary propaganda including [[Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn|Solzhenitsyn]]'s novels to be published. He reduced quality of cadre by allowing mass recruitment into the party, required a third of officials to be replaced at every election, and split the party into industrial and agricultural sections.<ref name=":02" />:18–53

In the late 1950s, the Soviet Union rescinded the 1920 [[Karakhan Manifesto]], which returned all Chinese territories occupied by the Russian Empire to China.<ref name=":122222">{{Citation|author=[[Vijay Prashad]]|year=2008|title=The Darker Nations: A People's History of the Third World|chapter=Tawang|page=166|pdf=https://cloudflare-ipfs.com/ipfs/bafykbzaceascnzh26r5d6uitjjs2z7rflhaxlt7rboz5whzdf76qg6xxvecqq?filename=%28A%20New%20Press%20People%27s%20history%29%20Vijay%20Prashad%20-%20The%20darker%20nations_%20a%20people%27s%20history%20of%20the%20third%20world-The%20New%20Press%20%282008%29.pdf|publisher=The New Press|isbn=9781595583420|lg=https://libgen.rs/book/index.php?md5=9B40B96E830128A7FE0E0E887C06829F}}</ref>

==== Brezhnev period ====
The [[Communist Party of the Soviet Union|CPSU]] removed Khrushchev from power in 1964 and reintroduced central planning. [[Leonid Brezhnev|Brezhnev]] succeeded Khrushchev as General Secretary and served until 1982. He replaced Khrushchev's replacement policy with a stability of cadre policy which resisted changes in leadership. He also reversed Khrushchev's division of the party and mass recruitment. Although the Brezhnev period is often seen as a period of stagnation, the Soviet economy continued to grow more than twice as fast as Western countries. Unfortunately, Brezhnev was also responsible for nepotism and corruption.<ref name=":02" />:18–53 In addition, the black market grew during this period and led to the creation of a [[Petty bourgeoisie|petty-bourgeois]] class.<ref name=":02" />:63

==== Andropov year ====
After Brezhnev's death in 1982, [[Yuri Andropov]] was elected as General Secretary. He attempted to reverse the revisionist policies of his predecessors but died of kidney failure only 15 months into his term. He planned to modernize Soviet technology, improve economic planning, and combat absenteeism and drunkenness in the workplace.<ref name=":02" />:18–53

===Decline and counterrevolution===

====Glasnost and perestroika====
[[Mikhail Gorbachev]] became General Secretary of the CPSU in 1985 and introduced [[Liberalism|liberal]] reforms. A group led by Premier [[Nikolai Ryzhkov]] favored using science and technology to increase production instead of Gorbachev's privatization. Central Committee Secretary [[Lev Zaikov]] supported changing investment policy and promoting inspections and wage differentials. Second Secretary [[Yegor Ligachyov]] opposed consumerism and corruption and upheld central planning and discipline.<ref name=":02" />:110–1

At the 19th Party Conference in June 1988, Gorbachev proposed a new system of government. It consisted of a Congress of People's Deputies with 50% of seats reserved for non-party members, and a smaller Supreme Soviet elected by the Congress. The Congress would elect an executive president instead of a Council of People's Commissars.<ref name=":02" />:148–9

Gorbachev ended assistance to Soviet allies in [[Democratic Republic of Afghanistan (1978–1992)|Afghanistan]] and [[Warsaw Pact|Eastern Europe]] in 1988, allowing widespread [[Counterrevolutions of 1989|counterrevolution]]. He and [[Alexander Yakovlev|Yakovlev]] ignored [[Nationalism|nationalist]] and separatist movements in the Baltics. Gorbachev also failed to respond to nationalist riots in [[Kazakh Soviet Socialist Republic (1936–1991)|Kazakhstan]] and even incited a rebellion of Armenians in [[Nagorno-Karabakh]] to embarrass his political opponents.<ref name=":02" />:157–64 Shortages were common, caused by Gorbachev's policies, as well as economic sanctions, and being forced to participate in the Arms Race, which drained money and resources.

Between 1989 and 1991, Gorbachev changed the CPSU from a [[vanguard party]] into a parliamentary party, undermined central planning, encouraged black market activity, allowed the West to infiltrate media through ''[[glasnost]]'', and surrendered to the United States in terms of foreign policy, abandoning [[anti-imperialism]] and seeking Western support. He changed positions on the national question and initially attempted to repress Baltic separatists before negotiating with them.<ref name=":02" />:170–205

==== Yeltsin–Gorbachev struggle ====
The March 1989 elections to Congress of People's Deputies overrepresented intellectuals and underrepresented workers and peasants. 87% of its members were from the CPSU, but 44% of party members who ran unopposed were not elected. [[Boris Yeltsin]] was elected, but many party leaders lost their positions. Members of the Congress disputed basic ideas of Marxism–Leninism such as the vanguard party and [[Marxist economics]].

In 1989, a massive mine strike began, which was the first major labor unrest since the 1920s. The government shipped large quantities of food and supplies to mining areas.

By early 1990, there was a system of [[dual power]] in which Gorbachev controlled the USSR and Yeltsin controlled Russia. Yeltsin took control of most of the Soviet media between 1989 and 1991 and took power in Moscow and Leningrad by March 1990. Anti-Soviet groups such as the [[Social democracy|social-democratic]] [[Democratic Platform]] and the [[Market socialism|market socialist]] [[Marxist Platform]] formed within the CPSU. After the 28th Party Congress in July 1990, Yeltsin and the Democratic Platform left the CPSU, and left-oppositionists such as [[Yegor Ligachyov|Ligachyov]] founded the [[Communist Party of the Russian Federation|CPRF]]. The party collapsed after the Congress and approached bankruptcy.

Gorbachev removed the CPSU's influence in the [[Soviet Army]] and shrank the army from 5.3 million to under 4 million. As late as May 1990, 70% of the Central Committee opposed Gorbachev, and the majority of the workers voted to keep the USSR in March 1991. Black market profits and organized crime funded pro-capitalist politicians. The [[Democratic Russia]] group opposed the vanguard party and promoted parliamentary control of the [[Committee for State Security|KGB]], a market economy, and the sovereignty of the RSFSR.

In July 1990, Gorbachev removed Ryzhkov from power and made a deal with Yeltsin, then the head of the RSFSR Supreme Soviet. Ryzhkov and his economist, [[Leonid Abalkin]], had proposed a six-year plan of gradual privatization, but Gorbachev and Yeltsin chose [[Stanislav Shatalin]] to privatize the economy within 500 days. The plan gave all taxing power to the republics and prioritized the laws of each republic over all-union laws. Gorbachev eventually criticized the plan for being too rapid, but his followers, including Yakovlev, [[Eduard Shevardnadze|Shevardnadze]], [[Georgy Shakhnazarov|Shakhnazarov]], [[Roy Medvedev|Medvedev]], and [[Anatoly Chernyayev|Chernyayev]], supported it.<ref name=":02" />:170–205

==== August Coup ====
<blockquote>''See main article: [[August Coup|August Coup]]''</blockquote>The August Coup occurred between August 19 and 22, 1991 and was an attempt by hardliners in the [[Communist Party of the Soviet Union]] (CPSU) to oust revisionist [[Mikhail Gorbachev]] from office and roll-back his policies. The coup was planned by top military and civilian officials, including Vice President [[Gennady Yanayev]], who together formed the State Committee on the State of Emergency (GKChP).

The GKChP hardliners dispatched [[KGB]] agents, who detained Gorbachev at his dacha in [[Crimea]] but failed to detain the recently elected president of a newly reconstituted [[Russia]], [[Boris Yeltsin]], who had been both an ally and critic of Gorbachev. The coup's failure was instrumental in the [[Overthrow of the Soviet Union|counterrevolution which overthrew the Soviet Union]] four months later in December 1991.{{Citation needed}}

====Dissolution====
<blockquote>''See main article: [[Overthrow of the Soviet Union|Overthrow of the USSR]]''</blockquote>The overthrow of the Soviet Union was the process of [[Bourgeoisie|bourgeois]] counter-revolution which culminated in the disintegration of the USSR into independent states in December of 1991. Among the various causes for dissolution was the organization of a bourgeois class inside the USSR under a 'shadow economy' which effectively guaranteed their interests through corrupt officials of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU). It's generally accepted that the political and economic policies of Khrushchev, Brezhnev and ultimately Gorbachev paved the way for counter-revolution in the USSR.

==Government==

===Elections===
[[File:British vs. Soviet electoral system.png|thumb|371x371px|Diagram contrasting the British and Soviet electoral systems]]
Before 1936, [[Clergy|priests]], landlords, [[Bourgeoisie|capitalists]], and former [[White movement|Whites]] were not allowed to vote. The 1936 Soviet constitution removed these restrictions so all citizens aged 18 or older could vote, with the exception of insane people and convicted criminals disenfranchised by a court. Under the 1924 constitution, the people elected the lowest level of representatives and higher soviets were elected indirectly. The 1936 constitution made all soviets from the local to all-union level directly elected.<ref>{{Citation|author=Joseph Stalin|year=1939|title=History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks)|chapter=The Bolshevik Party in the Struggle to Complete the Building of the Socialist Society. Introduction of the New Constitution|mia=https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/stalin/works/1939/x01/ch03.htm|chapter-url=https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/stalin/works/1939/x01/ch12.htm}}</ref>

===Supreme Soviet===
The [[Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union]] was the legislature of the USSR and was elected every four years. It consisted of two branches: the [[Soviet of the Union]], which was elected based on population, and the [[Soviet of Nationalities]], which was elected according to the republics, [[Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republics|ASSRs]], [[autonomous oblasts]], and [[autonomous okrugs]] of the Soviet Union. Either house could initiate legislation and it had to be passed by a majority vote of both houses to become law. Each house elected a chairman and two vice-chairmen to preside over their sessions, which occurred twice every year. The [[Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union|Presidium of the Supreme Soviet]] could also convene special sessions.<ref name=":2" /> Before 1936, the Supreme Soviet was known as the [[Congress of Soviets]] and the Soviet of the Union was known as the [[Federal Soviet]].<ref name=":1">{{Citation|author=Second All-Union Congress of Soviets|year=1924|title=Constitution of the Soviet Union|title-url=https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Constitution_of_the_Soviet_Union_(1924)|chapter=}}</ref>

The Federal Soviet was elected with one deputy per 25,000 urban inhabitants or 125,000 rural inhabitants.<ref name=":1" /> After 1936, the Soviet of the Union had one deputy for every 300,000 inhabitants.<ref name=":2">{{Citation|author=[[Joseph Stalin]]|year=1936|title=Constitution of the Soviet Union|title-url=https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Constitution_of_the_Soviet_Union_(1936)|chapter=The Highest Organs of State Authority of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics}}</ref>

From 1924 to 1936, the Soviet of Nationalities had five deputies for every union republic and one for every autonomous republic and autonomous oblast.<ref name=":1" /> In 1936, this was changed to 25 for every union republic, ten for each ASSR, five for each autonomous oblast, and one for each autonomous okrug.<ref name=":2" /> In 1977, it was changed again so that every SSR would have 32 deputies and every ASSR would have 11.<ref>{{Citation|author=Government of the Soviet Union|year=1977|title=Constitution of the Soviet Union|title-url=https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Constitution_of_the_Soviet_Union_(1977,_Unamended)|chapter=Higher Bodies of State Authority and Administration of the USSR}}</ref>

===Presidium===
The Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union was elected at a combined session of the Soviet of the Union and the Soviet of Nationalities. It consisted of a [[President of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union|President]], Secretary, one vice president from every union republic, and 24 members.<ref name=":1" />

===Council of People's Commissars===
The [[Council of People's Commissars of the Soviet Union|Council of People's Commissars]] (Sovnarkom) was the executive branch of the USSR and was elected at a joint session of the Soviet of the Union and Soviet of Nationalities.<ref name=":1" />

===Supreme Court===
The [[Supreme Court of the Soviet Union|Supreme Court]] was the highest court in the Soviet Union and was elected by the Supreme Soviet once every five years.<ref name=":1" />

==Administrative divisions==
<blockquote>''See main articles: [[Soviet republic (system of government)]] and [[Republics of the Soviet Union]]''</blockquote>
Constitutionally, the USSR was a federation of constituent Union Republics, which were either unitary states, such as [[Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic|Ukraine]] or [[Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic|Byelorussia]] (SSRs), or federations, such as [[Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic|Russia]] or [[Transcaucasian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic|Transcaucasia]] (SFSRs), all four being the founding republics who signed the [[Declaration and Treaty on the Formation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics]] in December 1922. In 1924, during the [[National delimitation in the Soviet Union|national delimitation]] in [[Central Asia]], [[Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic|Uzbekistan]] and [[Turkmen Soviet Socialist Republic|Turkmenistan]] were formed from parts of Russia's [[Turkestan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic|Turkestan ASSR]] and two Soviet dependencies, the [[Khorezm People's Soviet Republic|Khorezm]] and [[Bukharan People's Soviet Republic|Bukharan SSRs]]. In 1929, [[Tajik Soviet Socialist Republic|Tajikistan]] was split off from the Uzbekistan SSR. With the constitution of 1936, the Transcaucasian SFSR was dissolved, resulting in its constituent republics of [[Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic|Armenia]], [[Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic|Georgia]] and [[Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic|Azerbaijan]] being elevated to Union Republics, while [[Kazakh Soviet Socialist Republic|Kazakhstan]] and [[Kirghiz Soviet Socialist Republic|Kirghizia]] were split off from Russian SFSR, resulting in the same status.<ref>{{Citation|last=Adams, Simon |title=Russian Republics |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=LyqIDCc-cSsC |year=2005 |page=21 |publisher=Black Rabbit Books |isbn=978-1-58340-606-9|access-date=20 June 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150512041101/http://books.google.com/books?id=LyqIDCc-cSsC&dq|archive-date=12 May 2015|url-status=live}}</ref> In August 1940, [[Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic|Moldavia]] was formed from parts of Ukraine and [[Soviet occupation of Bessarabia and northern Bukovina|Bessarabia]] and Ukrainian SSR. [[Estonian Soviet Socialist Republic|Estonia]], [[Latvian Soviet Socialist Republic|Latvia]] and [[Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic|Lithuania]] (SSRs) were also [[Soviet occupation of the Baltic states (1940)|admitted into the union]]. [[Karelo-Finnish Soviet Socialist Republic|Karelia]] was split off from Russia as a Union Republic in March 1940 and was reabsorbed in 1956. Between July 1956 and September 1991, there were 15 union republics (see map below).<ref>{{Citation|last=Feldbrugge, Ferdinand Joseph Maria |title=Russian Law: The Rnd of the Soviet system and the Role of Law |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=JWt7MN3Dch8C |year=1993 |page=94 |publisher=[[Martinus Nijhoff Publishers]] |isbn=978-0-7923-2358-7|access-date=20 June 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150512041218/http://books.google.com/books?id=JWt7MN3Dch8C&dq|archive-date=12 May 2015|url-status=live}}</ref>

While nominally a union of equals, in practice the Soviet Union was dominated by [[Russians]]. The domination was so absolute that for most of its existence, the country was commonly (but incorrectly) referred to as "Russia". While the RSFSR was technically only one republic within the larger union, it was by far the largest (both in terms of population and area), most powerful, and most highly developed. The RSFSR was also the industrial center of the Soviet Union.

{| class="wikitable" style="margin: 1em auto 1em auto;"
|-
! colspan="2" |Republic
!Map of the Union Republics between 1956 and 1991
|-
|1
|[[File:Flag_of_the_Armenian_Soviet_Socialist_Republic_(1952–1990).svg|25x25px|]] [[Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic|Armenian SSR]]
| rowspan="15" style="width:350px;" |[[File:Republics_of_the_Soviet_Union_(1956-1991).svg|600px]]
|-
|2
|[[File:Flag_of_the_Azerbaijan_Soviet_Socialist_Republic_(1956–1991).svg|25x25px|]] [[Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic (1936–1991)|Azerbaijan SSR]]
|-
|3
|[[File:Flag_of_the_Byelorussian_Soviet_Socialist_Republic_(1951–1991).svg|25x25px|]] [[Byelorussian_Soviet_Socialist_Republic_(1920–1991)|Byelorussian SSR]]

|-
|4
|[[File:Flag_of_the_Estonian_Soviet_Socialist_Republic_(1953–1990).svg|25x25px|]] [[Estonian Soviet Socialist Republic (1940–1991)|Estonian SSR]]
|-
|5
|[[File:Flag_of_the_Georgian_Soviet_Socialist_Republic_(1951–1990).svg|25x25px|]] [[Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic (1921–1991)|Georgian SSR]]
|-
|6
|[[File:Flag_of_the_Kazakh_Soviet_Socialist_Republic.svg|25x25px|]] [[Kazakh_Soviet_Socialist_Republic_(1936–1991)|Kazakh SSR]]

|-
|7
|[[File:Flag_of_the_Kyrgyz_Soviet_Socialist_Republic.svg|25x25px|]] [[Kirghiz Soviet Socialist Republic (1936–1991)|Kirghiz SSR]]
|-
|8
|[[File:Flag_of_the_Latvian_Soviet_Socialist_Republic_(1953–1990).svg|25x25px|]] [[Latvian_Soviet_Socialist_Republic|Latvian SSR]]

|-
|9
|[[File:Flag_of_the_Lithuanian_Soviet_Socialist_Republic_(1953–1988).svg|25x25px|]] [[Lithuanian_Soviet_Socialist_Republic|Lithuanian SSR]]

|-
|10
|[[File:Flag_of_the_Moldavian_Soviet_Socialist_Republic_(1952–1990).svg|25x25px|]] [[Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic (1940–1991)|Moldavian SSR]]
|-
|11
|[[File:Flag_of_the_Russian_Soviet_Federative_Socialist_Republic_(1954–1991).svg|25x25px|]] [[Russian_Soviet_Federative_Socialist_Republic_(1917–1991)|Russian SFSR]]

|
|-
|12
|[[File:Flag_of_the_Tajik_Soviet_Socialist_Republic.svg|25x25px|]] [[Tajik Soviet Socialist Republic (1929–1991)|Tajik SSR]]
|-
|13
|[[File:Flag_of_the_Turkmen_Soviet_Socialist_Republic_(1973–1991).svg|25x25px|]] [[Turkmen_Soviet_Socialist_Republic_(1925–1991)|Turkmen SSR]]

|-
|14
|[[File:Flag_of_the_Ukrainian_Soviet_Socialist_Republic.svg|25x25px|]] [[Ukrainian_Soviet_Socialist_Republic_(1919–1991)|Ukrainian SSR]]

|-
|15
|[[File:Flag_of_the_Uzbek_Soviet_Socialist_Republic_(1952–1991).svg|25x25px|]] [[Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic (1924–1991)|Uzbek SSR]]
|}

==Economy==
In the Soviet Union, the richest people earned about five times as much money as the poorest. The income gap was tiny compared to the United States, where billionaires have many thousands of times more money than the poorest workers.<ref name=":8">{{Web citation|author=Carlos Martinez|newspaper=[[Invent the Future]]|title=Why doesn’t the Soviet Union exist any more? Part 1: Introduction|date=2017-11-19|url=https://invent-the-future.org/2017/11/why-doesnt-the-soviet-union-exist-any-more-part-1-introduction/#fnref:12|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220211213148/https://invent-the-future.org/2017/11/why-doesnt-the-soviet-union-exist-any-more-part-1-introduction/|archive-date=2022-02-11|retrieved=2022-10-08}}</ref> Peasants made up 83% of the population in 1926 but only 20% in 1975, while the industrial workforce grew from five to 62 million during the same period.<ref name=":02" />:63

===Planning===
[[File:Tenth five year plan poster.png|thumb|240x240px|"Shock work for the 10th five-year plan!"]]
The Soviet economy was a [[planned economy]], in which much of the economic planning was aided by teams of mathematicians and economists. These plans were enacted in the form of five year plans.

These five year plans used production quotas to encourage growth of the Soviet economy. Contrary to popular belief, these quotas were based on previous production records, available technology, amid many other factors

===Agriculture===
Farms and farm equipment in the USSR were collectively owned. Grain production increased by 63% from the late 1950s to the late 1970s to reach 199 million tonnes per year. In the late 1950s, the USSR began to increase the proportion of grain used as animal feed in order to increase meat, egg, and dairy production. Total agricultural production increased by 147% between 1950 and 1977 while U.S. production only increased by 64% during the same period.

The USSR's geography made agriculture difficult because only 10% of its land was suitable for grain farming and 30% was too cold for any agriculture.<ref name=":04" />:128–40

===Housing and construction===
After the October Revolution, hundreds of thousands of workers moved from slums to nationalized houses. In 1919, a decree was passed setting a minimum of at least 8.25 square meters of living space per person, 30 cubic meters of air space for every adult, and 20 cubic meters for every child. This space only included living and bed rooms, not bathrooms or entrances. Rent in the Soviet Union was kept at under 4% of workers' total incomes,<ref name=":3">{{News citation|newspaper=[[Stalin Society]]|title=Housing in the USSR|date=2017-01-13|url=https://stalinsocietygb.wordpress.com/2017/01/13/housing-in-the-ussr/|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220330020740/https://stalinsocietygb.wordpress.com/2017/01/13/housing-in-the-ussr/|archive-date=2022-03-30|retrieved=2022-05-20}}</ref> and its proportion of income gradually decreased because rent was not increased at all after 1928.<ref name=":04" />:128–40

In 1920, 254 residential buildings were built and 2,347 were repaired. From 1923 to 1927, 12.5 million square meters of living space were built. From 1927 to 1931, another 28.85 million were built. The average living space for each worker greatly increased from the revolution to 1938: there was a 94% increase in Moscow, 100% in Leningrad, 176% in the [[Donbass]], and 195% in the Urals.<ref name=":3" />

===Industry and manufacturing===

===Services===

===Environment===

==Infrastructure==

===Transportation===
The standard fare for the Soviet subway was only five kopeks, or roughly eight U.S. cents, and remained constant from the 1930s to the 1980s.<ref name=":04" />:128–40

===Energy===

===Science and technology===

== Demographics ==

=== National groups ===
{| class="wikitable"
|+Nationalities by republic<ref name=":04" />:52–7
!Republic
!Local nationality (1979)
!Russian population (1979)
!Change in local nationality (1959–1979)
|-
|Armenia
|89.7%
|2.3%
| +1.7%
|-
|Azerbaijan
|78.1%
|7.9%
| +10.6%
|-
|Belarus
|79.4%
|11.9%
| -1.7%
|-
|Estonia
|64.7%
|27.9%
| -9.9%
|-
|Georgia
|68.8%
|7.4%
| +4.5%
|-
|Kazakhstan
|36.0%
|40.8%
| +6.0%
|-
|Kyrgyzstan
|47.9%
|25.9%
| +7.2%
|-
|Latvia
|53.7%
|32.8%
| -8.3%
|-
|Lithuania
|80.0%
|8.9%
| +0.7%
|-
|Moldova
|63.9%
|12.8%
| -1.5%
|-
|Russia
|82.6%
|82.6%
| -0.7%
|-
|Tajikistan
|58.8%
|10.4%
| +5.7%
|-
|[[Tatar Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (1920–1990)|Tatarstan]]<ref group="note">Data from 1970 instead of 1979</ref>
|49.1%
|
| +1.9%
|-
|Turkmenistan
|68.4%
|12.6%
| +7.5%
|-
|Ukraine
|73.6%
|21.1%
| -3.2%
|-
|Uzbekistan
|68.7%
|10.8%
| +7.6%
|}

=== Languages ===
{| class="wikitable"
|+Languages by republic (1970)<ref name=":04" />:52–3
!Republic
!Native speakers from local nationality
!Books titles in local language
!Newspapers in local language
|-
|Armenia
|91.4%
|75%
|88%
|-
|Azerbaijan
|98.2%
|64%
|80%
|-
|Belarus
|80.2%
|21%
|75%
|-
|Estonia
|95.5%
|74%
|72%
|-
|Georgia
|98.4%
|73%
|86%
|-
|Kazakhstan
|98.0%
|31%
|37%
|-
|Kyrgyzstan
|98.8%
|47%
|55%
|-
|Latvia
|95.2%
|52%
|64%
|-
|Lithuania
|97.9%
|64%
|81%
|-
|Moldova
|95.0%
|31%
|47%
|-
|Russia
|
|93%
|93%
|-
|Tajikistan
|98.5%
|52%
|84%
|-
|Tatarstan
|89.2%
|
|
|-
|Turkmenistan
|98.9%
|65%
|70%
|-
|Ukraine
|85.7%
|37%
|80%
|-
|Uzbekistan
|98.6%
|44%
|57%
|}
In several republics, the circulation of books and newspapers in the local language was much higher than the percentage of book titles. For example, in Kazakhstan, the majority of individual books were in Kazakh even though only 31% of titles were in Kazakh. In Azerbaijan, 97% of magazine circulation was in Azeri.<ref name=":04" />:52

== Living standards ==
In 1917, the Bolsheviks reduced the working day to 8 hours. Workers had 12 to 48 guaranteed vacation days per year. The average person in the Soviet Union ate over 3,000 kilocalories per day and had a better diet than in the United States. By the 1980s, the Soviet Union had the seventh best diet in the world.<ref name=":7" /> Soviet citizens ate an average of 103 grams of protein per day, more than the UK, [[Federal Republic of Germany|West Germany]], [[Kingdom of Sweden|Sweden]], or [[Italian Republic|Italy]], and had a higher caloric intake than the UK, West Germany, or Sweden.<ref name=":04" />:128–40

Literacy increased from under 30% before the revolution to 87.4% in 1939 and reached 100% by 1970.<ref name=":7" />

Basic foods like bread, meat, dairy, and potatoes were heavily subsidized. Housing, medicine, transportation, and insurance combined only took up 15% of an average family's income.<ref name=":04" />:128–40

=== Working conditions ===
In the late 1960s, the Soviet Union adopted the 40-hour work week. The 1977 Constitution set the maximum at 41 hours with exceptions for national security; averting disasters; socially essential work such as transport, water supply, and electricity; completing work to avoid damage to [[means of production]]; and repair/maintenance to avoid putting other workers out of work.

Workers throughout the USSR had three weeks of paid vacation plus optional unpaid vacation. People who worked at night or in dangerous industries such as coal mining only worked for six or seven hours but received eight hours of pay.<ref name=":04" />:128–40

=== Education ===
Education in the Soviet Union was free<ref>{{Citation|author=Joseph Stalin|year=1936|title=Constitution of the Soviet Union|title-url=https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Constitution_of_the_Soviet_Union_(1936)|chapter=Fundamental Rights and Duties of Citizens|section=Article 121|city=Moscow}}</ref> and was mandatory between the ages of 8 and 15. There were also ten-year schools that went to the age of 18, but the last three years were not mandatory before the Great Patriotic War. The curriculum included nature study, art, music, social science, and foreign languages.<ref name=":0">{{News citation|author=Anglo-Soviet Youth Friendship Alliance|newspaper=Revolutionary Democracy|title=Education in the U.S.S.R.|url=http://www.revolutionarydemocracy.org/archive/anglosov.htm|retrieved=2022-04-17|date=1942}}</ref> School days lasted between 4.5 and 6 hours, depending on age.<ref name=":0" /> Education was available in 52 different languages.<ref>{{Web citation|author=Eugene Puryear|newspaper=[[Liberation School]]|title=Nations and Soviets: The National Question in the USSR|date=2022-06-12|url=https://www.liberationschool.org/nations-and-soviets-the-national-question-in-the-ussr/|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220613003437/https://www.liberationschool.org/nations-and-soviets-the-national-question-in-the-ussr/|archive-date=2022-06-13|retrieved=2022-08-31}}</ref>
{| class="wikitable"
|+Number of school students
!
!1913
!1929
!1933
!1942
|-
|7-year schools
|6,800,000
|11,700,000
|21,300,000
|23,000,000
|-
|10-year schools
|1,000,000
|2,700,000
|5,500,000
|17,000,000
|-
|Total
|7,800,000
|14,400,000
|33,400,000
|40,000,000
|}
Between 1932 and 1937, 20,000 schools were built in the Soviet Union. Between 1938 and 1941, 20,000 more schools were built and 500,000 new teachers were trained. Between 1913 and 1940, the number of libraries in the USSR increased by 57,400. 12% of the USSR's national budget was spent on education.

Children aged 12 and older formed committees to care for school property and help other students. Corporal punishment was illegal.<ref name=":0" />

====Literacy rates====
[[File:To have more we must produce more.png|thumb|257x257px|"To have more, we must produce more. To produce more, we must know more."]]
Before the October Revolution, most people in Central Asia were illiterate. By the late 1930s, most people throughout the Soviet Union could read and literacy was nearly universal by the late 1950s.<ref name=":8" />

====Preschool====
Optional preschool and kindergarten were available in the Soviet Union from birth to the age of 8. In 1932, there were 600,000 children in daycares; this number increased to three million by 1937.<ref name=":0" /> Child care was either free or very cheap.<ref name=":04" />:128–40

====Universities====
In 1940, there were 700 universities in the USSR with 650,000 students enrolled. There were 22 universities in [[Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic|Belarus]], 13 in [[Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic|Azerbaijan]], and 30 in [[Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic|Uzbekistan]].<ref name=":0" /> The Soviet Union had one of the highest levels of university attendance in the world.<ref name=":04" />:128–40

=== Health ===
[[File:Soviet doctor poster.png|thumb|323x323px|"Honor and Respect for the Rural Doctor! The Doctor is the Friend of the People!"]]
[[Nikolai Semashko]], the People's Commissar for Public Health from 1918 to 1930, proposed a health system based on the following principles:

*Unified principles of organization and centralization of the health care system
*Equal accessibility of healthcare for all citizens
*Priority attention to childhood and maternity
*Unity of preventive healthcare and treatment
*Elimination of social bases of diseases
*Involvement of the society in the cause of healthcare

The public health budget of the USSR increased by 75 times from the Russian Empire's budget in 1913. From the Civil War to 1928, the number of physicians increased from 19,785 to 63,219,<ref name=":5">{{News citation|author=Carlos Rule|newspaper=[[Stalin Society]]|title=Health in the USSR|date=2017-01-18|url=https://stalinsocietygb.wordpress.com/2017/01/18/health-in-the-ussr/|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220216095354/https://stalinsocietygb.wordpress.com/2017/01/18/health-in-the-ussr/|archive-date=2022-02-16|retrieved=2022-06-27}}</ref> and it reached 334,000 doctors (including dentists) by 1955. Production of pharmaceutical chemicals increased by five times from 1940 to 1950 and 3.1 times from 1950 to 1955 and there were 1,290,000 hospital beds in 1955.<ref name=":4">{{News citation|newspaper=[[Politsturm]]|title=Healthcare Under Socialism: The History of the Soviet Healthcare System|date=2021-09-07|url=https://us.politsturm.com/healthcare-under-socialism-the-history-of-the-soviet-healthcare-system/|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211112182526/https://us.politsturm.com/healthcare-under-socialism-the-history-of-the-soviet-healthcare-system/|archive-date=2021-11-12|retrieved=2022-05-20}}</ref>

Infant mortality decreased from 25% before the revolution to lower than [[Italian Republic|Italy]] or [[Republic of Austria|Austria]] by 1960,<ref name=":4" /> and child mortality decreased by half from 1917 to 1928.<ref name=":5" />

In 1978, the [[World Health Organization]] recognized the Soviet principles of healthcare as some of the best in the world.<ref name=":4" /> The Soviet Union had the most doctors per capita in the world, 34.6 per 10,000 people, which was more than twice the British level and almost twice the U.S. level. Drugs from hospitals or prescribed for chronic illnesses (70% of all medicines) were completely free.<ref name=":04" />:128–40

====By republic====
By 1941, [[Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic (1936–1991)|Azerbaijan]] had 2,500 doctors compared to 291 before the revolution. The number of physicians in [[Tajik Soviet Socialist Republic (1929–1991)|Tajikistan]] increased from 13 to 372 over the same time period.<ref name=":5" />

====Life expectancy====
In the Russian Empire, the life expectancy was only 30 years.<ref name=":04" />:128–40 Soviet life expectancy was 59.4 years in 1953. By 1965, it had increased to 68.4 years, more than twice as long as before the revolution and 15 years more than the world average at the time.<ref name=":7" /> It increased to 70.4 years by 1975, which was slightly lower than [[Japan]] or Western Europe but higher than [[Republic of Finland|Finland]] or [[Latin America]]. The Soviet life expectancy was 2.5 years longer than the non-white life expectancy in the United States.<ref name=":04" />:128–40

====Infectious diseases====
[[File:Soviet cholera poster.png|thumb|352x352px|"Citizens! Get yourself a cholera vaccine. Only against a vaccine death is powerless."]]
During the [[Russian Civil War]], there were outbreaks of cholera, typhus, and smallpox. The prevalence of typhus decreased by more than twice from 1919 to 1922 and by 80 times by 1927 and the prevalence of malaria decreased by more than three times from 1917 to 1930. Compulsory vaccination for smallpox was introduced in 1919 and it was eradicated by 1937.<ref name=":4" />

==Human rights==
Article 123 of the 1936 [[Constitution of the Soviet Union|Soviet Constitution]] guaranteed national equality and banned [[racism]].<ref name=":10">{{Citation|author=[[Joseph Stalin]]|year=1936|title=Constitution of the Soviet Union (1936)|title-url=https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Constitution_of_the_Soviet_Union_(1936)|chapter=Fundamental Rights and Duties of Citizens|section=|city=Moscow}}</ref> In 1977, it was moved to article 36.<ref name=":11">{{Citation|author=Government of the Soviet Union|year=1977|title=Constitution of the Soviet Union (1977, Unamended)|title-url=https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Constitution_of_the_Soviet_Union_(1977,_Unamended)|chapter=The State and the Individual|city=Moscow}}</ref>

===Women's rights===
After the October Revolution, the Bolsheviks gave women equal rights in marriage. Women did not have to live with their husbands anymore and could now divorce without their husband's permission as well as own [[personal property]]. Husbands could also divorce without their wife's permission unless she was pregnant or had a child under one year old.<ref name=":04" />:102–11 Article 122 of the 1936 Constitution and 35 of the 1977 Constitution banned [[sexism]] and guaranteed equal rights for women.<ref name=":10" /><ref name=":11" />

Spouses and ex-spouses did not have to support each other economically in most cases. However, an ex-husband had to pay child support to his ex-wife if she was looking after children: 25% of his income for one child, one-third for two children, and 50% for three or more children.<ref name=":04" />:102–11

Women's pay could not be lowered because of pregnancy or caring for young children. It was illegal to fire women who were pregnant or had children under one year of age. They could receive pensions starting at the age of 55, five years earlier than men.<ref name=":04" />:102–11

In higher education, women earned a majority of the country's economics, law, biology, and chemistry degrees. They also earned engineering, math, and physics degrees at a higher ratio than women in the United States.<ref name=":04" />:102–11

===Workers' rights===
{{quote|Stalin, the press, and the Stakhanovite movement all regularly encouraged ordinary people to criticize those in authority. […] Far from basing its rule on the negative means of coercion, the Soviet régime in the late 1930s fostered a limited but positive political role for the populace[.] [A]t lower levels of society, in day-to-day affairs and implementation of policy, [the political structure] was participatory. Only by staying on the surface of the story and limiting the use of evidence to certain kinds of sources can the system be described as one in which coercion overwhelmingly determined the course of workers’ lives. […] Stalin may have been a vicious murderer in the Kremlin, but a few blocks away managers had to grapple with the question of how to make the plan and keep workers on the job at the same time. This and similar issues meant that ultimately relatively little was controlled by government or party decree, which often expressed wishes rather than commands which were then fulfilled.|Robert W. Thurston|<ref name="Thurston">{{Citation|author=Robert W. Thurston|year=1992|title=Reassessing the history of Soviet workers: opportunities to criticize and participate in decision-making, 1935–1941|title-url=https://drive.google.com/file/d/1wRzUh9CXT7IP1NoPwE3mBIEKPvRoztqz|page=160–88}}</ref>}}

Many arrests in the 1930s were actually late punishments for genuine offenses such as serving in the White Army. Thurston asked ‘If the citizenry was supposed to be terrorized and stop thinking, why encourage criticism and input from below on a large scale?’ and concluded that his ‘evidence suggests that widespread fear did not exist in the case at hand [the Soviet ‘Great Terror’ period]’.<ref>{{Citation|author=Robert W. Thurston|year=1986|title=On Desk-Bound Parochialism, Commonsense Perspectives, and Lousy Evidence: A Reply to Robert Conquest|title-url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/2499177|publisher=Cambridge University Press|page=238–244|doi=10.2307/2499177}}</ref> Soviet trades unions were allowed to criticize and participate in state policies;<ref name="Thurston"/> Soviet workers could openly criticize management, the result of which often ended in favour of the critic.<ref>{{Citation|author=Harry Schwartz|year=1960|title=Soviet Men At the Top; THE RED EXECUTIVE. A Study of the Organization Man in Russian Industry. By David Granick. 334 pp. New York: Doubleday & Co. $4.50|title-url=https://www.nytimes.com/1960/05/22/archives/soviet-men-at-the-top-the-red-executive-a-study-of-the-organization.html}}</ref> Thus,

{{quote|One factory director […] implied that production meetings were a real ordeal for him. But at a question as to whether workers dared to criticize openly, he said, “any director who suppressed criticism would be severely punished. he would not only be removed, he would be tried.”|David Granick|<ref name="Granick">{{Citation|author=David Granick|year=1975|title=Restoration of Capitalism in the USSR|title-url=http://www.marx2mao.com/Other/RCSU75.html}}</ref>}}

==Culture==
[[File:Youth-soviet-sports.jpg|thumb|334x334px|"Youth to the stadiums!" B. Reshetnikov, 1962]]

===Sports===
The USSR put a lot of emphasis on sports, as evidenced by the material they produced (such as posters). They were also a participant in the Olympic Games and created their own competing event, the [[Spartakiads]] (named after [[Spartacus]], the rebel slave).

====Weightlifting====
The USSR produced many record-setting athletes, mainly in weightlifting, which was a very popular sport in the USSR and remains one to this day in existing socialist countries such as [[People's Republic of China|China]] or the [[Democratic People's Republic of Korea|DPRK]].

The Soviets pioneered their own system, which is today mostly saved and translated by [[Pavel Tsatsouline]]. While most weightlifters today reach their peak around 26 and retire around the age of 35, a few Soviet weightlifters produced world records well past their 30s. This is because their method focused on preserving longevity in their athletes, developed with the scientific method. Athletes were followed by scientists who analysed their data and produced a routine adapted to their level.<ref>{{News citation|journalist=Craig Marker|date=2014-11-14|title=4 secrets of Soviet weightlifting as revealed by Pavel Tsatsouline|url=https://breakingmuscle.com/4-secrets-of-soviet-weightlifting-as-revealed-by-pavel/|newspaper=Breaking Muscle}}</ref>

The most famous Soviet weightlifter is arguably [[Vasily Alekseyev]], who set 80 world records in an eight-year period. He retired at the age of 38 after failing to register a total at the Moscow Olympics, following an injury he sustained in 1978.<ref>{{News citation|title=Vasily Ivanovich Alekseyev Soviet weightlifter|url=https://www.britannica.com/biography/Vasily-Ivanovich-Alekseyev|newspaper=Britannica}}</ref>

===Film===

== Further reading ==

* [[:Category:Library works about the Soviet Union|All library works about the Soviet Union]]
* [[:Category:Library documents from the Soviet Union|All library works from the Soviet Union]]

=== Pre-1953 ===

* ''[[Library:Another view of Stalin|Another View of Stalin]]''
* ''[[Library:History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union|History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union]]''
* ''[[Library:Soviet Democracy|Soviet Democracy]]''
* ''[[Library:Stalin: History and Critique of a Black Legend|Stalin: The History and Critique of a Black Legend]]''

=== Post-1953 ===

* ''[[Library:Human Rights in the Soviet Union|Human Rights in the Soviet Union]]''
* ''[[Library:Socialism Betrayed|Socialism Betrayed]]''

==References==
<references />

===Notes===
<references group="note" />
[[Category:Marxist-Leninist states]]
[[Category:Targets of bourgeois media]]
[[Category:Targets of intelligence operations]]
[[Category:Former socialist states]]
[[Category:Targets of imperialism]]

File:“Jewish Fever”- Myths and Realities in the History of Russia's Typhus Epidemic, 1914–22.pdf

2026-03-19T06:01:57Z

Anarcho-Bolshevik: Essay by Polly Zavadivker on the stereotype that Jews spread typhus.

== Summary ==
Essay by Polly Zavadivker on the stereotype that Jews spread typhus.

Essay:Anticommunism kills

2026-01-05T18:01:34Z

Anarcho-Bolshevik:

<big>'''This page is a partial transfer from [https://web.archive.org/web/20220116120839im_/https://leftypedia.org/wiki/Essay:Anticommunism_Kills Leftypedia] and is a work in progress.'''</big>

This is a list about killings that were motivated by anticommunism. It does not include killings incidentally carried out by anticommunists (e.g. the Italo‐Ethiopian War). Despite its name, anticommunism normally affects not only communists but all other socialists as well, and often even just anybody sympathetic to socialism. Sometimes it also affects ethnicities, such as Chinese people, Jews, Mayans, and Serbs. As such, the actual tendency of the victims here is of minor relevance; what matters the most is the perpetrators’ motivations or causes.

Most of these killings were done directly; head‐to‐head. The only exceptions are fourfold: deaths caused by imperialist blockades or sanctions such as those on the RSFSR (1918–1921), Leningrad (early 1940s), the Republic of Cuba (1990s), the DPRK (1990s), and the FRY (1990s); deaths caused by explosives that detonated later than anticipated; deaths linked to nuclear weapons testing in the Cold War‐era United States; and deaths linked to comprehensive ‘decommunization’ programmes that antisocialists imposed on Easterners. Even if these indirect causes were subtracted, the total would still be well over fifty million. The total itself is composed using only the minimum of every statistic. Unspecified amounts, uncited guesses, and millions of hypothetical beings are excluded from this calculation.

'''1871, Paris''': 18,000–30,000.<ref name=pg188>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc|year=2017|page=188|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ&pg=188|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Martha Crenshaw, John Pimlott|title=International Encyclopedia of Terrorism|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=j4p4CAAAQBAJ|page=52|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=j4p4CAAAQBAJ&pg=PA52}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|editor=Alexander Mikaberidze|title=International Encyclopedia of Terrorism|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=jVqqAAAAQBAJ|publisher=ABC-CLIO|page=515|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=jVqqAAAAQBAJ&pg=PA515|ISBN=9781598849264}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|editor=John Hannavy|title=Encyclopedia of Nineteenth-Century Photography|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=yVFdAgAAQBAJ|publisher=Routledge|year=2013|page=1470|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=yVFdAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA1470|ISBN=9781135873264}}</ref>

'''1873–1875, Spanish Republic''': ‘at least several thousand’<ref name=pg189>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc|year=2017|page=189|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ&pg=189|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref> (at least 10 of whom were in Alcoy during 1873<ref>https://web.archive.org/web/20220116120839/https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1873/bakunin/index.htm</ref>)

'''1878, Berlin''': 1–2.<ref>https://www.marxists.org/glossary/events/a/n.htm#anti-socialist-law (One of these men suicided, but it is unlikely that the officials would have spared his life. His inclusion is left to the reader’s own judgement.)</ref>

'''1880s, Poland''': 7.<ref name=ClassStruggle4>{{safesubst:citation|author=Albert Szymański|title=Class Struggle in Socialist Poland|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/ClassStruggleInSocialistPoland|publisher=Praeger Publishers|year=1984|page=4|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/ClassStruggleInSocialistPoland#page/n22|ISBN=0-03-070539-8}}</ref>

'''1887, Chicago''': 4–5.<ref name=pg253>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc|year=2017|page=253|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ&pg=253|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref>

'''1891, Clichy: 1'''.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Jean Maitron|title=Le mouvement anarchiste en France: des origines à 1914}}</ref>

'''1892, Montbrison''': 1.<ref>https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/ravachol/biography.htm</ref>

'''1892, Poland''': 46.<ref name=ClassStruggle4/>

'''1894, Paris''': 2.<ref>https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/henry/biography.htm</ref>

'''1896, Montjuïc Castle''': 5.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Historical Dictionary of Spain|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=6y1BDwAAQBAJ|page=448|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=6y1BDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA448}}</ref>

'''1897, Vergara''': 1.<ref>https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/goldman/works/1917/political-violence.htm</ref>

'''1905–1910, Russian Empire''': over 15,000<ref name=pg340>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc|year=2017|page=340|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ&pg=340|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref> (about 100 of whom were in Warsaw<ref name=ClassStruggle5>{{safesubst:citation|author=Albert Szymański|title=Class Struggle in Socialist Poland|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/ClassStruggleInSocialistPoland|publisher=Praeger Publishers|year=1984|page=5|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/ClassStruggleInSocialistPoland#page/n23|ISBN=0-03-070539-8}}</ref>, 151–200 in Łódź,<ref name=ClassStruggle5/> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Włodzimierz Kalicki|title=Rok 1905: Przebudzeni bombą|title-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080503094025/http://www.gazetawyborcza.pl/1,75478,3058864.html}}</ref> and possibly 400 in Moscow during 1905<ref>https://web.archive.org/web/20160303185620/http://www.marxist.com/bolshevism-old/part2-5.html</ref>)

'''1906, Cananea''': 13.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=ARMED AMERICANS AT GREENE'S MINE; Rushed Into Mexico from Arizona Against Gov. Kibbey's Orders.|title-url=https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1906/06/03/101780330.pdf}}</ref>

'''1906, Poland''': 16.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Rudolf Rocker|title=The London Years}}</ref>

'''1907, Kingdom of Romania''': 419–11,000.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Markus Bauer|title=Cauzele și originea răscoalei țărănești din 1907|title-url=https://cultural.bzi.ro/cauzele-si-originea-rascoalei-taranesti-din-1907-7515}} {{safesubst:citation|author=J. William Leasure|title=The historical decline of fertility in Eastern Europe|title-url=https://www.jstor.org/discover/10.2307/20164602?sid=21105873827143&uid=4&uid=2}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Lavinia Betea|title=1907-2007: Revolta fără conducători din Regatul României|title-url=https://jurnalul.antena3.ro/campaniile-jurnalul/un-secol-de-flamanzi/1907-2007-revolta-fara-conducatori-din-regatul-romaniei-2140.html}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Charles Ragin & Daniel Chirot|title=The Market, Tradition and Peasant Rebellion: The Case of Romania in 1907|title-url=https://www.jstor.org/discover/10.2307/2094430?sid=21105873827143&uid=4&uid=2|pages=428–444}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Philip Gabriel Eidelberg|title=The Great Rumanian Peasant Revolt of 1907: Origins of a Modern Jacquerie}} A report from the secret police argued that the anarchist propaganda contributed to this revolt. An example given is a certain village teacher, Nicolăescu-Cranta (comrade of anarchist Panait Mușoiu), who helped instigate the revolts through the speeches that he gave to the peasants. See {{safesubst:citation|author=Vlad Brătulescu|title=Anarhismul în România|title-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150413011307/http://www.ceeol.com/aspx/issuedetails.aspx?issueid=67c4e8e7-abea-41db-a083-981fb19ca71f&articleId=22c0cc7d-7fa4-44d9-b755-e4a573730184}}</ref>

'''1909, Barcelona''': 104–600.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Juan Gómez Casas|title=Anarchist Organisation: The History of the F.A.I.|title-url=https://libcom.org/files/Anarchist%20Organisation%20-%20The%20History%20of%20the%20F.A.I..pdf|location=Québec|publisher=Black Rose Books|year=1986|page=48|ISBN=0-920057-40-3}}</ref> <ref name=pg329>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc|year=2017|page=329|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ&pg=329|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref>

'''1910s–1930s, Kingdom of Italy''': over 3,000<ref name=pg330>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc|year=2017|page=330|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ&pg=330|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref> (41 of whom were in Albona during 1921,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Giacomo Scotti & Luciano Giuricin|title=La Repubblica di Albona e il movimento dell’occupazione delle fabbriche in Italia|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=MYo6AQAAIAAJ|publisher=Centro di ricerche storiche|year=1971|page=110|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=MYo6AQAAIAAJ&dq=41+morti}}</ref>, 4 others of whom were desperate and rightfully frustrated socialists killed for attempted magnicide,<ref> That is, Angelo Sbardellotto, Anteo Zamboni, Giacomo Matteotti, and Michele Schirru.</ref> 11 of whom were in Turin during 1922,<ref>https://web.archive.org/web/20171027152138/http://ita.anarchopedia.org/Strage_di_Torino_(18-20_dicembre_1922)</ref> and 5 of whom were in San Giovanni in Fiore during 1925<ref>http://ildispaccio.it/cosenza/106754</ref>)

'''1911, Empire of Japan''': 12.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Hugh Cortazzi & Ian Hill Nish|title=Britain & Japan: Biographical Portraits}}</ref>

'''1911, Sidney Street''': 2.<ref>https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/return-fire-siege-on-sidney-street</ref>

'''1912, Lawrence''': 2.<ref name=pg369>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc|year=2017|page=369|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ&pg=369|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref>

'''1916, Dublin''': 16.<ref>https://www.glasnevintrust.ie/__uuid/55a29fab-3b24-41dd-a1d9-12d148a78f74/Glasnevin-Trust-1916-Necrology-485.pdf</ref>

'''1916, Everett''': 5.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|journal=The Tacoma Times|date=6 November 1916|page=1}}</ref> <ref name=pg369/>

'''1917, Wahnerheide''': 2.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Deutsche Geschichte 1919–1945|title-url=https://balsi.de/Weimar/Polarisierung/polarisierung.htm}}</ref>

'''1917–1923, Russia''': 9,000,000<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Megan Trudell|title=The Russian civil war: a Marxist analysis|title-url=https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/isj2/2000/isj2-086/trudell.htm}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Tony Cliff|title=Lenin 3: Revolution Besieged|title-url=https://www.marxists.org/archive/cliff/works/1978/lenin3/ch07.html}} Most of these were victims of famine, but it and these nine million dead are both still attributable essentially to foreign invasions (British, French, Czechoslovakian, Japanese, Polish, &c.) and to the blockade that the capitalist powers organized.</ref> (over 1,000,000 of these were the direct result of civil warfare;<ref name=Krivosheev>{{safesubst:citation|author=Grigori F. Krivosheev|title=Soviet Casualties and Combat Losses in the Twentieth Century|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=CTTfAAAAMAAJ}}</ref> 1,000 were in Peregonovka during 1919<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Le Banquet des Généraux|title-url=http://www.banquetdesgeneraux.com/article2.html}}</ref> and 516 were in Russian Turkestan during 1917–1934.<ref name=Krivosheev/> An additional 20,000–300,000 of these were killed as part of the White Terror.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Вадим Эрлихман|title=Потери народонаселения в XX веке. Издательский дом «Русская панорама»|year=2004}}</ref>)

'''1917–1923, Spain''': 200.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Historia y Opinión : El Pistolerismo en Barcelona, La prensa mata a Buenaventura Durruti en 1923, Los Solidarios, la Dictadura de Primo de Rivera y la dictablanda.|title-url=http://www.terramaxica.es/2015/04/historia-y-opinion-el-pistolerismo-en.html}}</ref>

'''1917–1923, United States of America''': ∼165<ref name=pg370>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc|year=2017|page=370|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ&pg=370|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}} In the early twentieth century, European‐Americans often perceived black folks as proxies to anarchism and communism—if not anarchists or communists themselves. Jeff Woods’s ''Black Struggle, Red Scare'' notes that ‘[https://books.google.com/books?id=gGpMrxnZZHEC&pg=PA16 ''Across the country, anti‐Communists launched campaigns to identify and eradicate the red menace, both real and perceived. Among those targeted nationwide as potential subversives were blacks.''] […] [https://books.google.com/books?id=gGpMrxnZZHEC&pg=PA17 ''With reports such as these, as well as some widely publicized statements in the radical press claiming Negro allegiance with bolshevism, large numbers of Americans inside and outside the South accepted the argument that the country’s racial unrest was due in some part to Communist agitation. The charges were unquestionably exaggerated, especially by organizations such as the the Ku Klux Klan.'']’ See {{safesubst:citation|chapter=11|title=Red Scare: A Study in National Hysteria, 1919–1920}}, for more.</ref> (1 of whom was in Butte during 1917,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=America’s Unofficial Religion — The War On An Idea|title-url=https://redirect.invidious.io/watch?v=Hznlp-DwgSw}}</ref> 1 of whom was in Centralia during 1919,<ref name=pg369/> and more than 12 who were in Matewan during 1920–1922<ref name=pg370/>)

'''1918, Finland''': 32,500<ref>Paavolainen, Eerola, Westerlund, Suodenjoki, Tikka ''& alia''.</ref> (1,200 of whom were in Vyborg<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Lars Westerlund|title=Me odotimme teitä vapauttajina ja te toitte kuolemaa}}</ref>)

'''1918–1919, Hungary''': 11,666.<ref name=pg344>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc|year=2017|page=344|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ&pg=344|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref>

'''1918–1919, Neocolonial Republic (Cuba)''': 7.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Frank Fernández|chapter=2|title=Cuban Anarchism: The History of A Movement|title-url=https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/frank-fernandez-cuban-anarchism-the-history-of-a-movement#toc5}}</ref>

'''1918–1923, Germany''': thousands <ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Ben Reynolds|title=The Coming Revolution|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=byNeDwAAQBAJ|page=178|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=byNeDwAAQBAJ&pg=PT178}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Jay Winter|title=The Cambridge History of the First World War: The State|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=nOJkAwAAQBAJ|page=260|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=nOJkAwAAQBAJ&pg=PT260}}</ref> <ref name=pg330/> (1,000–1,500 of whom were in Berlin<ref name=pg330/> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=To the Masses|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=PFLoBgAAQBAJ|page=105|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=PFLoBgAAQBAJ&pg=PA105}}</ref> as well as 12 of whom were in Perlach during 1919,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Max Hirschberg & Reinhard Weber|title=Jude und Demokrat}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Douglas Morris|title=Justice Imperiled: The Anti-Nazi Lawyer Max Hirschberg in Weimar Germany|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=cs_rXw0XfqwC|page=194|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=cs_rXw0XfqwC&pg=PA194}} (Most of the dead were actually members of the Social Democratic Party.)</ref> over 1,000 were in Ruhr during 1920,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Heinrich August Winkler|title=Germany: The Long Road West|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=gXflC2Ipo_QC|volume=2|page=371|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=gXflC2Ipo_QC&pg=PA371}}</ref> at least 354 during 1920–1922,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Robert George Leeson Waite|title=Vanguard of Nazism|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=r0qGAAAAIAAJ|pages=214–216|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=r0qGAAAAIAAJ&q=354}}</ref> and 24 in Hamburg during 1923<ref name=pg330/>)

'''1919, Buenos Aires''': 700.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Horacio Ricardo Silva|title=Días rojos, verano negro: enero de 1919, la semana trágica de Buenos Aires|title-url=https://archive.org/details/DiasRojosVeranoNegro/page/n121}}</ref>

'''1919, Latvia''': thousands (300 of whom were in Mitau<ref name=Eksteins>{{safesubst:citation|author=Modris Eksteins|title=Walking Since Daybreak: A Story of Eastern Europe, World War II, and the Heart of Our Century|page=73}}</ref> and 3,000 of whom were in Riga<ref name=Eksteins/> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Philip Farr|title=Soviet Russia and the Baltic Republics|title-url=https://www.revolutionarydemocracy.org/archive/BalticRepublics.pdf|publisher=Russia Today Society|year=1944|page=16}}</ref>)

'''1919–1921, Hungary''': 500–5,000.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=|title-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140806225609/http://www.xxszazadintezet.hu/bemutatkozo/bemutatkozo/a_konferencian_elhangzott.html}} {{safesubst:citation|title=Magyarország a XX. században|title-url=http://mek.oszk.hu/02100/02185/html/1.html}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Török Bálint|title=Trianon magyar szemmel}}</ref>

'''1920s, Clevelândia''': at least 6.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=John W. F. Dulles|title=Anarchists and Communists in Brazil, 1900–1935|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=qXf8AwAAQBAJ|page=363|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=qXf8AwAAQBAJ&pg=PT363}}</ref>

'''1920s, Kingdom of Spain''': over 100.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Juan Gómez Casas|title=Anarchist Organisation: The History of the F.A.I.|title-url=https://libcom.org/files/Anarchist%20Organisation%20-%20The%20History%20of%20the%20F.A.I..pdf|location=Québec|publisher=Black Rose Books|year=1986|pages=60–64|ISBN=0-920057-40-3}}</ref>

'''1920–1922, Patagonia''': 300–1,500.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Juan Lanús|title=La Causa Argentina|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=-kITAQAAIAAJ|publisher=Emecé Editores|year=1988|pages=46 & 393}}</ref>

'''1921, Black Sea''': 15.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=TKP commemorates its founders, Mustafa Suphi and 14 comrades|title-url=https://news.sol.org.tr/node/176524}}</ref>

'''1922, Estonia''': 1.<ref name=Baltic27>{{safesubst:citation|author=Philip Farr|title=Soviet Russia and the Baltic Republics|title-url=https://www.revolutionarydemocracy.org/archive/BalticRepublics.pdf|publisher=Russia Today Society|year=1944|page=27}}</ref>

'''1923, Bulgaria''': 841.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Музей на революционното движение в България}}</ref>

'''1923, Empire of Japan''': 6,000–10,000.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Encyclopedia of Korean Culture|title-url=http://encykorea.aks.ac.kr/Contents/SearchNavi?keyword=관동대학살&ridx=0&tot=271}} {{safesubst:citation|title=A play teaching the history of the Great Kanto Earthquake massacres to Japanese youth|title-url=http://english.hani.co.kr/arti/english_edition/e_international/797581.html}} {{safesubst:citation|title=Yokohama recalls texts describing 1923 'massacre' of Koreans|title-url=https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2013/08/29/national/history/yokohama-recalls-texts-describing-1923-massacre-of-koreans}} {{safesubst:citation|title=1923 Kanto Earthquake Massacre seen through American viewpoints|title-url=http://www.koreatimes.co.kr/www/news/culture/2016/08/317_213147.html}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Robert Neff|title=The Great Kanto Earthquake Massacre|title-url=https://english.ohmynews.com/articleview/article_view.asp?at_code=363496}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Joshua Hammer|title=Yokohama burning: the deadly 1923 earthquake and fire that helped forge the path to World War II|page=167|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=6O8VyhDbUPgC&pg=PA167}} {{safesubst:citation|title=The Great Kanto Earthquake of 1923|title-url=http://library.brown.edu/cds/kanto/denewa.html}} (See also: https://web.archive.org/web/20070825113418/http://rekishi.jkn21.com ; {{safesubst:citation|title=Murder of an Anarchist Recalled: Suppression of News in the Wake of the 1923 Tokyo Earthquake|title-url=https://apjjf.org/-The-Asahi-Shinbun-Cultural-Research-Center-/2569/article.html}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Mikiso Hane|title=Reflections on the Way to the Gallows|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=k7YwDwAAQBAJ}})</ref>

'''1923, Kraków''': 18–30.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Andrzej Osęka|title=Gumowa kula demokracji|title-url=https://www.wprost.pl/78027/Gumowa-kula-demokracji}} {{safesubst:citation|title=Wspomnienie o adw. Eugeniuszu Śmiarowskim (1878–1932)|title-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120217093826/http://www.palestra.pl/index.php?go=artykul&id=1814}}</ref>

'''1924, Estonia''': 301.<ref name=Baltic27/>

'''1924, Tatarbunary''': unknown.

'''1925, Halle (Saale)''': 6.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|journal=Chicago Daily Tribune|title=German Police Kill Six in Riot at Red Meeting|date=14 March 1925|page=7}}</ref>

'''1926, Lithuania''': 4.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Philip Farr|title=Soviet Russia and the Baltic Republics|title-url=https://www.revolutionarydemocracy.org/archive/BalticRepublics.pdf|publisher=Russia Today Society|year=1944|page=28}}</ref>

'''1927, Charlestown (Boston)''': 2.

'''1927–1950, China''': millions.

: 300–10,000 of these were in Shanghai during 1927<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=China Rising: The Revolutionary Experience}}</ref>
:500 were in Huichang during the same year.<ref name=pg361>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc|year=2017|page=361|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ&pg=361|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref>
:800 were in a region west of Nanch’ang during the same year.<ref name=pg361/>
:2,000 were on their way to Canton during the same year.<ref name=pg362>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc|year=2017|page=362|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ&pg=362|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref>
:4,000–15,000 were in Canton (Guangzhou) during the same year.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Philip S. Jowett|title=The Armies of Warlord China 1911–1928|title-url=https://ihistory.ifeng.com/50469226/news.shtml}}</ref> <ref name=pg362/>
:300,000 were in south central China during 1928.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Zhou Enlai: A Political Life|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NztlWQeXf2IC|page=38|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=NztlWQeXf2IC&pg=PA38}}</ref>
:143 were in Inner Manchuria during 1929.<ref name=Krivosheev/>
:Over 1,000 were at Ching Kang Shan during the same year.<ref name=pg362/>
:About 4,000 were in the Kiangsi Province during 1931, and 10,000 later in the same year.<ref name=pg362/>
:1,000,000 were the fault of the Kuomintang and occurred during 1933–1934.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Edgar Snow|title=Red Star Over China|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=qzp9CgAAQBAJ|publisher=Read Books Ltd.|year=2013|page=162|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=qzp9CgAAQBAJ&pg=PT162|ISBN=9781447497349}}</ref>
:8,000 were at Kuangch’ang during 1934.<ref name=pg362/>
:∼100,000 were during 1934–1937.<ref name=pg363>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc|year=2017|page=363|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ&pg=363|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}} (It is possible that a minority of these died from natural causes, but the exact number is unknown.)</ref>
:584,267–900,000 were in China & Burma during 1937–1945.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Meng Guoxiang & Zhang Qinyuan|title=关于抗日战争中我国军民伤亡数字问题}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc|year=2017|pages=368 & 527|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ&pg=368|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref>
:2,700,000 were due to the ‘Three Alls Policy’<ref>{{safesubst:citation|editor=Cathal J. Nolan|title=The Concise Encyclopedia of World War II|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=8ZJxDwAAQBAJ|publisher=ABC-CLIO|page=1074|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=8ZJxDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA1074|ISBN=9780313365270}}</ref> enacted during the same period.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Herbert P. Bix|title=Hirohito and the Making of Modern Japan}} or specifically {{safesubst:citation|author=Mitsuyoshi Himeta|title=日本軍による『三光政策・三光作戦をめぐって}} For the anticommunist motives, see {{safesubst:citation|author=Jay Corrin, June Grasso, & Michael Kort|title=Modernization and Revolution in China: From the Opium Wars to World Power|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=mtUrDwAAQBAJ&pg=PT129}}</ref>

'''1928, Ciénaga''': 47–3,000.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=The Santa Marta Massacre|title-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120717004708/http://www.icdc.com/~paulwolf/colombia/santamarta.htm}} and {{safesubst:citation|author=Eduardo Posada-Carbó|title=Fiction as History: The bananeras and Gabriel García Márquez's One Hundred Years of Solitude|title-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060531101145/http://bailey83221.livejournal.com/75717.html}}</ref>

'''1929, Berlin''': 33.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Uwe Klussmann|title=„Blutmai“ im Wedding|title-url=https://www.spiegel.de/spiegel/spiegelgeschichte/d-88536776.html}}</ref>

'''1929, Lupeni''': 16–58.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|journal=The New York Times|title=16 RUMANIA MINERS SHOT BY SOLDIERS; Another Report Says 58 Are Killed|title-url=https://www.nytimes.com/1929/08/07/archives/16-rumania-miners-shot-by-soldiers-another-report-says-58-are.html|date=7 August 1929|page=9}} {{safesubst:citation|title=City of Lupeni|title-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070307231227/http://jiuvalley.com/engl/cities/lupeni/subcat.asp?categ=27&subcateg=46}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Jack R. Friedman|title=Furtive Selves: Proletarian Contradictions, Self-Presentation, and the Party in 1950s Romania}} {{safesubst:citation|title=Bitter Victory for Romanian Miners|title-url=http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/62/462.html}}</ref>

'''1930s, German Reich''': thousands<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Nikolaus Wachsmann|title=KL: A History of the Nazi Concentration Camps|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=QzKdBAAAQBAJ|page=41|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=QzKdBAAAQBAJ&pg=PA41|ISBN=978-1-4299-4372-7}}</ref> (5 of these were during January of 1930,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|journal=Chicago Daily Tribune|title=5 Die in German Riots in Memory of Red Martyrs|date=16 January 1930}}</ref> several during 1932,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Ian Kershaw|title=Hitler: 1889–1936 Hubris|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=TpVrCwAAQBAJ|pages=244–5|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=TpVrCwAAQBAJ&pg=PT244}}</ref> 4 were in Altona during 1933,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Robert Bohn|title=Die nationalsozialistische Sondergerichtsbarkeit in Schleswig-Holstein}}</ref> and at least 22 were near Danzig during 1943–1945<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Bo Lidegaard|title=Countrymen|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=SQlExDSHlZIC|page=155|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=SQlExDSHlZIC&pg=RA1-PT155}}</ref>)

'''1930s–1970s, Dominican Republic''': 50,000<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Rafael Trujillo and the Forgotten Genocide|title-url=https://wp.me/p73fFh-1kr6}} See ''Killing Hope'', chapter 29 for details.</ref> (3,000 of whom died in 1960<ref name=Lucas>{{safesubst:citation|author=James A. Lucas|title=US Has Killed More Than 20 Million People in 37 “Victim Nations” Since World War II|title-url=https://popularresistance.org/?p=78226}}</ref>)

'''1930s–1990s, Guatemala''': 100,000–200,000<ref name=Parenti>{{safesubst:citation|author=Michael Parenti|title=Blackshirts & Reds: Rational Fascism & the Overthrow of Communism|location=San Francisco|publisher=City Light Books|year=1997|page=25|ISBN=0-87288-330-1}}</ref> <ref name=Lucas/> <ref name=Blum>{{safesubst:citation|author=William Blum|title=Killing Hope: US Military & CIA Interventions since World War II|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=-IbQvd13uToC|edition=third|location=London|publisher=Zed Books|ISBN=1 84277 368 2}}</ref> <ref name=TeleSur>{{safesubst:citation|title=10 of the Most Lethal CIA Interventions in Latin America|title-url=https://www.telesurenglish.net/analysis/10-of-the-Most-Lethal-CIA-Interventions-in-Latin-America-20160608-0031.html}}</ref> (at least 42,275 of whom died during 1981–1983 from racial motivations<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=La Comisión para el Esclarecimiento Histórico|title-url=https://press.un.org/en/1999/19990301.guate.brf.html}}</ref>).

'''1931, Ådalen''': 5.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Massakern i Ådalen har tonats ner|title-url=https://www.aftonbladet.se/teknik/a/m6Ly0E/massakern-i-adalen-har-tonats-ner}}</ref>

'''1931, Argentina''': 4.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Felipe Pigna|title=Los Mitos de la historia argentina}}</ref>

'''1931, Vallenar''': at least 21.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Gonzalo Izquierdo|title=Historia de Chile|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=AdOYTXmSs8kC|page=37|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=AdOYTXmSs8kC&pg=PA37}}</ref>

'''1932, El Salvador''': 30,000.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Edward A. Lynch|title=Cold War’s Last Battlefield, The: Reagan, the Soviets, and Central America|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=o6x-Ruo4IR4C|page=49|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=o6x-Ruo4IR4C&pg=PA49}} {{safesubst:citation|title=El Salvador - Economic Crisis and Repression|title-url=http://countrystudies.us/el-salvador/7.htm}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc|year=2017|page=380|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ&pg=380|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref>

'''1932, People’s Republic of Mongolia''': 1,800.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Б.Зинамидар. Гадаадаас турхирсан 1932 оны бослого}}</ref>

'''1932, Trujillo''': 1,000–5,000.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Luis Alberto Sánchez|title=Política sin caretas|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=CUcPAAAAYAAJ|publisher=Okura Editores|year=1984|page=179|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=CUcPAAAAYAAJ&dq="5+mil"}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Mario Vargas Llosa|title=Literatura y política|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=7mJfAAAAMAAJ|page=24|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=7mJfAAAAMAAJ&dq="5+mil"}} {{safesubst:citation|title=Peru (1912-present)|title-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130206224750/http://uca.edu/politicalscience/dadm-project/western-hemisphere-region/peru-1912-present}}</ref>

'''1932–1939, Manchuria, Mongolia, & Primorsky Krai''': 32,000<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Nomonhan: Japan Against Russia, 1939|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=SIAwKiNRmrAC|volumes=1–2|page=1176|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=SIAwKiNRmrAC&pg=PA1176}} {{safesubst:citation|title=The Soviet Strategic Offensive in Manchuria, 1945: ‘August Storm’|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=epWRAgAAQBAJ|page=xxi|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=epWRAgAAQBAJ&pg=PR21}}</ref> (236 of whom were near Lake Khasan during 1938<ref name=ch05>{{safesubst:citation|author=Grover Furr|title=Blood Lies: The Evidence that Every Accusation against Joseph Stalin and the Soviet Union in Timothy Snyder’s Bloodlands Is False|location=New York|publisher=Red Star Publishers|year=2014|page=249|ISBN=978-0-692-20099-5}}</ref> and 9,868 of whom were near the Khalkha River during 1939<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=M. Kolomiets|title=Boi u reki Khalkhin-Gol|title-url=http://www.armchairgeneral.com/rkkaww2/battles/khalkhin_gol/losses.htm}} {{safesubst:citation|title=Халхин-гольское сражение: пересмотр статистики|title-url=http://archiv.mongolnow.com/peresmotr_stat.html}}</ref> <ref name=ch05/>)

'''1933, Casas Viejas''': 26.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Julián Casanova|title=De la calle al frente|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=QRyrcQAACAAJ|page=113}}</ref>

'''1933, Grivița''': 7.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Legendele Griviţei - comuniştii declaraţi singurii vinovaţi|title-url=http://www.jurnalul.ro/articol_30040/legendele_grivitei___comunistii_declarati_singurii_vinovati.html}}</ref>

'''1934, Asturias''': over 1,700.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=H. Thomas|title=The Spanish Civil War|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=4a5RAQAAQBAJ&pg=PA136}} Examples of antisocialist motives can be read in {{safesubst:citation|title=Unearthing Franco’s Legacy|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=4kpkQgAACAAJ|page=62}} and {{safesubst:citation|title=Deadly Embrace|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Xfwt4hwRgJgC|pages=252–254}}</ref>

'''1934, Minneapolis''': 2.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Jeremy Brecher|title=The Minneapolis Teamsters strike, 1934|title-url=https://libcom.org/history/minneapolis-teamsters-strike-1934-jeremy-brecher}}</ref>

'''1934, Paris''': unknown. (Nine?)

'''1934, Ránquil''': 477.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Andrés Solimano|title=Capitalismo a la chilena: Y la prosperidad de las elites|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ZRhgDwAAQBAJ|page=45|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=ZRhgDwAAQBAJ&pg=PT45}} {{safesubst:citation|title=El Partido Comunista de Chile y el levantamiento de Ranquil|title-url=https://www.archivochile.com/Historia_de_Chile/ranquil/HCHranq0006.pdf}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Téllez Lúgaro|title=El levantamiento del a Alto Biobío y el Soviet y la República Araucana de 1934|title-url=http://repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/123127}}</ref>

'''1934, San Francisco''': 2–9.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Fred Glass|title=From Mission to Microchip: A History of the California Labor Movement|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=yj0lDQAAQBAJ&pg=PA240}}</ref>

'''1934, Toledo''': 2.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Stershner Bernard|title=Depression and New Deal in Ohio|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=WqsViI9RrMUC|year=1977|page=262}}</ref>

'''1935, Recife & Rio de Janeiro''': at least 119.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Os 50 anos da primeira intentona comunista|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=8R4sAAAAYAAJ}} {{safesubst:citation|title=A Intentona Comunista: o que é fato e o que é boato|title-url=http://www.pitoresco.com/historia/republ207.htm}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc|year=2017|page=385|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ&pg=385|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref>

'''1936–1939, Spain''': 275,000–305,000.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Stanley Sandler|title=Ground Warfare: An International Encyclopedia|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=L_xxOM85bD8C|volume=1|page=160|pagerl=https://books.google.com/books?id=L_xxOM85bD8C&pg=PA160}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Manuel Álvaro Dueñas|title=La gran represión: los años de plomo del franquismo}}</ref>
 
'''White Terror''': 150,000–400,000.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Morir, matar, sobrevivir. La violencia en la dictadura de Franco}} {{safesubst:citation|title=A Time of Silence: Civil War and the Culture of Repression in Franco’s Spain}}</ref>

'''1937, Chicago''': at least 10.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Ahmed A. White|title=The Drive to Organize Steel. The ‘Little Steel’ Strike of 1937: Class Violence, Law, and the End of the New Deal.}}</ref>

'''1939, Kresy''': 1,475–5,327.<ref name=Krivosheev/> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Igor Bunich|title=Operatsiia Groza, Ili, Oshibka V Tretem Znake: Istoricheskaia Khronika|page=88}} Contrary to popular belief, [https://msuweb.montclair.edu/~furrg/research/mlg09/did_ussr_invade_poland.html the anti‐Soviet forces were renegades who acted illegally during this operation.]</ref>

'''1939–1940, East Finland''': 126,875–167,976.<ref name=Krivosheev/> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Juri Kilin|title=Rajakahakan hidas jäiden lähtö}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Pavel Petrov|title=Venäläinen talvisotakirjallisuus}}. For the Finnish government’s anti‐Soviet sentiment and the origins of the conflict, [https://archive.org/stream/anti-communist-myths-debunked/page/n164/mode/1up see here.]</ref>

'''1939–1975, Spain''': 30,000–200,000<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Michael L. Coulter|title=Encyclopedia of Catholic Social Thought, Social Science, and Social Policy|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=2xjZAAAAMAAJ|page=440|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=2xjZAAAAMAAJ&q=publicly+executed}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Nigel Townson|title=Spain Transformed|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=GUhpAAAAMAAJ|page=250|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=GUhpAAAAMAAJ&q=50,000}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Lorraine Ryan|title=Memory and Spatiality in Post-Millennial Spanish Narrative|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=os8FDAAAQBAJ|page=32|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=os8FDAAAQBAJ&pg=PA32}}</ref> (at least 2,166 of whom anticommunists killed for resisting the régime<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Antonio Téllez|title=Armed resistance to Franco|title-url=https://libcom.org/history/articles/armed-resistance-to-franco}}</ref>)

'''1940s, Malaysia & Singapore''': about 50,000.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Ooi Giok Ling|title=Southeast Asian Culture and Heritage in a Globalising World – Diverging Identities in a Dynamic Region}} For some examples of anticommunist motivation, [https://web.archive.org/web/20150201161449im_/http://www.yale.edu/gsp/publications/WaiKeng.doc see here.]</ref>

'''1940s–1950s, the Philippines''': 9,695.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc|year=2017|page=616|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ&pg=616|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref>

'''1940s–1956, the Baltic''': 18,562.<ref name=pg538>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc|year=2017|page=616|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ&pg=616|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Andrejs Plakans|title=The Latvians: A Short History|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Ad3-xvwdjE4C|publisher=Hoover Press|page=155|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=Ad3-xvwdjE4C&pg=PA155|ISBN=9780817993030}}</ref>

'''1940–1942, Mauthausen''': 4,761–6,784. (An additional 200 ‘Red Spaniards’ died in other camps.)<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=David Wing Pike|title=Spaniards in the Holocaust: Mauthausen, Horror on the Danube}}</ref>

'''1940–1944, France''': at least 30,000.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Terry Crowdy|title=French Resistance Fighter: France’s Secret Army|title-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180719024641/https://the-eye.eu/public/WorldTracker.org/World%20History/World%20War%20II/Osprey%20-%20Warrior%20117%20-%20French%20Resistance%20Fighter%20France%27s%20Secret%20Army.pdf}}</ref>

'''1940–1944, Norway''': scores. (At least 35 were saboteurs<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Lars Borgersrud|title=I spissen for sabotasjekampen, Aftenposten|page=5}}</ref> and 20–23 were members of the Communist Central Committee.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Arne Ording, Gudrun Johnson, & Johan Garder|title=Våre falne 1939–1945|title-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120317062254im_/http://da2.uib.no/cgi-win/WebBok.exe?slag=lesside&bokid=vaarefalne1&sideid=368&storleik=}} {{safesubst:citation|title=Nordre gravlund|title-url=https://www.oslo.kommune.no/natur-kultur-og-fritid/gravplasser-og-kremasjoner/vare-gravplasser/nordre-gravlund}}</ref>

'''1941–1945, Yugoslavia''': 245,549.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Vladimir Geiger|title=Ljudski gubici Hrvatske u Drugom svjetskom ratu koje su prouzročili "okupatori i njihovi pomagači"}}</ref>

:'''1941, Kraljevo''': around 2,000.<ref name="Kraljevo">{{safesubst:citation|author=Walter Manoschek|editor=Ulrich Herbert|title=National Socialist Extermination Policies: Contemporary German Perspectives and Controversies|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=cDP1d8RMND8C|location=New York|publisher=Berghahn Books|year=2000|page=176|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=cDP1d8RMND8C&pg=PA176|ISBN=1-57181-750-6}} The Supreme Command of the anticommunist’ Armed Forces issued an order on the suppression of ‘Communist Armed Resistance Movements in the Occupied Areas’. This decree specified that all assaults against the Germans on the Eastern Front were to be ‘regarded as being of communist origin’, and that a hundred hostages were to be shot for every Reich soldier killed and fifty for every soldier wounded. It was intended to apply to all of Eastern Europe; an identical policy had already been implemented in Serbia as early as 28 April 1941, aimed at deterring guerrilla activity. See {{safesubst:citation|author=Jozo Tomasevich|title=War and Revolution in Yugoslavia, 1941-1945: Occupation and Collaboration|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=fqUSGevFe5MC|location=Stanford|publisher=Stanford University Press|year=2001|page=140|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=fqUSGevFe5MC&pg=PA140|ISBN=0-8047-3615-4}} See also {{safesubst:citation|author=Stevan K. Pavlowitch|title=Hitler’s New Disorder: The Second World War in Yugoslavia|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=dI9pAAAAMAAJ|publisher=Columbia University Press|year=2008|page=61|ISBN=9780231700504}} Otto von Bischofhausen (claims to have) suggested to Major Paul König that, instead of using Kragujevac’s population, the hostages be gathered from surrounding villages which were known to be ‘completely strewn with communists’. See {{safesubst:citation|author=Otto von Bischofhausen|title=The Hostage Case|title-url=http://web.archive.org/web/20220121061708im_/https://www.loc.gov/rr/frd/Military_Law/pdf/NT_war-criminals_Vol-XI.pdf|location=Washington|year=1950|page=981|pageurl=http://web.archive.org/web/20220121061708im_/https://www.loc.gov/rr/frd/Military_Law/pdf/NT_war-criminals_Vol-XI.pdf#page=991}} The anticommunists did dismiss some hostages, but those unpardoned were accused of being communists or spreading ‘communist propaganda’; the ''Zbor'' officials said that they were not ‘worth saving’ since they had ‘infected the younger generation with their leftist ideas.’ See {{safesubst:citation|author=Ana Antić|editor=Sara R. Horowitz|title=Police Force Under Occupation|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=FYJS1xt5SPoC|location=Evanston|publisher=Northwestern University Press|year=2012|page=29|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=FYJS1xt5SPoC&pg=PA29|ISBN=978-0-8101-2862-0}} The anticommunists shot a couple thousand people whom they held at a barracks and a courtyard. See {{safesubst:citation|author=Glenny Misha|title=The Balkans: Nationalism, War, and the Great Powers, 1804–2012|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=LJqYbknmxjYC|location=Toronto|publisher=House of Anansi Press Inc|year=2012|page=492|ISBN=978-1-77089-274-3}}</ref>
:'''1941, Kragujevac''': 2,778–2,794.<ref name="Kraljevo"/>

'''1941–1945, HaShoah''': 5,290,000–6,200,000.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Wolfgang Benz|title=Dimension des Völkermords: Die Zahl der jüdischen Opfer des Nationalsozialismus|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=TKcDDgAAQBAJ|publisher=Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co KG|year=2015|page=17|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=TKcDDgAAQBAJ&pg=PA17|ISBN=9783486708332}} German anticommunists treated Jews and communists almost synonymously, especially during the war. For instance, Heinrich Himmler told an SS gathering that Russia ‘has been united by the Jews in a religion, a world‐view, called Bolshevism […].’ {{safesubst:citation|author=Peter Longerich|title=Heinrich Himmler: A Life|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=GBQchepZ-7EC|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=2012|page=527|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=GBQchepZ-7EC&pg=PA527|ISBN=978-0-19-959232-6}} For an audio explanation, [https://redirect.invidious.io/watch?v=b8AcmzqFdPM click here.]</ref>

'''1941–1945, Eastern Front''': 26,600,000–42,700,000.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Demographic Trends and Patterns in the Soviet Union Before 1991|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=EBmIAgAAQBAJ}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Michael Haynes|title=Counting Soviet Deaths in the Great Patriotic War|title-url=https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Michael_Haynes/publication/263553960_2003_Counting_Soviet_Deaths_in_the_Great_Patriotic_War_A_Note/links/5921e96a458515e3d40769e8/2003-Counting-Soviet-Deaths-in-the-Great-Patriotic-War-A-Note.pdf}} It is important to note that the minimum of twenty‐six million is merely the '''excess''' deaths rather than the total. However, the maximum of forty‐two million would include some false positives, that is to say, profascist citizens (included merely because of their national origin) and possibly even a couple million migrants, who did not necessarily die at all during the 1940s. Thus determining a more exact estimate would be very difficult.</ref>

:About 123 of these were in Liepāja during 1941.[145]
:13,000–16,000 of these were in or near Daugavpils during 1941–1943.[146]

'''1942, Leusderheide''': 25.[147]

'''1942–1944, Albania''': unknown. (Likely somewhere in the thousands.)

:107 of these were in Borovë during 1943.[148]
:Scores (possibly 127) were in Tirana during 1944.

'''1942–1954, Central Luzon''': over 109.[149]

'''1943, Leusderheide''': 12.[150]

'''1943–1957, U.P.A. operations in the Eastern Bloc''': scores of thousands.

:40,000 of these were Soviet soldiers, and 22,400 were socialist officials and civilians.[128] [129]

'''1944, Ardeatine''': 335.[151] [152] [153]

'''1944, Marzabotto''': 770.[154]

'''1944–1945, Czechoslovakia: 304–608'''.[155] [153]

'''1944–1950s, Greece: 38,000–38,839'''.[156]

:1944, Athens: 28.[157]

'''1944–1963, Poland''': more than 15,000.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Albert Szymański|title=Class Struggle in Socialist Poland|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/ClassStruggleInSocialistPoland|location=United States|publisher=Praeger Publishers|year=1984|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/ClassStruggleInSocialistPoland#page/n44|page=26|ISBN=0-03-070539-8}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Jerzy Ślaski|title=Żołnierze wyklęci|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=1mgoAAAAMAAJ|year=1996|ISBN=9788386678174}}</ref> (Both the London Polish Government and the Home Army were antidemocratic and violently Judeophobic.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=G. Furr|title=Blood Lies: The Evidence that Every Accusation against Joseph Stalin and the Soviet Union in Timothy Snyder’s Bloodlands Is False|location=New York|publisher=Red Star Publishers|year=2014|pages=429–451|ISBN=978-0-692-20099-5}}</ref> In no meaningful way were they opposed to all of fascism; at best they were simply anti‐German.)

:2,000 of these were specifically during 1945–1946,[161] and 79 were in Białystok Voivodeship during 1946.[162] About 32,400 were the fault of the U.P.A. and occurred during 1945–1948.[128] [129]

'''1945, Hiroshima & Nagasaki''': 129,000–226,000.<ref>Many are naturally going to find it very strange to see Hiroshima and Nagasaki here; most of the victims were likely neither socialists nor even perceived as such (though many were proletarians). Nevertheless, recent evidence strongly suggests that the White House ordered the bombings largely due to their anti‐Soviet sentiment; many U.S. officials knew at the time that the bombings were otherwise unnecessary, but the White House wanted to ‘keep the Russians straight.’ {{safesubst:citation|author=Gar Alperovitz|title=The Decision to Use the Atomic Bomb|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=rqq_J4CRCCgC|location=New York|publisher=Vintage Books|year=1995|page=252|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=rqq_J4CRCCgC&pg=PA252|ISBN=0-679-44331-2}} Joseph Rotblat, the only scientist to leave the Manhattan Project, admitted in the 1980s that the weapon was originally intended for the Soviets. {{safesubst:citation|author=Joseph Rotblat|title=Leaving the bomb project|journal=Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=uwYAAAAAMBAJ|volume=XLI|number=7|year=1985|page=18|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=uwYAAAAAMBAJ&pg=PA18}} In other words, '''unlike other actions against Imperial Japan, these were both motivated by antisocialism.''' For an audio explanation, [https://redirect.invidious.io/watch?v=VZd7Hr3MBmg click here.]</ref>

'''1945, South Korea''': 100,000.[164]

'''1946, Hrubieszów''': unknown. (Maybe in the dozens.)

'''1946, Punnapra & Vayalar''': ∼1,000.[165]

'''1946, Santiago''': 6.[166]

'''1946–1953, French Indochina''': 175,000–300,000.[167] [168]

'''1947, Taiwan''': 35,000.<ref name=Parenti/>

:18,000–28,000 of these were during the February 28 incident alone.[169]

'''1947–1960s, Romanian People’s Republic''': unknown.

'''1948, Java''': ∼12,000.[170]

'''1948–1988, Burma''': over 60,000.[171]

:1962, Rangoon University: at least 15.[172]
:1986–1987, Shan State: at least 200.[173]

'''1948, Kingdom of Iraq''': 300–400.[174]

'''1948–1960, Malaysia''': 10,698.[175] [176] [177] [178]

'''1948–1949, Jeju Island''': over 12,360.[179]

'''1948, South Jeolla Province''': 439–2,000.[180]

'''1949, Mungyeong''': 86–88.[181]

'''1949–1976, global C.I.A. operations''': over 1,000,000.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author= John Stockwell|title=The Secret Wars of the CIA|title-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190222100802im_/http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article4068.htm}}</ref>

:2,000–4,000 of these were Cubans.<ref name=Lucas/>

'''1950s, Germany''': more than 1.[183]

'''1950s, Sendai''': 4.[184]

'''1950s–1960s, People’s Republic of China''': ∼41,000.[185]

'''1950s–1970s, Cambodia & Laos''': over 2,500,000.<ref name=Lucas/> [186]

:More than 19 of these were in Cambodia during 1967–1968.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Ben Kiernan|title=The Samlaut Rebellion, 1967–68}}</ref>
:At least 500,000 were due to aerial warfare during 1965–1973.<ref name=Parenti/> [188]
:1974–1997, Laos: over 460,000. (An annual minimum of twenty thousand.)[189]

'''1950s–1980s, Republic of Cuba''': ∼1,000–20,000.[190]

:158 of these were during 1981.[191]
:1960, Havana: 75.[192]
:1961, Bay of Pigs: 161–176.[193] [194] [192]

'''1950s–2000s, Haiti''': scores of thousands.

:30,000–100,000 of these were during 1957–1986.<ref name=Lucas/>
:3,000–4,000 were during 1986–1990s.[195]
:Over 8,000 were during 2004–2005.[196]

'''1950, Taiwan''': several.[197]

'''1950–1953, Korea: 1,800,000–4,500,000'''.<ref>https://archive.org/stream/anti-communist-myths-debunked/page/n135/mode/1up (and see ''Killing Hope'', chapter 5, for details).</ref> <ref name=Parenti/> <ref name=Lucas/>

:100,000–200,000 of these died in the Bodo League massacre of 1950,[199] 163–400 in Nogeun-ri during the same year,[200] and 150–153 in Gyeonggi-do during the same.[201]

'''1951, Iran''': ∼100.[202]

'''1951–1973, conterminous United States''': 340,000–460,000.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Keith Meyers|title=Some Unintended Fallout from Defense Policy: Measuring the Effect of Atmospheric Nuclear Testing on American Mortality Patterns|title-url=https://keith-meyers.squarespace.com/s/MeyersFalloutMortalityWebsite.pdf}} Yes, nobody ever said that the victims were socialists, but without the crusade against communism there would be no justification for holding these tests at all.</ref>

:1953, Ossining: 2.[204] [205]
:1960s, United States of America: at least 16.[222]
:1970, Kent State: 4.[297]
:1970, East Los Angeles: 4.[298] [299]

'''∼1951, Europe''': ‘hundreds’.[206]

'''1953, Tehran''': ∼300.[207]

'''1954, Tōkyō''': 1.[208]

'''1954–1962, Algeria''': 141,000–300,000.[209]

'''1955, off Great Natuna Islands''': 16.[210]

'''1955, Sevastopol''': 608.[211]

'''1955–1975, Vietnam: 3,000,000–5,100,000'''.<ref name=Parenti/> <ref name=Lucas/> [212]

:14 of these were North Koreans killed during 1967–1969.[213]
:20,587–40,994 were in South Vietnam during 1968–1971.[214] [215]

'''1955–2003, Sudan''': ∼2,000,000.<ref name=Lucas/> [216]

'''1956, Hungary''': 3,000.<ref name=Lucas/> [217]

'''1957–1979, Iran''': ‘thousands’.[218]

'''1958, Lebanon''': 1,000.[219]

'''1959, Seoul''': 1.[220]

'''1959, Mosul''': unknown. (Likely in the hundreds.)

'''1959, Tibet''': 2,000.[221]

'''1960s, Republic of Indonesia''': 500,000–3,000,000.<ref name=Parenti/> <ref name=Lucas/> [223] [224] [225]

'''1960s–1970, Eritrea''': over one thousand.

:946 of these were during 1967.[226]
:200 were in Besik‐Dira.[226]
:700 were in Ona.[226]

'''1960s–1980s, Korean Peninsula''': hundreds.

:Approximately 180 were in Seoul during 1960.[227]
:13 of these were in the DPRK during 1964.[228]
:397 were at the Korean Demilitarized Zone during 1966–1969.[229]
:20 were in the DPRK during 1967.[230]
:28–29 were somewhere near the DMZ during 1968.[231] [232]
:110–113 were in the Republic of Korea during the same year.[233] [232]
:3 were in Kumchon during 1970.[232]
:3 were in Gangwon-do during 1976.[232]
:1 was at the Korean Demilitarized Zone during 1979.[232]
:144–2,000 were at Kwangju during 1980.[234]
:3 were at the Han River during the same year.[232]
:1 was at Gangwon-do during 1981.[232]
:3 were at the Imjin River during the same year.[232]
:1 was on the east coast during 1982.[232]
:3 were during 1984.[235]
:2 were during 1987.

'''1960s–1980s, the Philippines''': 100,000<ref name=Lucas/> (and at least 3,257 of these have been confirmed as extrajudicial<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Alfred McCoy|title=Dark Legacy: Human rights under the Marcos regime|title-url=http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/54a/062.html}}</ref> <ref name=pg624>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc|year=2017|page=624|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ&pg=624|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref>)

'''1960s–1990, Nicaragua''': 25,000–100,000<ref name=Parenti/> <ref name=Lucas/> (over 3,000 of whom were in the mountains east of Matagalpa during the 1970s<ref name=pg640>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc|year=2017|page=640|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ&pg=640|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref>)

'''1960s–1991, Ethiopia''': unknown.

'''1960s–1992, Angola: 300,000–1,500,000'''.<ref name=Parenti/> <ref name=Lucas/> [239]

:2,016–15,000 of these were Cubans, and 54 were Soviets.[240]

'''1960s–1992, Mozambique''': over 1,000,000.<ref name=Parenti/> [241]

'''1960s–1994, South Africa''': about 7,200.[242]

'''1960s–present, Congo''': 3,000,000–4,000,000.<ref name=Lucas/> [243]

:60,000–70,000 of these were in Congo-Léopoldville during 1964.[244]

'''1960s–present, Colombia''': over 67,000.<ref name=Lucas/> [245]

:11,484 of these were since 2004 alone.[246]

'''1960, Hibiya Hall''': 1.[247]

'''1960–1963, Ecuador''': at least 5.[248]

'''1960–1965, Peru''': unknown.

'''1961–1964, Brazil''': several.

:2 of these were at Recife during 1964.[249]
:2–3 were in Rio de Janeiro during the same year.[249]
:2 were in Minas Gerais during the same year.[249]

'''1962, Charonne: 9'''.[250]

'''1962–1970, North Yemen''': 26,000.[251]

'''1962–1990, Sarawak''': 400–500.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Malaya rebels on move again|title-url=https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=1300&dat=19740220&id=hdtUAAAAIBAJ&sjid=wJADAAAAIBAJ&pg=6628,4649329}}</ref>

'''1963, Republic of Iraq''': 1,600–5,000.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Kanan Makiya|title=Republic of Fear: The Politics of Modern Iraq}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Bryan R. Gibson|title=Sold Out? US Foreign Policy, Iraq, the Kurds, and the Cold War}}</ref>

'''1963–1966, Malay Peninsula''': 590.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Michael Carver|title=Conventional Warfare in the Nuclear Age}}</ref>

'''1963–1967, Aden Protectorate''': 382.[255]

'''1963–1974, Guinea‐Bissau''': over 6,000.[256]

'''1963–1976, Dhofar''': over 433.[257]

'''1964, Neshoba County''': 3.[258]

'''1964–1967, Bolivia''': 42–54.[259]

:1967, Catavi: 87.[259]

'''1964–1979, Rhodesia''': over 10,000.[260]

'''1964–1982, United Mexican States''': over 3,000.[261]

:5 of these were in San Miguel Canoa during 1968.[262] [263]
:At least 300 were at the Plaza de las Tres Culturas during the same year.[264] [265]
:At least 30 were in Guerrero during 1970–1975.<ref name=pg640/>

'''1965–1990, Thailand''': thousands.

:133 of these were during 1965–1967.[266]
:3,008 were during 1971–1973.[267]
:40 were during 1976.[268]
:310 were during 1980.[268]

'''1966, El Salvador (Chile)''': 8.[269]

'''1966, Ghana''': 20–1,600.[270]

'''1966–1967, Macau''': 8.[271]

'''1966–1990, South West Africa''': over 11,335.[272]

'''1966–1998, Northern Ireland''': 368.[273]

'''1967, Hong Kong''': 26–51.[274]

'''1968, France''': 5.[275]

'''1968–1989, Malaysia''': 212.[276]

'''1969, Puerto Montt''': 10.[277]

'''1969–1990s, Panama''': 500–4,000.<ref name=Lucas/> [92] [278]

:1992: ‘hundreds’.[279]

'''1970s–1980s, Argentina, Brazil, Bolivia, Chile, Ecuador, Paraguay, & Uruguay''': 13,000–80,000.<ref name=Lucas/> [280]

:At least 13 of these were in Ezeiza during 1973.[281]
:9,089–43,000 of these were in Argentina during 1974–1983.[282] <ref name=Parenti/> [92] [283]
:400 of these were in Bolivia during the 1970s,<ref name=Lucas/> and 58 specifically were during 1970.[284]
:3,000–20,000 of these were in Chile during the 1970s–1990.[282] <ref name=Parenti/> [285] <ref name=Lucas/> [92]

'''1970s–1980s, Southern Cone''': ‘tens of thousands’. (An additional one hundred thousand to one hundred fifty thousand suffered torture.)[286]

'''1970s–1980s, Italian Republic''': at least 301.[287]

'''1970s–1984, Grenada''': 277.<ref name=Lucas/>

'''1970s–1992, Afghanistan''': 500,000–1,800,000.<ref name=Parenti/> <ref name=Lucas/>

'''1970s–1994, Republic of El Salvador''': 70,000–75,000.<ref name=Parenti/> [288] <ref name=Lucas/> [92]

:50–100 of these were at the National Hospital Rosales during 1975.[289]
:18–24 were at the San Salvador Cathedral during 1979.[290]
:300–600 were in Chalatenango during 1980.[291]
:800–1,200 were in El Mozote during 1981.[292]
:Over 200 were in El Calabozo during 1982.[293]

'''1970s–1999, East Timor''': 200,000–230,000.<ref name=Parenti/> <ref name=Lucas/> [294]

'''1970, Río Piedras''': 1.[295] [296]

'''1971, West Pakistan: 300,000–3,000,000'''. (An additional eight to ten million fled.)<ref name=Lucas/> [300]

'''1972, Bosnia‐Herzegovina''': 13.[301]

'''1975–1990, France & Spain''': 66.[302]

'''1975–present, Socialist Republic of Vietnam''': over 42,000.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Vietnam War Bomb Explodes Killing Four Children|title-url=https://www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/2012/12/03/vietname-war-bomb-explodes_n_2229727.html}} {{safesubst:citation|title=Vietnam war shell explodes, kills two fishermen|title-url=https://www.theaustralian.com.au/news/latest-news/vietnam-war-shell-explodes-kills-two-fishermen/news-story/ff6caa4590348abcb1d7872381452c20}} (Yes, these deaths might have been unintentional, but do not forget why the bombs existed in the first place.)</ref>

'''1976, Barbados''': 73.[304]

'''1976, Montejurra''': 2.[305]

'''1976–1980, Republic of Turkey''': 2,109.[306]

:34–42 of these were in Taksim Square during 1977.[307] [308]

'''1977, Atocha (Madrid)''': 5.[309]

'''1978, Guyana''': over 900.[310]

'''1979, Yemen''': hundreds.

'''1979, Greensboro (North Carolina)''': 5.[192]

'''1979–1981, Iran''': 4,000.[311]

:1981, Tehran: 50.[312]

'''1980s, Honduras''': 400.<ref name=Lucas/>

'''1980–present, Peru''': over 20,458.[313]

:123 of these were in Putis during 1984.[314]
:47–74 of these were in Accomarca during 1985.[315]
:Over 133 of these were in Peruvian prisons during 1986.[316]
:15 of these were in Barrios Altos during 1991.[317] [92]
:9 of these were in the Santa Province during 1992.
:10 of these were in La Cantuta during 1992.[318] [92]

'''1982, Chad''': 40,000.[319] <ref name=Lucas/>

'''1982, Beirut''': 4,000–5,000.[320]

'''1982, West Beirut''': 450–3,500.[321]

'''1983–1984, Belgium''': ‘several’.[287]

'''1985, Philadelphia''': 11.[322]

'''1987, Lieyu''': 19.[323]

'''1987, Ouagadougou''': 13.[324]

'''1988, Islamic Republic of Iran''': 2,800–30,000.[325] [326] [327]

'''1989, Beijing''': at least 23.[328]

'''1989, Republic of Venezuela''': 200–600.[329]

'''1989, Romania''': more than 2.[330]

'''1990s, Republic of Cuba''': at least 47,000.[331]

'''1990s–2000s, Democratic People’s Republic of Korea''': 250,000–3,000,000.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Economic Sanctions Against a Nuclear North Korea|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=dRmayDng2RwC&pg=PA86|page=86|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=dRmayDng2RwC&pg=PA86}} {{safesubst:citation|title=U.S. Media Ignores Humanitarian Aspects of Famine in Korea|title-url=https://projectcensored.org/?p=416}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Daniel Goodkind & Loraine West|journal=Population and Development Review|title=The North Korean famine and its demographic impact|volume=27|issue=2|year=2001|publisher=Population Council|pages=219–38|JSTOR=2695207}}</ref> [335] [336][a]

'''1990s–2000s, Eastern Bloc''': 1,000,000–10,000,000.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Oxford University|title=Death surge linked with mass privatisation|title-url=https://lofi.medicalxpress.com/news/2009-01-death-surge-linked-mass-privatisation.html}} {{safesubst:citation|author=David Zaridze, Paolo Boffetta, Paul Brennan, & Tamara Men|title=Russian mortality trends for 1991-2001: analysis by cause and region|title-url=https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC259165}} {{safesubst:citation|author=David Stuckler, Lawrence King, & Martin McKee|title=Mass privatisation and the post-communist mortality crisis: a cross-national analysis|title-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090222061405/http://press.thelancet.com/privatisationfinal.pdf}} {{safesubst:citation|author=David Satter|title=5/6: the transition that took five million lives|title-url=https://wp.me/p7gJRc-Bn}}</ref>

:500–1,052 were in Moscow during 1993.[338]
:At least 32 (out of maximum of 96) were confirmed as homicides against journalists in the Russian Federation,[339] 1 of which was in Chechnya’s capital during 1993, 7 somewhere in Russia’s during the same year,[340] 5 somewhere during 1994,[341] 9 during 1995,[342] another 7 during the same year,[343] 1 during 1998,[344] and 2 during 1999.[345]

'''1990s–2000s, Yugoslavia''': 107,000.<ref name=Lucas/>

:44 of these were in Slovenia during 1991.[346] [347]
:8,106 were in Croatia during 1991.[348] [349]
:1,103 were in Vukovar during 1991.[350] [351]
:At least 11,702 were in Kosovo during 1998–1999,[352] of which 300 were officials that the KLA killed and 1,008 that the NATO killed.[353] About 1,730–3,500 of them were non‐Albanian civilians, 8,661 were Albanians who either died or went missing,[354] and 3 were in a Chinese embassy (allegedly mistaken for a Yugoslav arms agency).
:At least 12 were killed in magnicides during 1997–2000.[355]

'''1990, Baku''': 21–29.[358] [330]

'''1992, Cheorwon''': maybe 3.[232]

'''1992–present, Northeast India''': at least 8,530.[359]

'''1994, Yemen''': unknown. (Likely in the hundreds.)

'''1994–present, Chiapas''': over 51.[360]

:1997, Acteal: 45.[361], <ref name=pg640/>

'''1995, Imjin River''': 1.[232]

'''1996, Gangneung''': 13.[362]

'''1996, Nepal''': 8,000–12,000.<ref name=Lucas/>

'''1997–present, India''': 3,402–4,041.[363]

:At least 905 were specifically since 2009.[364]

'''1997, Albania''': 2,000.[365]

'''1999, Northern Limit Line''': unknown. (Allegedly 17–30.)

'''20th century, Federal Republic of Germany''': over 20.[366]

:1971–1979: 9–14.[367] [330]

'''2000s–present, Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela''': dozens of thousands.

:300 of these were in the countryside during 2001–2006.[368]
:7–12 of these were in El Silencio during 2002.[369]
:At least 9 of these were during 2013.[370]
:At least 16 of these were during 2014.[371]
:At least 55 of these were during 2017.[372]
:40,000 were during 2017–2018.[373]
:Possibly 14 or so of these were during 2019.[374]

'''2001, East China Sea''': 15.[375]

'''2001–2010, the Philippines''': 1,200.[376]

'''2002, Northern Limit Line''': unknown. (Allegedly 13.)

'''2009, off the coast of Daecheong Island''': 1–10.[377]

'''2011, Libya''': 30,000–100,000.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Libya: Civil War Casualties Could Reach 100,000|title-url=https://ibt.uk/A000zt1}}</ref>

'''2011, Oslo & Utøya''': 77.[379]

'''2011–present, Syria''': over 6,000.[380] [381]

'''2017, City of Charlottesville''': 1.[382]

'''2017, Calabarzon''': 15.[383]

'''2018, Republic of Nicaragua''': at least 44.[384]

'''2019, Republic of Ecuador''': 9.[385]

'''2019, Republic of Chile''': 24.[386] [387]

'''2019, Plurinational State of Bolivia''': 33.[388]

'''2019, Mariano Montilla barracks''': 1.[389]

'''Total''': no fewer than 65,808,646.

'''Pessimistic estimate (all maxima added together)''': ∼109,939,814.

===References===
<references/>

Essay:Anticommunism kills

2025-12-02T18:07:27Z

Anarcho-Bolshevik: Still need to transfer the citations.

<big>'''This page is a partial transfer from [https://web.archive.org/web/20220116120839im_/https://leftypedia.org/wiki/Essay:Anticommunism_Kills Leftypedia] and is a work in progress.'''</big>

This is a list about killings that were motivated by anticommunism. It does not include killings incidentally carried out by anticommunists (e.g. the Italo‐Ethiopian War). Despite its name, anticommunism normally affects not only communists but all other socialists as well, and often even just anybody sympathetic to socialism. Sometimes it also affects ethnicities, such as Chinese people, Jews, Mayans, and Serbs. As such, the actual tendency of the victims here is of minor relevance; what matters the most is the perpetrators’ motivations or causes.

Most of these killings were done directly; head‐to‐head. The only exceptions are fourfold: deaths caused by imperialist blockades or sanctions such as those on the RSFSR (1918–1921), Leningrad (early 1940s), the Republic of Cuba (1990s), the DPRK (1990s), and the FRY (1990s); deaths caused by explosives that detonated later than anticipated; deaths linked to nuclear weapons testing in the Cold War‐era United States; and deaths linked to comprehensive ‘decommunization’ programmes that antisocialists imposed on Easterners. Even if these indirect causes were subtracted, the total would still be well over fifty million. The total itself is composed using only the minimum of every statistic. Unspecified amounts, uncited guesses, and millions of hypothetical beings are excluded from this calculation.

'''1871, Paris''': 18,000–30,000.<ref name=pg188>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc|year=2017|page=188|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ&pg=188|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Martha Crenshaw, John Pimlott|title=International Encyclopedia of Terrorism|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=j4p4CAAAQBAJ|page=52|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=j4p4CAAAQBAJ&pg=PA52}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|editor=Alexander Mikaberidze|title=International Encyclopedia of Terrorism|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=jVqqAAAAQBAJ|publisher=ABC-CLIO|page=515|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=jVqqAAAAQBAJ&pg=PA515|ISBN=9781598849264}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|editor=John Hannavy|title=Encyclopedia of Nineteenth-Century Photography|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=yVFdAgAAQBAJ|publisher=Routledge|year=2013|page=1470|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=yVFdAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA1470|ISBN=9781135873264}}</ref>

'''1873–1875, Spanish Republic''': ‘at least several thousand’<ref name=pg189>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc|year=2017|page=189|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ&pg=189|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref> (at least 10 of whom were in Alcoy during 1873<ref>https://web.archive.org/web/20220116120839/https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1873/bakunin/index.htm</ref>)

'''1878, Berlin''': 1–2.<ref>https://www.marxists.org/glossary/events/a/n.htm#anti-socialist-law (One of these men suicided, but it is unlikely that the officials would have spared his life. His inclusion is left to the reader’s own judgement.)</ref>

'''1880s, Poland''': 7.<ref name=ClassStruggle4>{{safesubst:citation|author=Albert Szymański|title=Class Struggle in Socialist Poland|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/ClassStruggleInSocialistPoland|publisher=Praeger Publishers|year=1984|page=4|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/ClassStruggleInSocialistPoland#page/n22|ISBN=0-03-070539-8}}</ref>

'''1887, Chicago''': 4–5.<ref name=pg253>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc|year=2017|page=253|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ&pg=253|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref>

'''1891, Clichy: 1'''.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Jean Maitron|title=Le mouvement anarchiste en France: des origines à 1914}}</ref>

'''1892, Montbrison''': 1.<ref>https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/ravachol/biography.htm</ref>

'''1892, Poland''': 46.<ref name=ClassStruggle4/>

'''1894, Paris''': 2.<ref>https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/henry/biography.htm</ref>

'''1896, Montjuïc Castle''': 5.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Historical Dictionary of Spain|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=6y1BDwAAQBAJ|page=448|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=6y1BDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA448}}</ref>

'''1897, Vergara''': 1.<ref>https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/goldman/works/1917/political-violence.htm</ref>

'''1905–1910, Russian Empire''': over 15,000<ref name=pg340>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc|year=2017|page=340|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ&pg=340|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref> (about 100 of whom were in Warsaw<ref name=ClassStruggle5>{{safesubst:citation|author=Albert Szymański|title=Class Struggle in Socialist Poland|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/ClassStruggleInSocialistPoland|publisher=Praeger Publishers|year=1984|page=5|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/ClassStruggleInSocialistPoland#page/n23|ISBN=0-03-070539-8}}</ref>, 151–200 in Łódź,<ref name=ClassStruggle5/> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Włodzimierz Kalicki|title=Rok 1905: Przebudzeni bombą|title-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080503094025/http://www.gazetawyborcza.pl/1,75478,3058864.html}}</ref> and possibly 400 in Moscow during 1905<ref>https://web.archive.org/web/20160303185620/http://www.marxist.com/bolshevism-old/part2-5.html</ref>)

'''1906, Cananea''': 13.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=ARMED AMERICANS AT GREENE'S MINE; Rushed Into Mexico from Arizona Against Gov. Kibbey's Orders.|title-url=https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1906/06/03/101780330.pdf}}</ref>

'''1906, Poland''': 16.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Rudolf Rocker|title=The London Years}}</ref>

'''1907, Kingdom of Romania''': 419–11,000.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Markus Bauer|title=Cauzele și originea răscoalei țărănești din 1907|title-url=https://cultural.bzi.ro/cauzele-si-originea-rascoalei-taranesti-din-1907-7515}} {{safesubst:citation|author=J. William Leasure|title=The historical decline of fertility in Eastern Europe|title-url=https://www.jstor.org/discover/10.2307/20164602?sid=21105873827143&uid=4&uid=2}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Lavinia Betea|title=1907-2007: Revolta fără conducători din Regatul României|title-url=https://jurnalul.antena3.ro/campaniile-jurnalul/un-secol-de-flamanzi/1907-2007-revolta-fara-conducatori-din-regatul-romaniei-2140.html}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Charles Ragin & Daniel Chirot|title=The Market, Tradition and Peasant Rebellion: The Case of Romania in 1907|title-url=https://www.jstor.org/discover/10.2307/2094430?sid=21105873827143&uid=4&uid=2|pages=428–444}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Philip Gabriel Eidelberg|title=The Great Rumanian Peasant Revolt of 1907: Origins of a Modern Jacquerie}} A report from the secret police argued that the anarchist propaganda contributed to this revolt. An example given is a certain village teacher, Nicolăescu-Cranta (comrade of anarchist Panait Mușoiu), who helped instigate the revolts through the speeches that he gave to the peasants. See {{safesubst:citation|author=Vlad Brătulescu|title=Anarhismul în România|title-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150413011307/http://www.ceeol.com/aspx/issuedetails.aspx?issueid=67c4e8e7-abea-41db-a083-981fb19ca71f&articleId=22c0cc7d-7fa4-44d9-b755-e4a573730184}}</ref>

'''1909, Barcelona''': 104–600.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Juan Gómez Casas|title=Anarchist Organisation: The History of the F.A.I.|title-url=https://libcom.org/files/Anarchist%20Organisation%20-%20The%20History%20of%20the%20F.A.I..pdf|location=Québec|publisher=Black Rose Books|year=1986|page=48|ISBN=0-920057-40-3}}</ref> <ref name=pg329>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc|year=2017|page=329|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ&pg=329|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref>

'''1910s–1930s, Kingdom of Italy''': over 3,000<ref name=pg330>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc|year=2017|page=330|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ&pg=330|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref> (41 of whom were in Albona during 1921,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Giacomo Scotti & Luciano Giuricin|title=La Repubblica di Albona e il movimento dell’occupazione delle fabbriche in Italia|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=MYo6AQAAIAAJ|publisher=Centro di ricerche storiche|year=1971|page=110|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=MYo6AQAAIAAJ&dq=41+morti}}</ref>, 4 others of whom were desperate and rightfully frustrated socialists killed for attempted magnicide,<ref> That is, Angelo Sbardellotto, Anteo Zamboni, Giacomo Matteotti, and Michele Schirru.</ref> 11 of whom were in Turin during 1922,<ref>https://web.archive.org/web/20171027152138/http://ita.anarchopedia.org/Strage_di_Torino_(18-20_dicembre_1922)</ref> and 5 of whom were in San Giovanni in Fiore during 1925<ref>http://ildispaccio.it/cosenza/106754</ref>)

'''1911, Empire of Japan''': 12.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Hugh Cortazzi & Ian Hill Nish|title=Britain & Japan: Biographical Portraits}}</ref>

'''1911, Sidney Street''': 2.<ref>https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/return-fire-siege-on-sidney-street</ref>

'''1912, Lawrence''': 2.<ref name=pg369>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc|year=2017|page=369|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ&pg=369|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref>

'''1916, Dublin''': 16.<ref>https://www.glasnevintrust.ie/__uuid/55a29fab-3b24-41dd-a1d9-12d148a78f74/Glasnevin-Trust-1916-Necrology-485.pdf</ref>

'''1916, Everett''': 5.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|journal=The Tacoma Times|date=6 November 1916|page=1}}</ref> <ref name=pg369/>

'''1917, Wahnerheide''': 2.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Deutsche Geschichte 1919–1945|title-url=https://balsi.de/Weimar/Polarisierung/polarisierung.htm}}</ref>

'''1917–1923, Russia''': 9,000,000<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Megan Trudell|title=The Russian civil war: a Marxist analysis|title-url=https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/isj2/2000/isj2-086/trudell.htm}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Tony Cliff|title=Lenin 3: Revolution Besieged|title-url=https://www.marxists.org/archive/cliff/works/1978/lenin3/ch07.html}} Most of these were victims of famine, but it and these nine million dead are both still attributable essentially to foreign invasions (British, French, Czechoslovakian, Japanese, Polish, &c.) and to the blockade that the capitalist powers organized.</ref> (over 1,000,000 of these were the direct result of civil warfare;<ref name=Krivosheev>{{safesubst:citation|author=Grigori F. Krivosheev|title=Soviet Casualties and Combat Losses in the Twentieth Century|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=CTTfAAAAMAAJ}}</ref> 1,000 were in Peregonovka during 1919<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Le Banquet des Généraux|title-url=http://www.banquetdesgeneraux.com/article2.html}}</ref> and 516 were in Russian Turkestan during 1917–1934.<ref name=Krivosheev/> An additional 20,000–300,000 of these were killed as part of the White Terror.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Вадим Эрлихман|title=Потери народонаселения в XX веке. Издательский дом «Русская панорама»|year=2004}}</ref>)

'''1917–1923, Spain''': 200.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Historia y Opinión : El Pistolerismo en Barcelona, La prensa mata a Buenaventura Durruti en 1923, Los Solidarios, la Dictadura de Primo de Rivera y la dictablanda.|title-url=http://www.terramaxica.es/2015/04/historia-y-opinion-el-pistolerismo-en.html}}</ref>

'''1917–1923, United States of America''': ∼165<ref name=pg370>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc|year=2017|page=370|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ&pg=370|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}} In the early twentieth century, European‐Americans often perceived black folks as proxies to anarchism and communism—if not anarchists or communists themselves. Jeff Woods’s ''Black Struggle, Red Scare'' notes that ‘[https://books.google.com/books?id=gGpMrxnZZHEC&pg=PA16 ''Across the country, anti‐Communists launched campaigns to identify and eradicate the red menace, both real and perceived. Among those targeted nationwide as potential subversives were blacks.''] […] [https://books.google.com/books?id=gGpMrxnZZHEC&pg=PA17 ''With reports such as these, as well as some widely publicized statements in the radical press claiming Negro allegiance with bolshevism, large numbers of Americans inside and outside the South accepted the argument that the country’s racial unrest was due in some part to Communist agitation. The charges were unquestionably exaggerated, especially by organizations such as the the Ku Klux Klan.'']’ See {{safesubst:citation|chapter=11|title=Red Scare: A Study in National Hysteria, 1919–1920}}, for more.</ref> (1 of whom was in Butte during 1917,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=America’s Unofficial Religion — The War On An Idea|title-url=https://redirect.invidious.io/watch?v=Hznlp-DwgSw}}</ref> 1 of whom was in Centralia during 1919,<ref name=pg369/> and more than 12 who were in Matewan during 1920–1922<ref name=pg370/>)

'''1918, Finland''': 32,500<ref>Paavolainen, Eerola, Westerlund, Suodenjoki, Tikka ''& alia''.</ref> (1,200 of whom were in Vyborg<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Lars Westerlund|title=Me odotimme teitä vapauttajina ja te toitte kuolemaa}}</ref>)

'''1918–1919, Hungary''': 11,666.<ref name=pg344>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc|year=2017|page=344|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ&pg=344|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref>

'''1918–1919, Neocolonial Republic (Cuba)''': 7.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Frank Fernández|chapter=2|title=Cuban Anarchism: The History of A Movement|title-url=https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/frank-fernandez-cuban-anarchism-the-history-of-a-movement#toc5}}</ref>

'''1918–1923, Germany''': thousands <ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Ben Reynolds|title=The Coming Revolution|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=byNeDwAAQBAJ|page=178|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=byNeDwAAQBAJ&pg=PT178}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Jay Winter|title=The Cambridge History of the First World War: The State|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=nOJkAwAAQBAJ|page=260|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=nOJkAwAAQBAJ&pg=PT260}}</ref> <ref name=pg330/> (1,000–1,500 of whom were in Berlin<ref name=pg330/> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=To the Masses|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=PFLoBgAAQBAJ|page=105|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=PFLoBgAAQBAJ&pg=PA105}}</ref> as well as 12 of whom were in Perlach during 1919,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Max Hirschberg & Reinhard Weber|title=Jude und Demokrat}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Douglas Morris|title=Justice Imperiled: The Anti-Nazi Lawyer Max Hirschberg in Weimar Germany|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=cs_rXw0XfqwC|page=194|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=cs_rXw0XfqwC&pg=PA194}} (Most of the dead were actually members of the Social Democratic Party.)</ref> over 1,000 were in Ruhr during 1920,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Heinrich August Winkler|title=Germany: The Long Road West|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=gXflC2Ipo_QC|volume=2|page=371|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=gXflC2Ipo_QC&pg=PA371}}</ref> at least 354 during 1920–1922,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Robert George Leeson Waite|title=Vanguard of Nazism|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=r0qGAAAAIAAJ|pages=214–216|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=r0qGAAAAIAAJ&q=354}}</ref> and 24 in Hamburg during 1923<ref name=pg330/>)

'''1919, Buenos Aires''': 700.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Horacio Ricardo Silva|title=Días rojos, verano negro: enero de 1919, la semana trágica de Buenos Aires|title-url=https://archive.org/details/DiasRojosVeranoNegro/page/n121}}</ref>

'''1919, Latvia''': thousands (300 of whom were in Mitau<ref name=Eksteins>{{safesubst:citation|author=Modris Eksteins|title=Walking Since Daybreak: A Story of Eastern Europe, World War II, and the Heart of Our Century|page=73}}</ref> and 3,000 of whom were in Riga<ref name=Eksteins/> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Philip Farr|title=Soviet Russia and the Baltic Republics|title-url=https://www.revolutionarydemocracy.org/archive/BalticRepublics.pdf|publisher=Russia Today Society|year=1944|page=16}}</ref>)

'''1919–1921, Hungary''': 500–5,000.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=|title-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140806225609/http://www.xxszazadintezet.hu/bemutatkozo/bemutatkozo/a_konferencian_elhangzott.html}} {{safesubst:citation|title=Magyarország a XX. században|title-url=http://mek.oszk.hu/02100/02185/html/1.html}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Török Bálint|title=Trianon magyar szemmel}}</ref>

'''1920s, Clevelândia''': at least 6.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=John W. F. Dulles|title=Anarchists and Communists in Brazil, 1900–1935|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=qXf8AwAAQBAJ|page=363|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=qXf8AwAAQBAJ&pg=PT363}}</ref>

'''1920s, Kingdom of Spain''': over 100.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Juan Gómez Casas|title=Anarchist Organisation: The History of the F.A.I.|title-url=https://libcom.org/files/Anarchist%20Organisation%20-%20The%20History%20of%20the%20F.A.I..pdf|location=Québec|publisher=Black Rose Books|year=1986|pages=60–64|ISBN=0-920057-40-3}}</ref>

'''1920–1922, Patagonia''': 300–1,500.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Juan Lanús|title=La Causa Argentina|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=-kITAQAAIAAJ|publisher=Emecé Editores|year=1988|pages=46 & 393}}</ref>

'''1921, Black Sea''': 15.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=TKP commemorates its founders, Mustafa Suphi and 14 comrades|title-url=https://news.sol.org.tr/node/176524}}</ref>

'''1922, Estonia''': 1.<ref name=Baltic27>{{safesubst:citation|author=Philip Farr|title=Soviet Russia and the Baltic Republics|title-url=https://www.revolutionarydemocracy.org/archive/BalticRepublics.pdf|publisher=Russia Today Society|year=1944|page=27}}</ref>

'''1923, Bulgaria''': 841.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Музей на революционното движение в България}}</ref>

'''1923, Empire of Japan''': 6,000–10,000.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Encyclopedia of Korean Culture|title-url=http://encykorea.aks.ac.kr/Contents/SearchNavi?keyword=관동대학살&ridx=0&tot=271}} {{safesubst:citation|title=A play teaching the history of the Great Kanto Earthquake massacres to Japanese youth|title-url=http://english.hani.co.kr/arti/english_edition/e_international/797581.html}} {{safesubst:citation|title=Yokohama recalls texts describing 1923 'massacre' of Koreans|title-url=https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2013/08/29/national/history/yokohama-recalls-texts-describing-1923-massacre-of-koreans}} {{safesubst:citation|title=1923 Kanto Earthquake Massacre seen through American viewpoints|title-url=http://www.koreatimes.co.kr/www/news/culture/2016/08/317_213147.html}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Robert Neff|title=The Great Kanto Earthquake Massacre|title-url=https://english.ohmynews.com/articleview/article_view.asp?at_code=363496}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Joshua Hammer|title=Yokohama burning: the deadly 1923 earthquake and fire that helped forge the path to World War II|page=167|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=6O8VyhDbUPgC&pg=PA167}} {{safesubst:citation|title=The Great Kanto Earthquake of 1923|title-url=http://library.brown.edu/cds/kanto/denewa.html}} (See also: https://web.archive.org/web/20070825113418/http://rekishi.jkn21.com ; {{safesubst:citation|title=Murder of an Anarchist Recalled: Suppression of News in the Wake of the 1923 Tokyo Earthquake|title-url=https://apjjf.org/-The-Asahi-Shinbun-Cultural-Research-Center-/2569/article.html}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Mikiso Hane|title=Reflections on the Way to the Gallows|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=k7YwDwAAQBAJ}})</ref>

'''1923, Kraków''': 18–30.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Andrzej Osęka|title=Gumowa kula demokracji|title-url=https://www.wprost.pl/78027/Gumowa-kula-demokracji}} {{safesubst:citation|title=Wspomnienie o adw. Eugeniuszu Śmiarowskim (1878–1932)|title-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120217093826/http://www.palestra.pl/index.php?go=artykul&id=1814}}</ref>

'''1924, Estonia''': 301.<ref name=Baltic27/>

'''1924, Tatarbunary''': unknown.

'''1925, Halle (Saale)''': 6.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|journal=Chicago Daily Tribune|title=German Police Kill Six in Riot at Red Meeting|date=14 March 1925|page=7}}</ref>

'''1926, Lithuania''': 4.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Philip Farr|title=Soviet Russia and the Baltic Republics|title-url=https://www.revolutionarydemocracy.org/archive/BalticRepublics.pdf|publisher=Russia Today Society|year=1944|page=28}}</ref>

'''1927, Charlestown (Boston)''': 2.

'''1927–1950, China''': millions.

: 300–10,000 of these were in Shanghai during 1927<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=China Rising: The Revolutionary Experience}}</ref>
:500 were in Huichang during the same year.<ref name=pg361>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc|year=2017|page=361|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ&pg=361|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref>
:800 were in a region west of Nanch’ang during the same year.<ref name=pg361/>
:2,000 were on their way to Canton during the same year.<ref name=pg362>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc|year=2017|page=362|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ&pg=362|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref>
:4,000–15,000 were in Canton (Guangzhou) during the same year.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Philip S. Jowett|title=The Armies of Warlord China 1911–1928|title-url=https://ihistory.ifeng.com/50469226/news.shtml}}</ref> <ref name=pg362/>
:300,000 were in south central China during 1928.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Zhou Enlai: A Political Life|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NztlWQeXf2IC|page=38|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=NztlWQeXf2IC&pg=PA38}}</ref>
:143 were in Inner Manchuria during 1929.<ref name=Krivosheev/>
:Over 1,000 were at Ching Kang Shan during the same year.<ref name=pg362/>
:About 4,000 were in the Kiangsi Province during 1931, and 10,000 later in the same year.<ref name=pg362/>
:1,000,000 were the fault of the Kuomintang and occurred during 1933–1934.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Edgar Snow|title=Red Star Over China|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=qzp9CgAAQBAJ|publisher=Read Books Ltd.|year=2013|page=162|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=qzp9CgAAQBAJ&pg=PT162|ISBN=9781447497349}}</ref>
:8,000 were at Kuangch’ang during 1934.<ref name=pg362/>
:∼100,000 were during 1934–1937.<ref name=pg363>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc|year=2017|page=363|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ&pg=363|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}} (It is possible that a minority of these died from natural causes, but the exact number is unknown.)</ref>
:584,267–900,000 were in China & Burma during 1937–1945.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Meng Guoxiang & Zhang Qinyuan|title=关于抗日战争中我国军民伤亡数字问题}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc|year=2017|pages=368 & 527|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ&pg=368|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref>
:2,700,000 were due to the ‘Three Alls Policy’<ref>{{safesubst:citation|editor=Cathal J. Nolan|title=The Concise Encyclopedia of World War II|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=8ZJxDwAAQBAJ|publisher=ABC-CLIO|page=1074|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=8ZJxDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA1074|ISBN=9780313365270}}</ref> enacted during the same period.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Herbert P. Bix|title=Hirohito and the Making of Modern Japan}} or specifically {{safesubst:citation|author=Mitsuyoshi Himeta|title=日本軍による『三光政策・三光作戦をめぐって}} For the anticommunist motives, see {{safesubst:citation|author=Jay Corrin, June Grasso, & Michael Kort|title=Modernization and Revolution in China: From the Opium Wars to World Power|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=mtUrDwAAQBAJ&pg=PT129}}</ref>

'''1928, Ciénaga''': 47–3,000.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=The Santa Marta Massacre|title-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120717004708/http://www.icdc.com/~paulwolf/colombia/santamarta.htm}} and {{safesubst:citation|author=Eduardo Posada-Carbó|title=Fiction as History: The bananeras and Gabriel García Márquez's One Hundred Years of Solitude|title-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060531101145/http://bailey83221.livejournal.com/75717.html}}</ref>

'''1929, Berlin''': 33.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Uwe Klussmann|title=„Blutmai“ im Wedding|title-url=https://www.spiegel.de/spiegel/spiegelgeschichte/d-88536776.html}}</ref>

'''1929, Lupeni''': 16–58.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|journal=The New York Times|title=16 RUMANIA MINERS SHOT BY SOLDIERS; Another Report Says 58 Are Killed|title-url=https://www.nytimes.com/1929/08/07/archives/16-rumania-miners-shot-by-soldiers-another-report-says-58-are.html|date=7 August 1929|page=9}} {{safesubst:citation|title=City of Lupeni|title-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070307231227/http://jiuvalley.com/engl/cities/lupeni/subcat.asp?categ=27&subcateg=46}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Jack R. Friedman|title=Furtive Selves: Proletarian Contradictions, Self-Presentation, and the Party in 1950s Romania}} {{safesubst:citation|title=Bitter Victory for Romanian Miners|title-url=http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/62/462.html}}</ref>

'''1930s, German Reich''': thousands<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Nikolaus Wachsmann|title=KL: A History of the Nazi Concentration Camps|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=QzKdBAAAQBAJ|page=41|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=QzKdBAAAQBAJ&pg=PA41|ISBN=978-1-4299-4372-7}}</ref> (5 of these were during January of 1930,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|journal=Chicago Daily Tribune|title=5 Die in German Riots in Memory of Red Martyrs|date=16 January 1930}}</ref> several during 1932,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Ian Kershaw|title=Hitler: 1889–1936 Hubris|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=TpVrCwAAQBAJ|pages=244–5|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=TpVrCwAAQBAJ&pg=PT244}}</ref> 4 were in Altona during 1933,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Robert Bohn|title=Die nationalsozialistische Sondergerichtsbarkeit in Schleswig-Holstein}}</ref> and at least 22 were near Danzig during 1943–1945<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Bo Lidegaard|title=Countrymen|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=SQlExDSHlZIC|page=155|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=SQlExDSHlZIC&pg=RA1-PT155}}</ref>)

'''1930s–1970s, Dominican Republic''': 50,000<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Rafael Trujillo and the Forgotten Genocide|title-url=https://wp.me/p73fFh-1kr6}} See ''Killing Hope'', chapter 29 for details.</ref> (3,000 of whom died in 1960<ref name=Lucas>{{safesubst:citation|author=James A. Lucas|title=US Has Killed More Than 20 Million People in 37 “Victim Nations” Since World War II|title-url=https://popularresistance.org/?p=78226}}</ref>)

'''1930s–1990s, Guatemala''': 100,000–200,000<ref name=Parenti>{{safesubst:citation|author=Michael Parenti|title=Blackshirts & Reds: Rational Fascism & the Overthrow of Communism|location=San Francisco|publisher=City Light Books|year=1997|page=25|ISBN=0-87288-330-1}}</ref> <ref name=Lucas/> <ref name=Blum>{{safesubst:citation|author=William Blum|title=Killing Hope: US Military & CIA Interventions since World War II|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=-IbQvd13uToC|edition=third|location=London|publisher=Zed Books|ISBN=1 84277 368 2}}</ref> <ref name=TeleSur>{{safesubst:citation|title=10 of the Most Lethal CIA Interventions in Latin America|title-url=https://www.telesurenglish.net/analysis/10-of-the-Most-Lethal-CIA-Interventions-in-Latin-America-20160608-0031.html}}</ref> (at least 42,275 of whom died during 1981–1983 from racial motivations<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=La Comisión para el Esclarecimiento Histórico|title-url=https://press.un.org/en/1999/19990301.guate.brf.html}}</ref>).

'''1931, Ådalen''': 5.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Massakern i Ådalen har tonats ner|title-url=https://www.aftonbladet.se/teknik/a/m6Ly0E/massakern-i-adalen-har-tonats-ner}}</ref>

'''1931, Argentina''': 4.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Felipe Pigna|title=Los Mitos de la historia argentina}}</ref>

'''1931, Vallenar''': at least 21.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Gonzalo Izquierdo|title=Historia de Chile|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=AdOYTXmSs8kC|page=37|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=AdOYTXmSs8kC&pg=PA37}}</ref>

'''1932, El Salvador''': 30,000.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Edward A. Lynch|title=Cold War’s Last Battlefield, The: Reagan, the Soviets, and Central America|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=o6x-Ruo4IR4C|page=49|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=o6x-Ruo4IR4C&pg=PA49}} {{safesubst:citation|title=El Salvador - Economic Crisis and Repression|title-url=http://countrystudies.us/el-salvador/7.htm}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc|year=2017|page=380|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ&pg=380|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref>

'''1932, People’s Republic of Mongolia''': 1,800.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Б.Зинамидар. Гадаадаас турхирсан 1932 оны бослого}}</ref>

'''1932, Trujillo''': 1,000–5,000.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Luis Alberto Sánchez|title=Política sin caretas|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=CUcPAAAAYAAJ|publisher=Okura Editores|year=1984|page=179|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=CUcPAAAAYAAJ&dq="5+mil"}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Mario Vargas Llosa|title=Literatura y política|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=7mJfAAAAMAAJ|page=24|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=7mJfAAAAMAAJ&dq="5+mil"}} {{safesubst:citation|title=Peru (1912-present)|title-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130206224750/http://uca.edu/politicalscience/dadm-project/western-hemisphere-region/peru-1912-present}}</ref>

'''1932–1939, Manchuria, Mongolia, & Primorsky Krai''': 32,000<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Nomonhan: Japan Against Russia, 1939|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=SIAwKiNRmrAC|volumes=1–2|page=1176|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=SIAwKiNRmrAC&pg=PA1176}} {{safesubst:citation|title=The Soviet Strategic Offensive in Manchuria, 1945: ‘August Storm’|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=epWRAgAAQBAJ|page=xxi|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=epWRAgAAQBAJ&pg=PR21}}</ref> (236 of whom were near Lake Khasan during 1938<ref name=ch05>{{safesubst:citation|author=Grover Furr|title=Blood Lies: The Evidence that Every Accusation against Joseph Stalin and the Soviet Union in Timothy Snyder’s Bloodlands Is False|location=New York|publisher=Red Star Publishers|year=2014|page=249|ISBN=978-0-692-20099-5}}</ref> and 9,868 of whom were near the Khalkha River during 1939<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=M. Kolomiets|title=Boi u reki Khalkhin-Gol|title-url=http://www.armchairgeneral.com/rkkaww2/battles/khalkhin_gol/losses.htm}} {{safesubst:citation|title=Халхин-гольское сражение: пересмотр статистики|title-url=http://archiv.mongolnow.com/peresmotr_stat.html}}</ref> <ref name=ch05/>)

'''1933, Casas Viejas''': 26.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Julián Casanova|title=De la calle al frente|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=QRyrcQAACAAJ|page=113}}</ref>

'''1933, Grivița''': 7.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Legendele Griviţei - comuniştii declaraţi singurii vinovaţi|title-url=http://www.jurnalul.ro/articol_30040/legendele_grivitei___comunistii_declarati_singurii_vinovati.html}}</ref>

'''1934, Asturias''': over 1,700.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=H. Thomas|title=The Spanish Civil War|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=4a5RAQAAQBAJ&pg=PA136}} Examples of antisocialist motives can be read in {{safesubst:citation|title=Unearthing Franco’s Legacy|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=4kpkQgAACAAJ|page=62}} and {{safesubst:citation|title=Deadly Embrace|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Xfwt4hwRgJgC|pages=252–254}}</ref>

'''1934, Minneapolis''': 2.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Jeremy Brecher|title=The Minneapolis Teamsters strike, 1934|title-url=https://libcom.org/history/minneapolis-teamsters-strike-1934-jeremy-brecher}}</ref>

'''1934, Paris''': unknown. (Nine?)

'''1934, Ránquil''': 477.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Andrés Solimano|title=Capitalismo a la chilena: Y la prosperidad de las elites|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ZRhgDwAAQBAJ|page=45|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=ZRhgDwAAQBAJ&pg=PT45}} {{safesubst:citation|title=El Partido Comunista de Chile y el levantamiento de Ranquil|title-url=https://www.archivochile.com/Historia_de_Chile/ranquil/HCHranq0006.pdf}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Téllez Lúgaro|title=El levantamiento del a Alto Biobío y el Soviet y la República Araucana de 1934|title-url=http://repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/123127}}</ref>

'''1934, San Francisco''': 2–9.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Fred Glass|title=From Mission to Microchip: A History of the California Labor Movement|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=yj0lDQAAQBAJ&pg=PA240}}</ref>

'''1934, Toledo''': 2.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Stershner Bernard|title=Depression and New Deal in Ohio|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=WqsViI9RrMUC|year=1977|page=262}}</ref>

'''1935, Recife & Rio de Janeiro''': at least 119.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Os 50 anos da primeira intentona comunista|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=8R4sAAAAYAAJ}} {{safesubst:citation|title=A Intentona Comunista: o que é fato e o que é boato|title-url=http://www.pitoresco.com/historia/republ207.htm}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc|year=2017|page=385|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ&pg=385|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref>

'''1936–1939, Spain''': 275,000–305,000.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Stanley Sandler|title=Ground Warfare: An International Encyclopedia|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=L_xxOM85bD8C|volume=1|page=160|pagerl=https://books.google.com/books?id=L_xxOM85bD8C&pg=PA160}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Manuel Álvaro Dueñas|title=La gran represión: los años de plomo del franquismo}}</ref>
 
'''White Terror''': 150,000–400,000.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Morir, matar, sobrevivir. La violencia en la dictadura de Franco}} {{safesubst:citation|title=A Time of Silence: Civil War and the Culture of Repression in Franco’s Spain}}</ref>

'''1937, Chicago''': at least 10.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Ahmed A. White|title=The Drive to Organize Steel. The ‘Little Steel’ Strike of 1937: Class Violence, Law, and the End of the New Deal.}}</ref>

'''1939, Kresy''': 1,475–5,327.<ref name=Krivosheev/> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Igor Bunich|title=Operatsiia Groza, Ili, Oshibka V Tretem Znake: Istoricheskaia Khronika|page=88}} Contrary to popular belief, [https://msuweb.montclair.edu/~furrg/research/mlg09/did_ussr_invade_poland.html the anti‐Soviet forces were renegades who acted illegally during this operation.]</ref>

'''1939–1940, East Finland''': 126,875–167,976.<ref name=Krivosheev/> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Juri Kilin|title=Rajakahakan hidas jäiden lähtö}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Pavel Petrov|title=Venäläinen talvisotakirjallisuus}}. For the Finnish government’s anti‐Soviet sentiment and the origins of the conflict, [https://archive.org/stream/anti-communist-myths-debunked/page/n164/mode/1up see here.]</ref>

'''1939–1975, Spain''': 30,000–200,000<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Michael L. Coulter|title=Encyclopedia of Catholic Social Thought, Social Science, and Social Policy|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=2xjZAAAAMAAJ|page=440|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=2xjZAAAAMAAJ&q=publicly+executed}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Nigel Townson|title=Spain Transformed|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=GUhpAAAAMAAJ|page=250|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=GUhpAAAAMAAJ&q=50,000}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Lorraine Ryan|title=Memory and Spatiality in Post-Millennial Spanish Narrative|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=os8FDAAAQBAJ|page=32|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=os8FDAAAQBAJ&pg=PA32}}</ref> (at least 2,166 of whom anticommunists killed for resisting the régime<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Antonio Téllez|title=Armed resistance to Franco|title-url=https://libcom.org/history/articles/armed-resistance-to-franco}}</ref>)

'''1940s, Malaysia & Singapore''': about 50,000.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Ooi Giok Ling|title=Southeast Asian Culture and Heritage in a Globalising World – Diverging Identities in a Dynamic Region}} For some examples of anticommunist motivation, [https://web.archive.org/web/20150201161449im_/http://www.yale.edu/gsp/publications/WaiKeng.doc see here.]</ref>

'''1940s–1950s, the Philippines''': 9,695.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc|year=2017|page=616|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ&pg=616|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref>

'''1940s–1956, the Baltic''': 18,562.<ref name=pg538>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc|year=2017|page=616|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ&pg=616|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Andrejs Plakans|title=The Latvians: A Short History|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Ad3-xvwdjE4C|publisher=Hoover Press|page=155|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=Ad3-xvwdjE4C&pg=PA155|ISBN=9780817993030}}</ref>

'''1940–1942, Mauthausen''': 4,761–6,784. (An additional 200 ‘Red Spaniards’ died in other camps.)<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=David Wing Pike|title=Spaniards in the Holocaust: Mauthausen, Horror on the Danube}}</ref>

'''1940–1944, France''': at least 30,000.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Terry Crowdy|title=French Resistance Fighter: France’s Secret Army|title-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180719024641/https://the-eye.eu/public/WorldTracker.org/World%20History/World%20War%20II/Osprey%20-%20Warrior%20117%20-%20French%20Resistance%20Fighter%20France%27s%20Secret%20Army.pdf}}</ref>

'''1940–1944, Norway''': scores. (At least 35 were saboteurs<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Lars Borgersrud|title=I spissen for sabotasjekampen, Aftenposten|page=5}}</ref> and 20–23 were members of the Communist Central Committee.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Arne Ording, Gudrun Johnson, & Johan Garder|title=Våre falne 1939–1945|title-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120317062254im_/http://da2.uib.no/cgi-win/WebBok.exe?slag=lesside&bokid=vaarefalne1&sideid=368&storleik=}} {{safesubst:citation|title=Nordre gravlund|title-url=https://www.oslo.kommune.no/natur-kultur-og-fritid/gravplasser-og-kremasjoner/vare-gravplasser/nordre-gravlund}}</ref>

'''1941–1945, Yugoslavia''': 245,549.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Vladimir Geiger|title=Ljudski gubici Hrvatske u Drugom svjetskom ratu koje su prouzročili "okupatori i njihovi pomagači"}}</ref>

:1941, Kraljevo: around 2,000.[139]
:1941, Kragujevac: 2,778–2,794.[140]

'''1941–1945, HaShoah''': 5,290,000–6,200,000.[141] [142]

'''1941–1945, Eastern Front''': 26,600,000–42,700,000.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Demographic Trends and Patterns in the Soviet Union Before 1991|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=EBmIAgAAQBAJ}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Michael Haynes|title=Counting Soviet Deaths in the Great Patriotic War|title-url=https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Michael_Haynes/publication/263553960_2003_Counting_Soviet_Deaths_in_the_Great_Patriotic_War_A_Note/links/5921e96a458515e3d40769e8/2003-Counting-Soviet-Deaths-in-the-Great-Patriotic-War-A-Note.pdf}} It is important to note that the minimum of twenty‐six million is merely the '''excess''' deaths rather than the total. However, the maximum of forty‐two million would include some false positives, that is to say, profascist citizens (included merely because of their national origin) and possibly even a couple million migrants, who did not necessarily die at all during the 1940s. Thus determining a more exact estimate would be very difficult.</ref>

:About 123 of these were in Liepāja during 1941.[145]
:13,000–16,000 of these were in or near Daugavpils during 1941–1943.[146]

'''1942, Leusderheide''': 25.[147]

'''1942–1944, Albania''': unknown. (Likely somewhere in the thousands.)

:107 of these were in Borovë during 1943.[148]
:Scores (possibly 127) were in Tirana during 1944.

'''1942–1954, Central Luzon''': over 109.[149]

'''1943, Leusderheide''': 12.[150]

'''1943–1957, U.P.A. operations in the Eastern Bloc''': scores of thousands.

:40,000 of these were Soviet soldiers, and 22,400 were socialist officials and civilians.[128] [129]

'''1944, Ardeatine''': 335.[151] [152] [153]

'''1944, Marzabotto''': 770.[154]

'''1944–1945, Czechoslovakia: 304–608'''.[155] [153]

'''1944–1950s, Greece: 38,000–38,839'''.[156]

:1944, Athens: 28.[157]

'''1944–1963, Poland''': more than 15,000.[158] [159] (Both the London Polish Government and the Home Army were antidemocratic and violently Judeophobic.[160] In no meaningful way were they opposed to all of fascism; at best they were simply anti‐German.)

:2,000 of these were specifically during 1945–1946,[161] and 79 were in Białystok Voivodeship during 1946.[162] About 32,400 were the fault of the U.P.A. and occurred during 1945–1948.[128] [129]

'''1945, Hiroshima & Nagasaki''': 129,000–226,000.[163]

'''1945, South Korea''': 100,000.[164]

'''1946, Hrubieszów''': unknown. (Maybe in the dozens.)

'''1946, Punnapra & Vayalar''': ∼1,000.[165]

'''1946, Santiago''': 6.[166]

'''1946–1953, French Indochina''': 175,000–300,000.[167] [168]

'''1947, Taiwan''': 35,000.<ref name=Parenti/>

:18,000–28,000 of these were during the February 28 incident alone.[169]

'''1947–1960s, Romanian People’s Republic''': unknown.

'''1948, Java''': ∼12,000.[170]

'''1948–1988, Burma''': over 60,000.[171]

:1962, Rangoon University: at least 15.[172]
:1986–1987, Shan State: at least 200.[173]

'''1948, Kingdom of Iraq''': 300–400.[174]

'''1948–1960, Malaysia''': 10,698.[175] [176] [177] [178]

'''1948–1949, Jeju Island''': over 12,360.[179]

'''1948, South Jeolla Province''': 439–2,000.[180]

'''1949, Mungyeong''': 86–88.[181]

'''1949–1976, global C.I.A. operations''': over 1,000,000.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author= John Stockwell|title=The Secret Wars of the CIA|title-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190222100802im_/http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article4068.htm}}</ref>

:2,000–4,000 of these were Cubans.<ref name=Lucas/>

'''1950s, Germany''': more than 1.[183]

'''1950s, Sendai''': 4.[184]

'''1950s–1960s, People’s Republic of China''': ∼41,000.[185]

'''1950s–1970s, Cambodia & Laos''': over 2,500,000.<ref name=Lucas/> [186]

:More than 19 of these were in Cambodia during 1967–1968.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Ben Kiernan|title=The Samlaut Rebellion, 1967–68}}</ref>
:At least 500,000 were due to aerial warfare during 1965–1973.<ref name=Parenti/> [188]
:1974–1997, Laos: over 460,000. (An annual minimum of twenty thousand.)[189]

'''1950s–1980s, Republic of Cuba''': ∼1,000–20,000.[190]

:158 of these were during 1981.[191]
:1960, Havana: 75.[192]
:1961, Bay of Pigs: 161–176.[193] [194] [192]

'''1950s–2000s, Haiti''': scores of thousands.

:30,000–100,000 of these were during 1957–1986.<ref name=Lucas/>
:3,000–4,000 were during 1986–1990s.[195]
:Over 8,000 were during 2004–2005.[196]

'''1950, Taiwan''': several.[197]

'''1950–1953, Korea: 1,800,000–4,500,000'''.<ref>https://archive.org/stream/anti-communist-myths-debunked/page/n135/mode/1up (and see ''Killing Hope'', chapter 5, for details).</ref> <ref name=Parenti/> <ref name=Lucas/>

:100,000–200,000 of these died in the Bodo League massacre of 1950,[199] 163–400 in Nogeun-ri during the same year,[200] and 150–153 in Gyeonggi-do during the same.[201]

'''1951, Iran''': ∼100.[202]

'''1951–1973, conterminous United States''': 340,000–460,000.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Keith Meyers|title=Some Unintended Fallout from Defense Policy: Measuring the Effect of Atmospheric Nuclear Testing on American Mortality Patterns|title-url=https://keith-meyers.squarespace.com/s/MeyersFalloutMortalityWebsite.pdf}} Yes, nobody ever said that the victims were socialists, but without the crusade against communism there would be no justification for holding these tests at all.</ref>

:1953, Ossining: 2.[204] [205]
:1960s, United States of America: at least 16.[222]
:1970, Kent State: 4.[297]
:1970, East Los Angeles: 4.[298] [299]

'''∼1951, Europe''': ‘hundreds’.[206]

'''1953, Tehran''': ∼300.[207]

'''1954, Tōkyō''': 1.[208]

'''1954–1962, Algeria''': 141,000–300,000.[209]

'''1955, off Great Natuna Islands''': 16.[210]

'''1955, Sevastopol''': 608.[211]

'''1955–1975, Vietnam: 3,000,000–5,100,000'''.<ref name=Parenti/> <ref name=Lucas/> [212]

:14 of these were North Koreans killed during 1967–1969.[213]
:20,587–40,994 were in South Vietnam during 1968–1971.[214] [215]

'''1955–2003, Sudan''': ∼2,000,000.<ref name=Lucas/> [216]

'''1956, Hungary''': 3,000.<ref name=Lucas/> [217]

'''1957–1979, Iran''': ‘thousands’.[218]

'''1958, Lebanon''': 1,000.[219]

'''1959, Seoul''': 1.[220]

'''1959, Mosul''': unknown. (Likely in the hundreds.)

'''1959, Tibet''': 2,000.[221]

'''1960s, Republic of Indonesia''': 500,000–3,000,000.<ref name=Parenti/> <ref name=Lucas/> [223] [224] [225]

'''1960s–1970, Eritrea''': over one thousand.

:946 of these were during 1967.[226]
:200 were in Besik‐Dira.[226]
:700 were in Ona.[226]

'''1960s–1980s, Korean Peninsula''': hundreds.

:Approximately 180 were in Seoul during 1960.[227]
:13 of these were in the DPRK during 1964.[228]
:397 were at the Korean Demilitarized Zone during 1966–1969.[229]
:20 were in the DPRK during 1967.[230]
:28–29 were somewhere near the DMZ during 1968.[231] [232]
:110–113 were in the Republic of Korea during the same year.[233] [232]
:3 were in Kumchon during 1970.[232]
:3 were in Gangwon-do during 1976.[232]
:1 was at the Korean Demilitarized Zone during 1979.[232]
:144–2,000 were at Kwangju during 1980.[234]
:3 were at the Han River during the same year.[232]
:1 was at Gangwon-do during 1981.[232]
:3 were at the Imjin River during the same year.[232]
:1 was on the east coast during 1982.[232]
:3 were during 1984.[235]
:2 were during 1987.

'''1960s–1980s, the Philippines''': 100,000<ref name=Lucas/> (and at least 3,257 of these have been confirmed as extrajudicial<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Alfred McCoy|title=Dark Legacy: Human rights under the Marcos regime|title-url=http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/54a/062.html}}</ref> <ref name=pg624>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc|year=2017|page=624|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ&pg=624|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref>)

'''1960s–1990, Nicaragua''': 25,000–100,000<ref name=Parenti/> <ref name=Lucas/> (over 3,000 of whom were in the mountains east of Matagalpa during the 1970s<ref name=pg640>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc|year=2017|page=640|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ&pg=640|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref>)

'''1960s–1991, Ethiopia''': unknown.

'''1960s–1992, Angola: 300,000–1,500,000'''.<ref name=Parenti/> <ref name=Lucas/> [239]

:2,016–15,000 of these were Cubans, and 54 were Soviets.[240]

'''1960s–1992, Mozambique''': over 1,000,000.<ref name=Parenti/> [241]

'''1960s–1994, South Africa''': about 7,200.[242]

'''1960s–present, Congo''': 3,000,000–4,000,000.<ref name=Lucas/> [243]

:60,000–70,000 of these were in Congo-Léopoldville during 1964.[244]

'''1960s–present, Colombia''': over 67,000.<ref name=Lucas/> [245]

:11,484 of these were since 2004 alone.[246]

'''1960, Hibiya Hall''': 1.[247]

'''1960–1963, Ecuador''': at least 5.[248]

'''1960–1965, Peru''': unknown.

'''1961–1964, Brazil''': several.

:2 of these were at Recife during 1964.[249]
:2–3 were in Rio de Janeiro during the same year.[249]
:2 were in Minas Gerais during the same year.[249]

'''1962, Charonne: 9'''.[250]

'''1962–1970, North Yemen''': 26,000.[251]

'''1962–1990, Sarawak''': 400–500.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Malaya rebels on move again|title-url=https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=1300&dat=19740220&id=hdtUAAAAIBAJ&sjid=wJADAAAAIBAJ&pg=6628,4649329}}</ref>

'''1963, Republic of Iraq''': 1,600–5,000.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Kanan Makiya|title=Republic of Fear: The Politics of Modern Iraq}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Bryan R. Gibson|title=Sold Out? US Foreign Policy, Iraq, the Kurds, and the Cold War}}</ref>

'''1963–1966, Malay Peninsula''': 590.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Michael Carver|title=Conventional Warfare in the Nuclear Age}}</ref>

'''1963–1967, Aden Protectorate''': 382.[255]

'''1963–1974, Guinea‐Bissau''': over 6,000.[256]

'''1963–1976, Dhofar''': over 433.[257]

'''1964, Neshoba County''': 3.[258]

'''1964–1967, Bolivia''': 42–54.[259]

:1967, Catavi: 87.[259]

'''1964–1979, Rhodesia''': over 10,000.[260]

'''1964–1982, United Mexican States''': over 3,000.[261]

:5 of these were in San Miguel Canoa during 1968.[262] [263]
:At least 300 were at the Plaza de las Tres Culturas during the same year.[264] [265]
:At least 30 were in Guerrero during 1970–1975.<ref name=pg640/>

'''1965–1990, Thailand''': thousands.

:133 of these were during 1965–1967.[266]
:3,008 were during 1971–1973.[267]
:40 were during 1976.[268]
:310 were during 1980.[268]

'''1966, El Salvador (Chile)''': 8.[269]

'''1966, Ghana''': 20–1,600.[270]

'''1966–1967, Macau''': 8.[271]

'''1966–1990, South West Africa''': over 11,335.[272]

'''1966–1998, Northern Ireland''': 368.[273]

'''1967, Hong Kong''': 26–51.[274]

'''1968, France''': 5.[275]

'''1968–1989, Malaysia''': 212.[276]

'''1969, Puerto Montt''': 10.[277]

'''1969–1990s, Panama''': 500–4,000.<ref name=Lucas/> [92] [278]

:1992: ‘hundreds’.[279]

'''1970s–1980s, Argentina, Brazil, Bolivia, Chile, Ecuador, Paraguay, & Uruguay''': 13,000–80,000.<ref name=Lucas/> [280]

:At least 13 of these were in Ezeiza during 1973.[281]
:9,089–43,000 of these were in Argentina during 1974–1983.[282] <ref name=Parenti/> [92] [283]
:400 of these were in Bolivia during the 1970s,<ref name=Lucas/> and 58 specifically were during 1970.[284]
:3,000–20,000 of these were in Chile during the 1970s–1990.[282] <ref name=Parenti/> [285] <ref name=Lucas/> [92]

'''1970s–1980s, Southern Cone''': ‘tens of thousands’. (An additional one hundred thousand to one hundred fifty thousand suffered torture.)[286]

'''1970s–1980s, Italian Republic''': at least 301.[287]

'''1970s–1984, Grenada''': 277.<ref name=Lucas/>

'''1970s–1992, Afghanistan''': 500,000–1,800,000.<ref name=Parenti/> <ref name=Lucas/>

'''1970s–1994, Republic of El Salvador''': 70,000–75,000.<ref name=Parenti/> [288] <ref name=Lucas/> [92]

:50–100 of these were at the National Hospital Rosales during 1975.[289]
:18–24 were at the San Salvador Cathedral during 1979.[290]
:300–600 were in Chalatenango during 1980.[291]
:800–1,200 were in El Mozote during 1981.[292]
:Over 200 were in El Calabozo during 1982.[293]

'''1970s–1999, East Timor''': 200,000–230,000.<ref name=Parenti/> <ref name=Lucas/> [294]

'''1970, Río Piedras''': 1.[295] [296]

'''1971, West Pakistan: 300,000–3,000,000'''. (An additional eight to ten million fled.)<ref name=Lucas/> [300]

'''1972, Bosnia‐Herzegovina''': 13.[301]

'''1975–1990, France & Spain''': 66.[302]

'''1975–present, Socialist Republic of Vietnam''': over 42,000.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Vietnam War Bomb Explodes Killing Four Children|title-url=https://www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/2012/12/03/vietname-war-bomb-explodes_n_2229727.html}} {{safesubst:citation|title=Vietnam war shell explodes, kills two fishermen|title-url=https://www.theaustralian.com.au/news/latest-news/vietnam-war-shell-explodes-kills-two-fishermen/news-story/ff6caa4590348abcb1d7872381452c20}} (Yes, these deaths might have been unintentional, but do not forget why the bombs existed in the first place.)</ref>

'''1976, Barbados''': 73.[304]

'''1976, Montejurra''': 2.[305]

'''1976–1980, Republic of Turkey''': 2,109.[306]

:34–42 of these were in Taksim Square during 1977.[307] [308]

'''1977, Atocha (Madrid)''': 5.[309]

'''1978, Guyana''': over 900.[310]

'''1979, Yemen''': hundreds.

'''1979, Greensboro (North Carolina)''': 5.[192]

'''1979–1981, Iran''': 4,000.[311]

:1981, Tehran: 50.[312]

'''1980s, Honduras''': 400.<ref name=Lucas/>

'''1980–present, Peru''': over 20,458.[313]

:123 of these were in Putis during 1984.[314]
:47–74 of these were in Accomarca during 1985.[315]
:Over 133 of these were in Peruvian prisons during 1986.[316]
:15 of these were in Barrios Altos during 1991.[317] [92]
:9 of these were in the Santa Province during 1992.
:10 of these were in La Cantuta during 1992.[318] [92]

'''1982, Chad''': 40,000.[319] <ref name=Lucas/>

'''1982, Beirut''': 4,000–5,000.[320]

'''1982, West Beirut''': 450–3,500.[321]

'''1983–1984, Belgium''': ‘several’.[287]

'''1985, Philadelphia''': 11.[322]

'''1987, Lieyu''': 19.[323]

'''1987, Ouagadougou''': 13.[324]

'''1988, Islamic Republic of Iran''': 2,800–30,000.[325] [326] [327]

'''1989, Beijing''': at least 23.[328]

'''1989, Republic of Venezuela''': 200–600.[329]

'''1989, Romania''': more than 2.[330]

'''1990s, Republic of Cuba''': at least 47,000.[331]

'''1990s–2000s, Democratic People’s Republic of Korea''': 250,000–3,000,000.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Economic Sanctions Against a Nuclear North Korea|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=dRmayDng2RwC&pg=PA86|page=86|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=dRmayDng2RwC&pg=PA86}} {{safesubst:citation|title=U.S. Media Ignores Humanitarian Aspects of Famine in Korea|title-url=https://projectcensored.org/?p=416}} {{safesubst:citation|author=Daniel Goodkind & Loraine West|journal=Population and Development Review|title=The North Korean famine and its demographic impact|volume=27|issue=2|year=2001|publisher=Population Council|pages=219–38|JSTOR=2695207}}</ref> [335] [336][a]

'''1990s–2000s, Eastern Bloc''': 1,000,000–10,000,000.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Oxford University|title=Death surge linked with mass privatisation|title-url=https://lofi.medicalxpress.com/news/2009-01-death-surge-linked-mass-privatisation.html}} {{safesubst:citation|author=David Zaridze, Paolo Boffetta, Paul Brennan, & Tamara Men|title=Russian mortality trends for 1991-2001: analysis by cause and region|title-url=https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC259165}} {{safesubst:citation|author=David Stuckler, Lawrence King, & Martin McKee|title=Mass privatisation and the post-communist mortality crisis: a cross-national analysis|title-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090222061405/http://press.thelancet.com/privatisationfinal.pdf}} {{safesubst:citation|author=David Satter|title=5/6: the transition that took five million lives|title-url=https://wp.me/p7gJRc-Bn}}</ref>

:500–1,052 were in Moscow during 1993.[338]
:At least 32 (out of maximum of 96) were confirmed as homicides against journalists in the Russian Federation,[339] 1 of which was in Chechnya’s capital during 1993, 7 somewhere in Russia’s during the same year,[340] 5 somewhere during 1994,[341] 9 during 1995,[342] another 7 during the same year,[343] 1 during 1998,[344] and 2 during 1999.[345]

'''1990s–2000s, Yugoslavia''': 107,000.<ref name=Lucas/>

:44 of these were in Slovenia during 1991.[346] [347]
:8,106 were in Croatia during 1991.[348] [349]
:1,103 were in Vukovar during 1991.[350] [351]
:At least 11,702 were in Kosovo during 1998–1999,[352] of which 300 were officials that the KLA killed and 1,008 that the NATO killed.[353] About 1,730–3,500 of them were non‐Albanian civilians, 8,661 were Albanians who either died or went missing,[354] and 3 were in a Chinese embassy (allegedly mistaken for a Yugoslav arms agency).
:At least 12 were killed in magnicides during 1997–2000.[355]

'''1990, Baku''': 21–29.[358] [330]

'''1992, Cheorwon''': maybe 3.[232]

'''1992–present, Northeast India''': at least 8,530.[359]

'''1994, Yemen''': unknown. (Likely in the hundreds.)

'''1994–present, Chiapas''': over 51.[360]

:1997, Acteal: 45.[361], <ref name=pg640/>

'''1995, Imjin River''': 1.[232]

'''1996, Gangneung''': 13.[362]

'''1996, Nepal''': 8,000–12,000.<ref name=Lucas/>

'''1997–present, India''': 3,402–4,041.[363]

:At least 905 were specifically since 2009.[364]

'''1997, Albania''': 2,000.[365]

'''1999, Northern Limit Line''': unknown. (Allegedly 17–30.)

'''20th century, Federal Republic of Germany''': over 20.[366]

:1971–1979: 9–14.[367] [330]

'''2000s–present, Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela''': dozens of thousands.

:300 of these were in the countryside during 2001–2006.[368]
:7–12 of these were in El Silencio during 2002.[369]
:At least 9 of these were during 2013.[370]
:At least 16 of these were during 2014.[371]
:At least 55 of these were during 2017.[372]
:40,000 were during 2017–2018.[373]
:Possibly 14 or so of these were during 2019.[374]

'''2001, East China Sea''': 15.[375]

'''2001–2010, the Philippines''': 1,200.[376]

'''2002, Northern Limit Line''': unknown. (Allegedly 13.)

'''2009, off the coast of Daecheong Island''': 1–10.[377]

'''2011, Libya''': 30,000–100,000.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Libya: Civil War Casualties Could Reach 100,000|title-url=https://ibt.uk/A000zt1}}</ref>

'''2011, Oslo & Utøya''': 77.[379]

'''2011–present, Syria''': over 6,000.[380] [381]

'''2017, City of Charlottesville''': 1.[382]

'''2017, Calabarzon''': 15.[383]

'''2018, Republic of Nicaragua''': at least 44.[384]

'''2019, Republic of Ecuador''': 9.[385]

'''2019, Republic of Chile''': 24.[386] [387]

'''2019, Plurinational State of Bolivia''': 33.[388]

'''2019, Mariano Montilla barracks''': 1.[389]

'''Total''': no fewer than 65,808,646.

'''Pessimistic estimate (all maxima added together)''': ∼109,939,814.

===References===
<references/>

Essay:Anticommunism kills

2025-12-01T12:14:32Z

Anarcho-Bolshevik:

Essay:Anticommunism kills

2025-11-24T04:49:55Z

Anarcho-Bolshevik:

Essay:Anticommunism kills

2025-11-23T04:14:27Z

Anarcho-Bolshevik:

Essay:The Myth of National Socialism

2025-11-23T03:00:34Z

Anarcho-Bolshevik: Created page with "A propaganda poster contemporary to the Nazi rise to power, mocking the insincerity of their actual policy platform. Antisocialists typically make two arguments in support of their accusation, namely: the fact that ‘Nazi’ is an abbreviation of ‘National '''Socialist'''’ and, to a less extent, that these other anticommunists were somehow against private property or against business. The..."

[[File:Nazi emphasis on workers and nationalists.jpg|590px|thumb|right|A propaganda poster contemporary to the Nazi rise to power, mocking the insincerity of their actual policy platform.]]

Antisocialists typically make two arguments in support of their accusation, namely: the fact that ‘Nazi’ is an abbreviation of ‘National '''Socialist'''’ and, to a less extent, that these other anticommunists were somehow against [[private property]] or against business. The first one is the easiest to refute: anybody can nullify it simply by reminding antisocialists of misnomers. For example, Rhode Island is not an island (it is a state on a continent), the [[Italian Social Republic]] was not a republic (it was a collaborationist state; republican only in that there was no king), the [[Independent State of Croatia]] wasn’t independent (it was also a collaborationist state), the [[Revolutionary Government Junta]] was not revolutionary (it was conservative), [[anarchocapitalism]] is not [[anarchism]]<ref name=notanarchists>{{safesubst:citation|title=Rothbard: "We must therefore conclude that we are not anarchists"|title-url=https://anarchism.pageabode.com/afaq/rothbard-we-must-therefore-conclude-that-we-are-not-anarchists|date=2009-04-28}}</ref> (it is [[neofeudalism]]), and we could go on for hours with more examples. As [[Lenin]] correctly concluded, ‘''In order to understand the real significance of parties one must examine, not their labels, but their class character and the historical conditions of each separate country.''’ As for why these anticommunists chose such a misnomer at all, Samuel W. Mitcham explains:

{{quote|Meanwhile on February 20, 1920, the German Workers’ Party switched its name to the [more euphemistic] National Socialist German Workers’ Party (''Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeitpartei'', called the N.S.D.A.P. for short). [The Führer] did not like the addition of the term ‘Socialist’ but acquiesced because the executive committee thought that it might be helpful in attracting workers from the left‐wing.|Samuel W. Mitcham|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Mitcham|first=Samuel|title=Why Hitler?: The Genesis of the Nazi Reich|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=YiNoAAAAMAAJ|publisher=Praeger|year=1996|page=68|ISBN=9780275954857}}</ref>}}

Antisocialists’ next claim, however, requires citations. But these shall all conclusively demonstrate that [[Fascism]], far from being [[socialism]] or otherwise anticapitalist, was itself a form of class rule that concentrated all its efforts into defending and expanding [[capitalism]]. However one redefines capitalism, the fact of the matter is that the Reich still preserved [[capital]], generalised [[commodity production]], the [[law of value]], and [[wage labour]]. Surely no capitalist rejects all of those.

===Capitalism===
A Western academic has documented privatization in the [[Third Reich]].<ref name=Bel>{{safesubst:citation|last=Bel|first=Germà|title=Against the mainstream: Nazi privatization in 1930s Germany|location=Barcelona|publisher=Universitat de Barcelona i ppre-IREA|pdf=https://web.archive.org/web/20110720073011/http://www.ub.edu/graap/nazi.pdf|archivedate=2011-07-20|JSTOR=27771569|accessdate=2020-01-29}}</ref> Indeed, early uses of the terms ‘privatization’ and ‘re-privatisation’ (by the ''Quarterly Journal of Economics'' in 1943 and the ''Economist'' on August 1st, 1936,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Bel|first=Germà|title=Retrospectives: The Coining of “Privatization” and Germany’s National Socialist Party|pdf=https://pubs.aeaweb.org/doi/pdf/10.1257/jep.20.3.187|journal=Journal of Economic Perspectives|volume=20|number=3|year=2006|pages=187–194|doi=10.1257/jep.20.3.187}}</ref> respectively) refer to their economic reforms,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=The Nazi Heritage of Privatization|date=11-September-2006|title-url=https://wp.me/p1kjl-1d}}</ref> which were almost the modern world’s first, even predating [[Chile]]’s and [[Britain]]’s, and postdating only the [[Kingdom of Italy]]’s.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Bel|first=Germà|title=The First Privatization: Selling SOEs and Privatizing Public Monopolies in Fascist Italy (1922–1925)|location=Barcelona|publisher=Universitat de Barcelona (GiM-IREA) & Barcelona Graduate School of Economics|pdf=https://web.archive.org/web/20120905202251/http://www.ub.edu/graap/bel_Italy_fascist.pdf|archivedate=2012-09-05|accessdate=2020-01-29}}</ref> The Reich introduced ‘Keynesian’ economic stimulus through military spending, privatisations, and breaking unions, instituting deep cuts in the proletariat’s wages.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Kalecki|first=Michał|title=The Last Phase in the Transformation of Capitalism|location=New York|publisher=Monthly Review Press|year=1972|page=65–73}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Morrison|first=Paul|title=The Poetics of Fascism: Ezra Pound, T.S. Eliot, Paul de Man|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=F3AlGGybFxEC|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press, Inc.|year=1996|page=149|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=F3AlGGybFxEC&pg=PA149|ISBN=0-19-508085-8}}</ref> Consequently, income from [[capital]] and business increased from 17.4% of the national income to 26.6%,<ref name=pg264>{{safesubst:citation|author=William Lawrence Shirer|title=The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=6QngAAAAQBAJ|publisher=Simon and Schuster|year=1960|page=264|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=6QngAAAAQBAJ&pg=PA264|isbn = 978-1-4516-5168-3}}</ref> and the rate of return on capital increased in the Reich’s industry.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Tooze|first=Adam|chapter=4|title=The Wages of Destruction: The Making and Breaking of the Nazi Economy|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=-h_Z_KK0MQUC|location=London|publisher=Penguin Books|year=2006|page=152|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=-h_Z_KK0MQUC&pg=PT152|ISBN=978-1-101-56495-0}}</ref> By the mid‐1930s, the Third Reich became the second country to recover fully from the Great Depression.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Tooze|first=Adam|chapter=2|title=The Wages of Destruction: The Making and Breaking of the Nazi Economy|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=-h_Z_KK0MQUC|location=London|publisher=Penguin Books|year=2006|page=99|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=-h_Z_KK0MQUC&pg=PT99|ISBN=978-1-101-56495-0}}</ref> (Tell us, just how many capitalists regard socialism and economic recoveries as compatible phenomena?) For most industrialists, it was superprofitable to cooperate with the ethnostate;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Collier|first1=Martin|last2=Pedley|first2=Philip|chapter=11|title=Hitler and the Nazi State|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=DZzxIL83j68C|location=Oxford|publisher=Heinemann|year=2005|page=154|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=DZzxIL83j68C&pg=PA154|ISBN=0 435 327097}}</ref> the net profits of [[corporation]]s such as Krupp and I.G. Farben increased tremendously from 1933 to 1940.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Pauwels|first=Jacques|chapter=6|title=Big Business and Hitler|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=_B43DwAAQBAJ|location=Toronto|publisher=James Lorimer & Company Ltd.|year=2017|page=61|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=_B43DwAAQBAJ&pg=PA61|ISBN=978-1-4594-0976-7}}</ref> Krupp in particular immediately commercialized a local engineer’s ore‐refinement technique, licensed it to several Imperial businesses, and exported the corresponding plants to said businesses. This resulted in an enormous amount of licensing and export revenue for Krupp.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Kudō|first=Akira|editor=J.A.A. Stockwin|chapter=5|title=Japanese-German Business Relations: Co-operation and Rivalry in the Interwar Period|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=W00qBgAAQBAJ|location=London|publisher=Routledge|year=2001|year_published=1998|pages=89–93|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=W00qBgAAQBAJ&pg=PA89|ISBN=0-203-01851-6}}</ref> The Reich’s most important sources of foreign currency included the [[Empire of Japan]] (with 14.5%), Britain (with 14%), occupied India (12%), the [[U.S.A.]] (with approximately 10.5%), and the [[Kuomintang]] (with over 10%), the last of whom were the Reich’s only important source of foreign currency who were also a purchaser of its arms.<ref name=Leitz>{{safesubst:citation|last=Leitz|first=C. M.|title=Arms exports from the Third Reich, 1933–1939: the example of Krupp|journal=Economic History Review|volume=LI|number=1|year=1998|pages=133–154|DOI=10.1111/1468-0289.00086}}</ref>

Regardless of their (infrequent) ranting against international plutocracy or how it devastated the national community, the fact remains that the Axis protected both private property and capital accumulation, especially those that periodically bent to the anticommunist state’s needs. Thus the ‘new’ world that the Axis envisioned still defended a central pillar of neoclassical liberalism’s world.<ref name=Hofmann>{{safesubst:citation|last=Hofmann|first=Reto|title=The fascist new–old order|journal=Journal of Global History|publisher=Cambridge University Press|volume=22|year=2017|pages=166–183|DOI=10.1017/S1740022817000031}}</ref> Capital was actually holding up better in the Reich than in Imperial America due to the Third Reich’s economic policies,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Piketty|first=Thomas|title=Capital in the
Twenty-First Century|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=T8zuAgAAQBAJ|location=Cambridge|publisher=Belknap Press of Harvard University Press|year=2014|page=|pageurl=https://images.jacobinmag.com/2014/04/germanuscapitalshares-2.jpg|trans=Arthur Goldhammer|ISBN=978-0-674-43000-6}}</ref> and for half of 1933, the Reich’s stock market actually outperformed that of Britain, France, and the U.S. (until intersecting with Britain’s in July that year).<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Ferguson|first1=Thomas|last2=Voth|first2=Hans-Joachim|title=Betting on Hitler: The Value of Political Connections in Nazi Germany|pdf=https://coreyrobin.files.wordpress.com/2014/04/voth-43.pdf|accessdate=2020-03-27}}</ref> Despite some of the import restrictions that the Third Reich imposed on behalf of its foreign exchange reserves, Italian luxury products kept their high shares. The Kingdom of Italy’s southern fruits alone accounted for ℛℳ 34.9 million in 1933 and remained almost completely unrestricted. Exports of other products (that did not satisfy any of the Reich’s existential needs) grew as well, with silk and floss in particular rising from ℛℳ 10.6 million in 1933 to 23.2 million in 1935. German exports of hemp and similar fibres increased from ℛℳ 9.2 million in 1933 to ℛℳ 16.7 million in 1935, which the Reich’s authorities had shifted from other countries—especially the [[Soviet Union]]—to the Kingdom of Italy instead. Tourism was another major source of Fascist revenue: the [[money]] that Germans travelling to the Kingdom of Italy spent bloomed from ℛℳ 16 million in 1933 to ℛℳ 38.1 million in 1935 (a sum already exceeded after the first nine months of 1936).<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Per Tiedtke|chapter=4|title=Germany, Italy and the International Economy 1929–1936: Co-operation or Rivalries at Times of Crisis?|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=v5N4DwAAQBAJ|location=Europe|publisher=Tectum Verlag|year=2016|page=154|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=v5N4DwAAQBAJ&pg=PA154|ISBN=978-3-8288-6407-8}}</ref> The binational Fuji Electric’s prosperity coincided with that of the Third Reich,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Akira Kudō|editor=J.A.A. Stockwin|chapter=9|title=Japanese-German Business Relations: Co-operation and Rivalry in the Interwar Period|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=W00qBgAAQBAJ|location=London|publisher=Routledge|year=2001|year_published=1998|page=184|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=W00qBgAAQBAJ&pg=PA184|ISBN=0-203-01851-6}}</ref> businesses fared well as the Fascist [[bourgeoisie]] controlled France,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Sica|first=Emanuele|title=Mussolini’s Army in the French Riviera: Italy’s Occupation of France|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=HcFWCwAAQBAJ|publisher=University of Illinois Press|date=2015-12-30|page=155|isbn=978-0-252-09796-6}}</ref> and by December 1941, the Third Reich became Imperial Japan’s largest foreign owner in terms of design, patent, and utility model rights, and second only to the U.S. in terms of trademark rights.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Kudō|first=Akira|editor=J.A.A. Stockwin|chapter=2|title=Japanese-German Business Relations: Co-operation and Rivalry in the Interwar Period|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=W00qBgAAQBAJ|location=London|publisher=Routledge|year=2001|year_published=1998|page=24|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=W00qBgAAQBAJ&pg=PA41|ISBN=0-203-01851-6}}</ref> Mitsubishi share offerings raised a sum of about ¥45 million from the 1920s to 1931, and further offerings in the early 1940s only brought in many times more. Nissan’s own paid‐in capital (¥5.25 million in 1933) increased to ¥198.37 million in 1937; its total assets jumped from ¥91.08 to ¥383.10 million.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Nakamura|first1=Masao|last2=Morck|first2=Randall|title=Business Groups and the Big Push: Meiji Japan's Mass Privatization and Subsequent Growth|title-url=https://ssrn.com/abstract=993073|journal=NBER Working Paper|location=Cambridge|publisher=National Bureau of Economic Research|date=2007-06-27|number=w13171|pages=33–8}}</ref> The Third Reich fostered consumerism as well.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Wiesen|first=S. Jonathan|title=Creating the Nazi Marketplace: Commerce and Consumption in the Third Reich|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=lQD1TnGZBXcC|location=New York|publisher=Cambridge University Press|year=2011|ISBN=978-0-521-76253-3}}</ref> <ref name=Föllmer>{{safesubst:citation|last=Föllmer|first=Moritz|title=Was Nazism Collectivistic? Redefining the Individual in Berlin, 1930–1945*|title-url=https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/abs/10.1086/650507|journal=Journal of Modern History|publisher=University of Leeds|volume=82|number=1|year=2010|pages=61–100|doi=10.1086/650507}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Pamela Swett|editors=E. Harvey, J. Hürter, M. Umbach, & A. Wirsching|title=Private Life in the People’s Economy: Spending and Saving in Nazi Germany|publication=Private Life and Privacy in Nazi Germany|location=Cambridge|publisher=Cambridge University Press|year=2019|pages=135–155|DOI=10.1017/9781108754859.006}}</ref> Imperial Japan’s consumer culture in particular was overwhelmingly sympathetic to the Duce, and contributed to his celebrity throughout the Empire.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Hofmann|first=Reto|chapter=2|title=The Fascist Effect: Japan and Italy, 1915–1952|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ|location=Ithaca and London|publisher=Cornell University Press|year=2015|page=48|ISBN=978-0-8014-5341-0}}</ref> In terms of practical policy, the Fascists favored a [[market]]‐based economic policy:

{{quote|Irrespective of an awful overall performance, an important characteristic of the economy of the Third Reich, and a big difference from a centrally planned one, was the rôle [that] private ownership of firms was playing — in practice as well as in theory. The ideal [Fascist] economy would liberate the creativeness of a multitude of private entrepreneurs in a predominantly competitive framework gently directed by the state to achieve the highest welfare of the Germanic people.|Christoph Buchheim & Jonas Scherner|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Buchheim|first1=Christoph|last2=Scherner|first2=Jonas|title=The Role of Private Property in the Nazi Economy: The Case of Industry|journal=The Journal of Economic History|publisher=Cambridge University Press|volume=66|number=2|year=2006|pdf=https://web.archive.org/web/20200125123901/http://piketty.pse.ens.fr/files/capitalisback/CountryData/Germany/Other/Pre1950Series/RefsHistoricalGermanAccounts/BuchheimScherner06.pdf|archivedate=2020-01-25|page=411|JSTOR=3874882|accessdate=2020-01-18}}</ref>}}

{{quote|Germany was not the Soviet Union, centrally planned and centrally commanded. [The Chancellery’s] orders, though they shaped national policy, were refracted and distorted by a system that was poorly coordinated, factious, and obstructive. There was no straight line of command between Führer and factory. In between lay a web of ministries, plenipotentiaries and Party commissars, each with their own apparatus, interests and rubber stamps, producing more than the usual weight of bureaucratic inertia. At the end of the line was a business community most of whom remained wedded to entrepreneurial independence, and resented the jumbled administration, the corrupt [N.S.D.A.P.] hacks, the endless form‐filling, which stifled what voluntary efforts [that] they might have made to transform the war economy.|R.J. Overy|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Richard Overy|chapter=|title=Why the Allies Won|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=aA-lS2K4hJkC|location=New York|publisher=W.W. Norton & Company|year=1997|page=200–5|ISBN=0-393-31619-x}}</ref>}}

All of this is no surprise since the Fascists themselves explicitly recognised private ownership<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=VI|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=115}}</ref> as a primary economic factor:

{{quote|The corporate State considers that private enterprise in the sphere of production is the most effective and useful instrument in the interest of the nation. In view of the fact that private organisation of production is a function of national concern, the organiser of the enterprise is responsible to the State for the direction given to production.|The Duce|<ref>{{safesubst:citation| publisher = Ardita|author=Benito Mussolini| title = Fascism: Doctrine and Institutions|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=LRiFAAAAMAAJ|year=1935}}</ref>}}

The Chancellor himself only ever described the N.S.D.A.P. as a right‐wing movement; something that supported private property. His economic ministers reflected this:

{{quote|Adolf Weber was asked to make a report by the plaintiff in my denazification process before the Ludwigsburg court. In this report he showed how I succeeded in bringing [the Chancellor] to his senses where questions of banking and currency were concerned. At the end of March, 1933 [the Chancellor] declared in the Reichstag ‘In principle, the [Fascist] government will safeguard the interests of the German people, not by means of a state‐organised bureaucracy, but by means of the greatest possible furtherance of private enterprise and respect for private property.’ And a little later he said to his party leaders ‘It is wrong
to get rid of a good economist provided he is a good economist because he is not yet a [Fascist], at least not if the [Fascist] who is to take his place knows nothing about economics’.|Hjalmar Schacht|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Hjalmar Schacht|chapter=10|title=The Magic of Money|pdf=https://ia801206.us.archive.org/30/items/SchachtHjalmarTheMagicOfMoney.o/Schacht%20Hjalmar%20-%20The%20magic%20of%20money.o.pdf|location=London|publisher=Oldbourne Book Co. Ltd.|year=1967|page=155|trans=Paul Erskine}}</ref>}}

{{quote|I tried to accomplish my mission by impressing on the Führer and the Party as a whole that private initiative, the self‐reliance of the business man, and the creative powers of free enterprise should be recognized as the basic economic policy of the Party. The Führer personally stressed time and again, during talks with me and industrial leaders to whom I had introduced him, that he was an enemy of state‐economy and of so‐called “planned economy”, and that he considered free enterprise and competition as absolutely necessary in order to gain the highest possible production.|Walther Funk|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Walther Funk|title=Nazi Party’s Economic Policy Department|title-url=https://spartacus-educational.com/GERfunk.htm|year=1931}}</ref>}}

There are yet more cases of Fascist privatization: as,

{{quote|In 1936/37 the capital of the ''Deutsche Bank'', ''Commerzbank'' and ''Dresdner Bank'' in the possession of the German Reich was sold to private shareholders and consequently the state representatives withdrew from the board of these banks. Also in 1936 the Reich sold its shares of ''Vereinigte Stahlwerke''. The war did not change anything with regard to this attitude. In 1940 the ''Genshagen'' airplane engine plant operated by ''Daimler-Benz'' was privatized; ''Daimler-Benz'' bought the majority of shares held by the Reich earlier than it wished to. But the company was urged by the Reich Aviation Ministry and was afraid that the Reich might offer the deal to another firm. Later in the war the Reich actively tried to privatize as many ''Montan GmbH'' companies as possible, but with only little success.|Christoph Buchheim & Jonas Scherner|<ref name=Buchheim406>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Buchheim|first1=Christoph|last2=Scherner|first2=Jonas|title=The Role of Private Property in the Nazi Economy: The Case of Industry|journal=The Journal of Economic History|publisher=Cambridge University Press|volume=66|number=2|year=2006|pdf=https://web.archive.org/web/20150910091952/http://economics.yale.edu/sites/default/files/files/Workshops-Seminars/Economic-History/buchheim-041020.pdf|archivedate=2015-09-10|page=406|JSTOR=3874882|accessdate=2020-01-18}}</ref>}}

With regards to agriculture:

{{quote|The agricultural policy of fascism with regard to tariffs and prices favors the big landowners and rich farmers almost exclusively at the expense of the small peasants. In both Italy and Germany, in fact “the technical division of products corresponds to an economic and political division of property and classes.” The big landowners and rich farmers, because their holdings are larger and they can use scientific methods, have a monopoly in the production of grain. The small peasants, on the other hand, produce almost no grain for the market but devote themselves to other activities, such as stock raising, truck farming, etc. But fascism assures profitable prices almost solely to the grain growers. As a matter of fact, the industrialists are opposed to any increase in prices of agricultural products which could have an adverse effect on their own costs. Fascism avoids sacrificing agriculture to industry when the products of large scale farming are involved, but it is less ardent in the defense of other commodities, produced chiefly by small peasants. In short, it manages a compromise that safeguards the interests of both the big landowners and the industrialists, but that is paid for by the small peasants.|Daniel Guerin|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Daniel Guerin|chapter=10|translators=Frances & Mason Merr|title=Fascism and Big Business|pdf=https://libcom.org/files/Daniel%20Guerin-Fascism%20and%20Big%20Business-Pathfinder%20Press%20(2000).pdf|location=Montreal|publisher=Pathfinder|year=2016|page=359|ISBN=978-0-87348-878-5}}</ref>}}

Hans Peter Danielcik, anticommunist lawyer and head of the Hanseatic Federation of Commerce, Trade, and Industry, noted that competition ‘''is essential to the [Fascist] economy''.’ For example, Krupp and I.G. Farben competed over exporting high‐pressure reaction pipes to the Japanese Empire.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Kudō|first=Akira|editor=J.A.A. Stockwin|chapter=4|title=Japanese-German Business Relations: Co-operation and Rivalry in the Interwar Period|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=W00qBgAAQBAJ|location=London|publisher=Routledge|year=2001|year_published=1998|pages=69–71|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=W00qBgAAQBAJ&pg=PA69|ISBN=0-203-01851-6}}</ref> Needless to say, if the Fascist state were micromanaging these businesses, the persistence of competition would make no sense. Other Fascist leaders likewise defended, both in theory<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Struve|first=Walter|title=Elites Against Democracy: Leadership Ideals in Bourgeois Political Thought in Germany, 1890–1933|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=65h9BgAAQBAJ|location=Princeton|publisher=Princeton University Press|year=1973|page=452|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=65h9BgAAQBAJ&pg=PT452|ISBN=0-691-07555-7}}</ref> and practice, private property and the profit motive.<ref>{{safesubst:citation| publisher = Cambridge University Press| isbn = 978-1-139-49463-2| last = Wiesen| first = S. Jonathan| title = Creating the Nazi Marketplace: Commerce and Consumption in the Third Reich|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=lQD1TnGZBXcC|date = 2010-11-22|pageurl = https://books.google.com/books?id=lQD1TnGZBXcC&pg=PA27| page = 27}}</ref> The German anticommunists considered private property a precondition to developing the creativity of members of the ‘German race’ in the ‘best interest’ of the people.<ref name=Buchheim408>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Buchheim|first1=Christoph|last2=Scherner|first2=Jonas|title=The Role of Private Property in the Nazi Economy: The Case of Industry|journal=The Journal of Economic History|pdf=http://piketty.pse.ens.fr/files/capitalisback/CountryData/Germany/Other/Pre1950Series/RefsHistoricalGermanAccounts/BuchheimScherner06.pdf|publisher=Cambridge University Press|volume=66|number=2|year=2006|page=408|JSTOR=3874882|accessdate=2020-01-18}}</ref> For example, [https://i.redd.it/8477weuky9my.png here] is the Führer himself concerning private property,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Konrad Heiden|title=Der Fuehrer: Hitler’s Rise to Power|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/derfuehrerhitlersrisetopower|location=Boston|publisher=Houghton Mifflin Company|year=1944|page=287|trans=Ralph Manheim}}</ref> and in May of 1930 he spat at his neighbour, Max Amann, this little nugget of wisdom:

{{quote|What right do these people have to demand a share of property or even in administration? […] The employer who accepts the responsibility for production also gives the workpeople their means of livelihood. Our greatest industrialists are not concerned with the acquisition of wealth or with good living, but, above all else, with responsibility and power. They have worked their way to the top by their own abilities, and this proof of their capacity — a capacity only displayed by a higher race — gives them the right to lead.|Adolf Hitler|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Konrad Heiden|chapter=V|title=A History of National Socialism|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=CkdZBwAAQBAJ|publisher=Routledge|volume=2|year=2010|page=126|isbn=978-1-136-96093-2}}</ref>}}

Similarly, on unions:

{{quote|Our great heads of industry are not concerned with the accumulation of wealth and the good life, rather they are concerned with responsibility and power. They have acquired this right by natural selection: they are members of the higher race. But you would surround them with a council of incompetents, who have no notion of anything. No economic leader can accept that.|Adolf Hitler|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Hitler vs Strasser, The Historic Debate of May 21st and 22nd 1930 – Otto Strasser|title-url=https://wp.me/p7aubC-3b|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20161230174023/https://institutenr.org/2016/12/30/hitler-vs-strasser-the-historic-debate-of-may-21st-and-22nd-1930-otto-strasser|archivedate=2016-12-30|accessdate=2020-01-18}}</ref>}}

In terms of workers’ rights, the Fascists prohibited collective bargaining<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=William Lawrence Shirer|chapter=7|title=The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=6QngAAAAQBAJ|publisher=Simon and Schuster|year=1960|page=203|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=6QngAAAAQBAJ&pg=PA203|ISBN=978-1-4516-5168-3}}</ref> and immediately began to crack down on ‘illegal groups’ (read: communists and social-democrats): first, ensuring that these groups were ‘destroyed by force’, and second, granting ‘extraordinary powers’ to employers to minimize the proletariat’s ability to organize.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Mason|first=Tim|title=The Workers' Opposition in Nazi Germany|title-url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/4288349|journal=History Workshop|volume=11|year=1981|page=121|accessdate=2018-06-27}}</ref> The Führer himself dismissed profit‐sharing and the workers’ right to consultation as ‘Marxist principles’.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Strasser|first=Otto|chapter=VIII|title=Hitler and I|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/HitlerAndIOttoStrasser|page=114|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/HitlerAndIOttoStrasser#page/n117/mode/1up}}</ref> As in the Kingdom of Italy,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=IV|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=76–79, 93–94|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp#page/n91/mode/1up}}</ref> the German anticommunists abolished the eight‐hour workday<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Hofmann|first=Reto|chapter=1|title=The Fascist Effect: Japan and Italy, 1915–1952|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ|location=Ithaca and London|publisher=Cornell University Press|year=2015|page=31|ISBN=978-0-8014-5341-0}}</ref> and replaced the unions themselves with pseudodemocratic, bourgeois apologist organizations<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Tobies|first=Renate|chapter=4|title=Iris Runge: A Life at the Crossroads of Mathematics, Science, and Industry|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=EDm0eQqFUQ4C|location=New York|publisher=Springer Science & Business Media|year=2012|page=322|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=EDm0eQqFUQ4C&pg=PA322|ISBN=978-3-0348-0229-1|DOI=10.1007/978-3-0348-0251-2|trans=Valentine A. Pakis}}</ref> which could neither negotiate wages nor working conditions,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Todd|first1=Allan|last2=Bottaro|first2=Jean|last3=Waller|first3=Sally|editor=Allan Todd|title=History for the IB Diploma: Interwar Years: Conflict and Cooperation 1919–39|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=cMQeI_PJVA0C|publisher=Cambridge University Press|year=2013|page=159|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=cMQeI_PJVA0C&pg=PA159|ISBN=978-1-107-64020-7}}</ref> rendering them ‘unions’ in name only. Consequently, many of the proletariat’s benefits faded away while the capitalists grew richer.<ref name=pg264/> (Incidentally, most mainstream economists also agree that the world would be better off without trades unions.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|en|author=Steve Keen|chapter=6|title=Debunking Economics — Revised and Expanded Edition: The Naked Emperor Dethroned?|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=sCBjDgAAQBAJ|location=London & New York|publisher=Zed Books|year=2011|pages=130–6|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=sCBjDgAAQBAJ&pg=PT160|ISBN=978 1 84813 993 0}}</ref>) The anticommunists accused those organizing wildcat strikes, and those wanting to make the ‘German Labor Front’ less useless to the proletariat, of being ‘Marxist gangsters’, and subsequently interned them in concentration camps.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Schoenbaum|first=David|chapter=III|title=Hitler’s Social Revolution: Class and Status in Nazi Germany, 1933–1939|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=1wNCSxrUlyMC|location=New York|publisher=W. W. Norton & Company, Inc.|year_published=1980|year=1997|pages=81–82|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=1wNCSxrUlyMC&pg=PT81|ISBN=0-393-31554-1}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Orlow|title=The History of the Nazi Party: 1933–1945|pages=79–80, 87, 126}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Martin Broszat|chapter=five|title=The Hitler State|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=dssFBAAAQBAJ|location=London & New York|publisher=Routledge|year=1996|year_published=1981|page=186|trans=John W. Hiden|ISBN=978-0-582-48997-4}}</ref> (Hopefully this at least prevented the Marxist mafia from hiding Blondi’s severed head underneath the Führer’s clean sheets.) In 1932, the Führer spewed:

{{quote|But in the economic sphere communism is analogous to democracy in the political sphere. We find ourselves today in a period in which these two fundamental principles are at grips in all spheres which come into contact with each other; already they are invading economics.|Adolf Hitler|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Text of the Dusseldorf Speech of 1932|title-url=https://www.historylearningsite.co.uk/?p=5636|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150906151941/http://www.historylearningsite.co.uk/modern-world-history-1918-to-1980/weimar-germany/text-of-the-dusseldorf-speech-of-1932|archivedate=2015-09-06}}</ref>}}

In 1935, he also spewed:

{{quote|National Socialists [read: Fascists] see in private property a higher level of human economic development that according to the differences in performance controls the management of what has been accomplished enabling and guaranteeing the advantage of a higher standard of living for everyone. Bolshevism destroys not only private property but also private initiative and the readiness to shoulder responsibility.|The Chancellor|<ref>{{safesubst:citation| title = 21 May 1935 - Adolf Hitler – speech at the Reichstag| accessdate = 2019-10-09|title-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140803043742/http://der-fuehrer.org/reden/english/35-05-21.htm|archivedate=2014-08-03}}</ref>}}

In one of his earliest speeches as Chancellor:

{{quote|Here all action shall be governed by one law: the Volk does not live for the economy, and the economy does not exist for capital, but capital serves the economy and the economy serves the Volk! In principle, the Government protects the economic interests of the German Volk not by taking the roundabout way through an economic bureaucracy to be organized by the State, but by the utmost promotion of private initiative and a recognition of the rights of property.|The Chancellor|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Domarus|first=Max|title=Hitler: 1939–1940|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ZgUQAQAAMAAJ|publisher=Tauris|year=1989|page=280|ISBN=1850431566}}</ref>}}

In 1938 (the same year that the Reich was hosting the world’s largest business<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Kudō|first=Akira|editor=J.A.A. Stockwin|chapter=9|title=Japanese-German Business Relations: Co-operation and Rivalry in the Interwar Period|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=W00qBgAAQBAJ|location=London|publisher=Routledge|year=2001|year_published=1998|page=165|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=W00qBgAAQBAJ&pg=PA165|ISBN=0-203-01851-6}}</ref>), he would reiterate that he approves of property and rejects [[scientific socialism]]:

{{quote|A Socialist is one who serves the common good without giving up his individuality or personality or the product of his personal efficiency. Our adopted term ‘Socialist’ has nothing to do with Marxian Socialism. Marxism is anti‐property; true socialism is not. Marxism places no value on the individual, or individual effort, or efficiency; true Socialism values the individual and encourages him in individual efficiency, at the same time holding that his interests as an individual must be in consonance with those of the community. All great inventions, discoveries, achievements were first the product of an individual brain. It is charged against me that I am against property, that I am an atheist. Both charges are false.|Adolf Hitler|https://i.imgur.com/fiI6yxm.jpg}}

As [[Leon Trotsky]] correctly observed,<ref>{{safesubst:citation| title = LEON TROTSKY: Fascism: What it is and how to fight it| accessdate = 2019-10-09| url = https://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/works/1944/1944-fas.htm}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Trotsky|first=Leon|authorlink=Leon Trotsky|title=Hitler’s Program|title-url=https://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1934/xx/hitler.htm|journal=Class Struggle: Official Organ of the Communist League of Struggle (Adhering to the International Left Opposition)|year=1934|volume=4|numbers=4–5|text=Hitler’s program is the program of German capitalism, aggressive but bound hand and foot by Versailles and the results of the World War.}}</ref> the N.S.D.A.P. was directed and financed first by small capitalists and then by big capitalist powers.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Scheck|first=Raffael|chapter=6|title=Germany, 1871–1945: A Concise History|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=lcqvAwAAQBAJ|location=Oxford|publisher=Berg|year=2008|page=150|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=lcqvAwAAQBAJ&pg=PA150|ISBN=978 1 84520 815 8}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Pool|first1=James|last2=Pool|first2=Suzanne|title=Who Financed Hitler|location=U.S.A.|year=1997|ISBN=0-8037-8941-6|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/WhoFinancedHitler}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Nash|first=Jay|title=The Great Pictorial History of World Crime|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=sKIbAQAAMAAJ|location=Wilmette, Illinois; Lanham, Maryland|publisher=History, Inc. & Scarecrow Press|volume=1|year=2004|page=141|ISBN=9781928831204}}</ref> According to some estimates, the Third Reich’s big businesses altogether donated approximately seven hundred million Reichsmarks to the N.S.D.A.P.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Pauwels|first=Jacques|chapter=6|title=Big Business and Hitler|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=_B43DwAAQBAJ|location=Toronto|publisher=James Lorimer & Company Ltd.|year=2017|page=73|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=_B43DwAAQBAJ&pg=PA73|ISBN=978-1-4594-0976-7}}</ref> While the party itself '''initially''' had limited support directly from corporations<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Voth|first=Hans-Joachim|title=Paying the piper, reaping the returns: Hitler’s rise and stock prices|title-url=https://voxeu.org/node/1658|date=2008-09-18|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20190922115621/https://voxeu.org/article/paying-piper-reaping-returns-hitler-s-rise-and-stock-prices|archivedate=2019-09-22|accessdate=2020-01-29}}</ref> (with a couple exceptions<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Pool|first1=James|last2=Pool|first2=Suzanne|chapter=2|title=Who
Financed Hitler|location=U.S.A.|year=1997|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/WhoFinancedHitler|page=84|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/WhoFinancedHitler#page/n44/mode/1up|ISBN=0-8037-8941-6}}</ref>) they did not have to wait too long for Anglo–American businessmen to support them.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|actors=Detlef Kügow, Christiane Blumhoff, Frank Behnke|role=Narrator|title=Hitler’s American Business Partners|title-url=https://archive.org/details/hitlers-american-business-partners|writers=Dieter & Joachim Schröder|publisher=Meggy Steffens|year=2003}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation| title = American supporters of the European Fascists| accessdate = 2019-10-09|title-url=http://www.rationalrevolution.net/war/american_supporters_of_the_europ.htm}}</ref> Ford (whose writings influenced the Third Reich<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Mein Kampf : Nazi Germany|title-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140515020345/http://spartacus-educational.com/GERmein.htm|archivedate=2014-05-15}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Pool|first1=James|last2=Pool|first2=Suzanne|chapter=3|title=Who Financed Hitler|location=U.S.A.|year=1997|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/WhoFinancedHitler|page=91|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/WhoFinancedHitler#page/n47/mode/1up|ISBN=0-8037-8941-6}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Ryback|first=Timothy|chapter=three|title=Hitler’s Private Library|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=VZY6CB_9IGAC|date=2008-10-21|location=|publisher=Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group|page=69|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=VZY6CB_9IGAC&pg=PA69|ISBN=978-1-4000-4204-3}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Michael Dobbs|title=Ford and GM Scrutinized for Alleged Nazi Collaboration|date=1998-11-30|title-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090605012002/http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/national/daily/nov98/nazicars30.htm|archivedate=2009-06-05}}</ref>),<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Sartore|first=Melissa|title=How Henry Ford Helped The Nazis As Much As He Possibly Could|title-url=https://www.ranker.com/list/relationship-between-henry-ford-and-nazis/melissa-sartore|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20170831125043/http://www.ranker.com/list/relationship-between-henry-ford-and-nazis/melissa-sartore|archivedate=2017-08-31}}</ref> IBM,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Black|first=Edwin|title=IBM and the Holocaust|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=6vYeqVT7K-sC|publisher=Crown Publishing Group|year=2001|ISBN=9780676806625}}</ref><ref>{{Note|IBM claims they were merely a ‘victim of circumstance’, since they had a subsidiary in the Reich before the 1930s, and they somehow lost control of it. But the records indicate that IBM sent internal memos in their New York offices acknowledging that their machines were making Fascism more efficient, and they never made any efforts to end the relationship with the German branch, not even during the 1940s. IBM never made an apology or conceded any need to apologize at all.}}</ref> the Carnegie Institution, the Rockefeller Foundation,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Black|first=Edwin|title=Eugenics and the Nazis -- the California connection|title-url=http://www.sfgate.com/opinion/article/Eugenics-and-the-Nazis-the-California-2549771.php|date=2003-11-09|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20120724132015/http://www.sfgate.com/opinion/article/Eugenics-and-the-Nazis-the-California-2549771.php|archivedate=2012-07-24}}</ref> the Harriman railroad fortune,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Obama Science Czar Has Advocated Forced Abortions and Mass Sterilization|title-url=https://www.projectcensored.org/?p=3421|accessdate=2020-01-18}}</ref> Ethyl Gasoline Corp.,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Norman Solomon|title=Time Magazine’s Skewed Tribute To Henry Luce|title-url=https://fair.org/?p=2287|date=1998-03-05}}</ref> Wall Street financiers, and others<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Jay|first=Paul|coauthors=Peter Kuznick|title=Untold History: Early US Imperialism, Hitler, Roosevelt, The Spanish Civil War (2/7)|title-url=https://therealnews.com/?p=145779|date=2012-12-19}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Hehn|first=Paul|chapter=1|title=A Low, Dishonest Decade: The Great Powers, Eastern Europe and the Economic Origins of World War II, 1930–1941|location=New York|publisher=Continuum International Publisher Group Inc|year=2005|page=38|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=nOALhEZkYDkC&pg=PA38|ISBN=0-8264-1449-4}}</ref> were happy to do business with them,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=American Industrialists Traded with the Enemy|title-url=https://www.projectcensored.org/?p=13962|accessdate=2020-01-18}}</ref> even if it meant exterminating entire ethnicities:

{{quote|IBM, headed by Thomas Watson, had purchased a controlling interest in the German firm Dehomag in the early 1920s, and held on once the [Fascists] seized power. On his 75th birthday in 1937, Watson accepted the Grand Cross of the German Eagle, given him for the assistance IBM’s German subsidiary provided the government in tabulating its census with its punchcard machines. This later proved very effective in, among other things, identifying Jews, and later still in helping make the trains to Auschwitz run on time.
 
On an even larger scale, General Motors Alfred Sloan, through his German subsidiary Adam Opel, built cars and transport vehicles for the [Reich’s] army. Sloan, on the eve of [the Reich’s] invasion of Poland, said [that] his company “was too big to be affected by a petty international squabble.”
 
Henry Ford’s German subsidiary manufactured an arsenal of military vehicles throughout the war with the consent of the parent company in Michigan. Ford himself had earlier published a series of articles — later a book — entitled ''The International Jew: The World’s Foremost Problem''. [The Führer] hung a portrait of Ford in his Munich office, and told the Detroit News in 1931, “I regard Heinrich Ford as my inspiration.”
 
When the European war was declared in 1939, Ford and GM, despite subsequent disclaimers, refused to divest themselves of their [Fascist] holdings, and even complied with [Fascist] government orders to retool for war production, while resisting similar demands from the U.S. government.
 
Ford, GM, Standard Oil, ALCOA, ITT, General Electric, the munitions maker Du Pont, Eastman Kodak, Westinghouse, Pratt & Whitney, Douglas Aircraft, United Fruit, Singer, and International Harvester, continued to trade with [the Fascists] up to 1941. Although the United States declared many of these business activities illegal under the Trading With the Enemy Act, several corporations still received special licenses to continue operations in [the Reich]. Profits piled up in blocked bank accounts as Americans were dying on the battlefield.|Oliver Stone & Peter Kuznick|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Kuznick|first1=Peter|last2=Stone|first2=Oliver|chapter=two|title=The Concise Untold History of the United States|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=H8DBAwAAQBAJ|location=New York|publisher=Gallery Books|year=2014|page=41–3|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=H8DBAwAAQBAJ&pg=PA41|ISBN=978-1-4767-9166-1}}</ref>}}

Winston Churchill himself said in 1918 that the British Empire ‘''might have to build up the German Army, as it was important to get Germany on its legs again for fear of the spread of Bolshevism.''’<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Carlton|first=David|chapter=1|title=Churchill and the Soviet Union|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=MTPzJRV9hhgC|location=Manchester & New York|publisher=Manchester University Press|date=2000-03-16|page=5|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=MTPzJRV9hhgC&pg=PA5|ISBN=0-7190-4107-4}}</ref> During the 1920s, Anglo–American capitalists frequently paid off the reparations that Berlin was supposed to pay (allegedly because they feared that the Reich’s poor shape would lead to ‘unrest’ on the continent).<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Schuker|first=Stephen|title=American “reparations” to Germany, 1919–33: Implications for the Third-World Debt Crisis|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ML5EAQAAIAAJ|publisher=International Finance Section, Department of Economics, Princeton University|numbers=61–71|ISBN=0881652334|ISSN=0081-8070}}</ref> Between 1924 and 1929 American private investment in the Reich totalled nearly three billion dollars, more than twice as much as the 1940s [[Marshall Plan]] in real terms.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Gross|first=Stephen|chapter=4|title=Export Empire|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=DDDuCgAAQBAJ|location=Cambridge|publisher=Cambridge University Press|year=2015|page=152|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=DDDuCgAAQBAJ&pg=PT194|ISBN=978-1-107-11225-4}}</ref> U.S. Ambassador to the German Reich, William E. Dodd, confirmed in the early 1940s that ‘''certain American industrialists had a great deal to do with bringing fascist régimes into being in both Germany and Italy.''’<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Pool|first1=James|last2=Pool|first2=Suzanne|chapter=3|title=Who Financed Hitler|location=U.S.A.|year=1997|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/WhoFinancedHitler|page=111|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/WhoFinancedHitler#page/n57/mode/1up|ISBN=0-8037-8941-6}}</ref> Through the Dawes–Young Plans,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Pool|first1=James|last2=Pool|first2=Suzanne|chapter=5|title=Who Financed Hitler|location=U.S.A.|year=1997|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/WhoFinancedHitler|pages=220–2|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/WhoFinancedHitler#page/n112/mode/1up|ISBN=0-8037-8941-6}}</ref> much of the German Reich’s rearmament was only thanks to the Anglo–American capitalists:<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=D-Day: How the US Supported Hitler’s Rise to Power|title-url=https://therealnews.com/?p=183689|date=2019-06-06|accessdate=2020-01-29}}</ref>

{{quote|[The Chancellor] quickly began a massive program of rearmament, which he made public in 1935, and once Hjalmar Schacht became his Minister of Economics he received vital bank credits from Montagu Norman, who in 1934 told a Morgan partner, “Hitler and Schacht are the bulwarks of civilization in Germany. […] They are fighting the war of our system of society against communism.”

Many American bankers<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Valentin Katasonov|title=Anglo-American Money Owners Organized World War II|date=2015-05-07|location=Russia|publisher=Strategic Culture Foundation|title-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150707174214/http://www.voltairenet.org/article187508.html|archivedate=2015-07-07}}</ref> agreed, trusting their friend Schacht and hoping that [Fascism] would repay at least some of the reparations and also crush the […] communists.|Oliver Stone & Peter Kuznick (paraphrased)|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Kuznick|first1=Peter|last2=Stone|first2=Oliver|chapter=two|title=The Concise Untold History of the United States|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=H8DBAwAAQBAJ|location=New York|publisher=Gallery Books|year=2014|page=34|ISBN=978-1-4767-9166-1}}</ref>}}

Similarly, in the Empire of Japan:

{{quote|We would like to emphasize that the high growth of [Imperial] Japan in the 1930s, and the foreign policy of [Imperial] Japan from the mid‐1920s, clearly, and sometimes directly, were the results of and reflected [Imperial] Japan’s absorption from Western nations during the 1920s and 1930s of the technological capability for producing more and better capital goods.|Kozo Yamamura|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Akira Kudō|editor=J.A.A. Stockwin|chapter=9|title=Japanese-German Business Relations: Co-operation and Rivalry in the Interwar Period|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=W00qBgAAQBAJ|location=London|publisher=Routledge|year=2001|year_published=1998|page=222|ISBN=0-203-01851-6}}</ref>}}

In the 1930s, British and U.S. steel producers were shipping to the Japanese Empire and would have ceased had there existed no major oil company support.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Akira Kudō|editor=J.A.A. Stockwin|chapter=7|title=Japanese-German Business Relations: Co-operation and Rivalry in the Interwar Period|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=W00qBgAAQBAJ|location=London|publisher=Routledge|year=2001|year_published=1998|page=145|ISBN=0-203-01851-6}}</ref> [[Sweden]]’s capitalists in particular built some of their wealth on supplying the Third Reich’s war effort with scarce essential resources (such as iron ore) for weapons, arguably prolonging the world war by one year.<ref>{{safesubst:citation| title = Norway PM 'hated Sweden' for Nazi help - The Local| accessdate = 2019-10-09| date = 2017-03-01|archiveurl = https://web.archive.org/web/20170301014054/http://www.thelocal.se/20120605/41252|archivedate=2017-03-01}}</ref> [[Switzerland]] was the Reich’s most frequent client among all of the so‐called ‘neutral’ countries due to its liberal policies<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Ludi|first=Regula|chapter=5|title=Reparations for Nazi Victims in Postwar Europe|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ltZ3IvwZCTwC|location=|publisher=Cambridge University Press|date=2012-08-27|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=ltZ3IvwZCTwC&pg=PA151|page=151|ISBN=9781107023970}}</ref> and willingly supplied it with loans, gold reserves, munitions, machines, electricity, aluminium, and much more.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Yeadon|first=Glen|coauthors=John Hawkins|title=The Nazi Hydra in America: Suppressed History of a Century: Wall Street and and the Rise of the Fourth Reich|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=vh7sx2xtjGEC|location=California|publisher=Progressive Press|year=2008|pages=446–455|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=vh7sx2xtjGEC&pg=PA446|ISBN=0-930852-43-5}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Bilsky|first=Leora|chapter=2|title=The Holocaust, Corporations, and the Law: Unfinished Business|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ikc_DwAAQBAJ|location=Ann Arbor|publisher=University of Michigan Press|year=2017|pages=36–8|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=ikc_DwAAQBAJ&pg=PA36|ISBN=9780472053612}}</ref> Mitsubishi in particular designed and manufactured fighters for Imperial Japan (such as the famous Mitsubishi AM6 ‘Zero’) and was in many other ways a huge part of the war effort.<ref name="Odagiri-Goto">{{safesubst:citation|author=Hiroyuki Odagiri| title = Technology and Industrial Development in Japan|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=6rIKcgjWf1UC|publisher = Clarendon Press, Oxford| year = 1996|ISBN=0-19-828802-6|page=216–218}}</ref> The same applies to European auto manufacturers such as BMW<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=BMW and the Holocaust|title-url=https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/bmw-and-the-holocaust|accessdate=2020-04-30}}</ref> and Mercedes<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Company History Daimler-Benz in the Nazi Era (1933 - 1945)|title-url=https://www.daimler.com/company/tradition/company-history/1933-1945.html|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20160404012339/http://www.daimler.com/company/tradition/company-history/1933-1945.html|archivedate=2016-04-04}}</ref> which both made aircraft engines during WWII and used neoslave labour. Likewise, [[social capital]] (propaganda) was crucial to the anticommunists’ success.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Voth|first1=Hans-Joachim|last2=Voigtländer|first2=Nico|last3=Satyanath|first3=Shanker|title=Bowling for Adolf: How social capital helped to destroy Germany’s first democracy|title-url=https://voxeu.org/node/9604|date=2013-08-05|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20171020183236/http://voxeu.org/article/bowling-adolf-how-social-capital-helped-destroy-germany-s-first-democracy|archivedate=2017-10-20|accessdate=2020-01-29}}</ref> One particularly influential European capitalist, Gustav Krupp, strongly supported these anticommunists throughout his life<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Yeadon|first=Glen|coauthors=John Hawkins|title=The Nazi Hydra in America: Suppressed History of a Century: Wall Street and and the Rise of the Fourth Reich|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=vh7sx2xtjGEC|location=California|publisher=Progressive Press|year=2008|pages=38–9|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=vh7sx2xtjGEC&pg=PA38|ISBN=0-930852-43-5}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Krupp Trial and Nazi Clemency|title-url=https://invidious.snopyta.org/embed/Uw0A36C2MyA|accessdate=2020-03-09}}</ref> and his business handed out Fascist literature to his wage slaves.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Krupp Trial (Marshall Plan)|title-url=https://invidious.snopyta.org/embed/9PoU4RYn_oQ|accessdate=2020-03-03}}</ref>

Goebbels is also recorded as having released a wealthy capitalist by the name of Günther Quandt<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=The Silence of the Quandts (English subtitles, German narration)|title-url=https://invidious.snopyta.org/embed/FpQpgd_EeWY|accessdate=2020-03-1}}</ref> after he was imprisoned for tax evasion (like the Chancellor should have been<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Hitler dodged taxes, expert finds|date=2004-12-17|title-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120326033422/http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/4105683.stm|archivedate=2012-03-26}}</ref>). The Third Reich had a lower tax rate than even Britain’s;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Matthews|first=Dylan|title=Are progressive taxes an artifact of war?|title-url=https://www.vox.com/2015/3/3/8135115/war-progressive-taxation|date=2015-03-03|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20160912024629/http://www.vox.com/2015/3/3/8135115/war-progressive-taxation|archivedate=2016-09-12}}</ref> the anticommunists were reluctant to increase taxes on individual German citizens to pay for the conflict, so the top personal income tax rate in 1941 was 13.7% in the Reich (as opposed to 23.7% in Great Britain). These anticommunists primarily funded their bellicism by means of [[neoslavery]] and by plundering assets from ethnic minorities.<ref>{{safesubst:citation| publisher = Routledge| isbn = 978-1-134-97681-2| last = Braun| first = Hans-Joachim| title = The German Economy in the Twentieth Century: The German Reich and the Federal Republic| date = 2012-10-02|page=73|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=2Z5iEwhDmfkC&pg=PA73}}</ref> The Reich’s industry used millions of neoslaves since they were cheap and therefore perfect for maximizing profits.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Pauwels|first=Jacques|chapter=9|title=Big Business and Hitler|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=_B43DwAAQBAJ|location=Toronto|publisher=James Lorimer & Company Ltd.|year=2017|page=107|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=_B43DwAAQBAJ&pg=PA107|ISBN=978-1-4594-0976-7}}</ref> Indeed, the Fascists in general practised policies of terrific wealth accumulation:<ref>{{safesubst:citation| title = Cultures of Capitalism in Weimar and Nazi Germany| accessdate = 2019-10-09| url = https://www.ghi-dc.org/events-conferences/event-history/2018/conferences/cultures-of-capitalism-in-weimar-and-nazi-germany.html}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Robin|first=Corey|title=Capitalism and Nazism|date=2014-04-23|title-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20161002013803/https://www.jacobinmag.com/2014/04/capitalism-and-nazism|archivedate=2016-10-02}}</ref>

{{quote|[Fascist] officials and SS commanders amassed personal fortunes by plundering conquered territories and stealing from concentration camp inmates and other political victims.
Huge amounts were made from secretly owned, well connected businesses, and from contracting out camp slave labor to industrial firms like I.G. Farben and Krupp. […] [The Chancellor] accumulated an immense fortune, much of it in questionable ways. He expropriated art works from the public domain. He stole enormous sums from [Fascist] party coffers. He invented a new concept, the “personality right,” that enabled him to charge a small fee for every postage stamp with his picture on it, a venture that made him hundreds of millions of marks. […] During his entire tenure in office he got special rulings from the [Fascist] tax office that allowed him to avoid paying income or property taxes. He had a motor pool of limousines, private apartments, country homes, a vast staff of servants, and a majestic estate in the Alps.|Michael Parenti (paraphrased)|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Parenti|first=Michael|title=Blackshirts & Reds: Rational Fascism & the Overthrow of Communism|location=San Francisco|publisher=City Light Books|year=1997|pdf=https://web.archive.org/web/20190828235152/https://cartiparenti.files.wordpress.com/2016/08/blackshirts-and-reds-by-michael-parenti.pdf|archivedate=2019-08-28|pages=9–10|ISBN=0-87288-330-1}}</ref>}}

Abroad, the Reich engaged in what historian Maurice Dobb termed ‘fascist imperialism’.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Maurice Dobb|title=Aspects of Nazi Economic Policy|title-url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/40399575|journal=Science & Society|volume=8|number=2|year=1944|page=97|accessdate=2018-06-27}}</ref> The historian pointed out that, while earlier imperialist ventures targeted unindustrialized and undeveloped countries, fascist imperialism annexed many that had ‘''already reached a high level of industrial development''’ and incorporated them as colonies of the Reich. Sometimes when it successfully subordinated a country, the Fascist state embarked upon the ‘unprecedented’ task of ‘de‐industrializing’ it so that it could produce food and raw materials for the Fascist economy — while maintaining a ‘monopoly of industrial production’ in the Reich’s heartland,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Maurice Dobb|title=Aspects of Nazi Economic Policy|title-url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/40399575|journal=Science & Society|volume=8|number=2|year=1944|page=98|accessdate=2018-06-27}}</ref> though not every region (e.g. Austria and Czechoslovakia) had to adhere to this policy. When de‐industrialization completed, the anticommunists granted Fascist firms ‘extensive privileges’ to develop raw material production in the occupied territories, and established ‘obligatory delivery quotas’ of such materials to the Reich.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Maurice Dobb|title=Aspects of Nazi Economic Policy|title-url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/40399575|journal=Science & Society|volume=8|number=2|year=1944|page=99|accessdate=2018-06-27}}</ref>

Finally, when discussing with antisocialists one should avoid mentioning the quote ‘''Fascism should more appropriately be called [[Corporatism]] because it is a merger of State and corporate power.''’ While this description may not be too far from the truth,<ref name=pg40>{{safesubst:citation|author=Glen Yeadon|coauthors=John Hawkins|title=The Nazi Hydra in America: Suppressed History of a Century: Wall Street and and the Rise of the Fourth Reich|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=vh7sx2xtjGEC|location=California|publisher=Progressive Press|year=2008|page=40|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=vh7sx2xtjGEC&pg=PA40|ISBN=0-930852-43-5}}</ref> there is still no evidence that Mussolini ever said it,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Berlet|first=Chip|title=Mussolini: the Fake Quote|title-url=https://www.researchforprogress.us/topic/?p=36}}</ref> and thus we kindly advise against using it.

===Redefinitions===
Antisocialists, first of all, have a long history of redefining [[socialism]] on a whim:

{{quote|Whether it was a question of the right of petition or the tax on wine, freedom of the press or free trade, the clubs or the municipal charter, protection of personal liberty or regulation of the state budget, the watchword constantly recurs, the theme remains always the same, the verdict is ever ready and invariably reads: “Socialism!” Even bourgeois liberalism is declared socialistic, bourgeois enlightenment socialistic, bourgeois financial reform socialistic. It was socialistic to build a railway where a canal already existed, and it was socialistic to defend oneself with a cane when one was attacked with a rapier.|Karl Marx|<ref name=Brumaire>{{safesubst:citation|author=Karl Marx|chapter=IV|title=The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte|chapter-url=https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1852/18th-brumaire/ch04.htm|year=1852}}</ref>}}

Thus the Chancellor had not one but multiple redefinitions of socialism, none of which anarchists and communists ever touted. For example, an ultranationalist one (unconcerned with economy):

{{quote|Whoever is prepared to make the national cause his own to such an extent that he knows no higher ideal than the welfare of the nation; whoever has understood our great national anthem, “Deutschland über Alles,” to mean that nothing in the wide world surpasses in his eyes this Germany, people and land — that man is a Socialist.|Adolf Hitler|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=David Emery|title=Were the Nazis Socialists?|title-url=https://www.snopes.com/?p=101937|date=2017-09-05|accessdate=2020-01-21}}</ref>}}

An almost childlike oversimplification:

{{quote|Socialism! What does socialism really mean? If people have something to eat and their pleasures, then they have their socialism.|Adolf Hitler|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Albert Krebs| title = The infancy of Nazism: the memoirs of ex-Gauleiter Albert Krebs, 1923-1933| publisher = New Viewpoints|year=1976|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=lv1nAAAAMAAJ|page=137| isbn = 978-0-531-05376-8}}</ref>}}

And this convoluted inaccuracy, wherein he also spewed that he was ‘reclaiming’ socialism:

{{quote|Socialism is the science of dealing with the common weal. Communism is not Socialism. Marxism is not Socialism. The Marxians have stolen the term and confused its meaning. I shall take Socialism away from the Socialists. Socialism is an ancient Aryan, Germanic institution. Our German ancestors held certain lands in common. They cultivated the idea of the common weal. Marxism has no right to disguise itself as socialism. Socialism, unlike Marxism, does not repudiate private property. Unlike Marxism, it involves no negation of personality, and unlike Marxism, it is patriotic.|Adolf Hitler|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Viereck|first=George|title=‘No room for the alien, no use for the wastrel’|title-url=https://amp.theguardian.com/theguardian/2007/sep/17/greatinterviews1|year=1923|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20160305033902/https://amp.theguardian.com/theguardian/2007/sep/17/greatinterviews1|archivedate=2016-03-05|accessdate=2020-01-30}}</ref>}}

(And note how '''none''' of these mentions anything about ‘big government’, ‘redistribution of wealth’, ‘state interference’, or some such thing, likewise ahistoric redefinitions<ref name=Brumaire/> that antisocialists give. The white supremacist welfare programme itself relied not on state funds but private donations, usually from the poor, in order to function;<ref>{{safesubst:citation |last=Evans |first=Richard J. |chapter=5 |title=The Third Reich in Power |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=3j-Aq1hAgJEC |location=London |publisher=Penguin Books |year=2005 |volume=2 |section=4 |pages=483–7 |pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=3j-Aq1hAgJEC&pg=PT556 |isbn=978-1-4406-4930-1 |oclc= |text=}}</ref> this too was a feature that the anticommunists privatized.<ref name=Bel/> The somewhat relevant ‘certain lands in common’ bit may imply redistribution, but when they reimplemented this we have no idea; it seems totally arbitrary given the promotion of privatisation anyway. These redefinitions however '''are''' consistent with the anticommunist, antianarchist, and class‐collaborationist reconceptions of socialism that the European right invented,<ref>{{safesubst:citation| title = Rightwing Socialism and the lies of Hayek - YouTube| accessdate = 2019-10-09| url = https://invidious.snopyta.org/embed/ITBJ0K-9aas}}</ref> one of which called scientific socialism ‘the capitalism of the working class’ and accused [[Marx]] of wishing to merely substitute capital’s right to private profit with ‘the worker’s right to private profit.’)

Some have irrelevantly asserted that, even though private property wasn’t abolished, their economic regulations alone somehow suffice as proof of their ‘socialism’. The fact of the matter however is that these ‘regulations’ were never intended to suppress businesses’ freedom; these were collaborative arrangements<ref>{{safesubst:citation|editor=Mark Weber|last=Degrelle|first=Leon|title=How Hitler Consolidated Power in Germany and Launched a Social Revolution|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/TheJournalOfHistoricalReviewVolume12Number3|journal=The
Journal of Historical Review|volume=twelve|number=3|year=1992|page=358|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/TheJournalOfHistoricalReviewVolume12Number3#page/n102/mode/1up|ISSN=0195-6752}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Hofmann|first=Reto|chapter=4|title=The Fascist Effect: Japan and Italy, 1915–1952|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ|location=Ithaca and London|publisher=Cornell University Press|year=2015|pages=101–2|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA101|ISBN=978-0-8014-5341-0}}</ref> that the upper classes instituted for the sake of their militarily driven economy, '''much like the U.K. and the U.S.A. did''' during wartime:<ref name=Buchheim404>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Buchheim|first1=Christoph|last2=Scherner|first2=Jonas|title=The Role of Private Property in the Nazi Economy: The Case of Industry|journal=The Journal of Economic History|publisher=Cambridge University Press|volume=66|number=2|year=2006|pdf=https://web.archive.org/web/20200125123901/http://piketty.pse.ens.fr/files/capitalisback/CountryData/Germany/Other/Pre1950Series/RefsHistoricalGermanAccounts/BuchheimScherner06.pdf|archivedate=2020-01-25|pages=404–5|JSTOR=3874882|accessdate=2020-01-18}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Henderson|first=David|title=German Economic Miracle|title-url=https://www.econlib.org/library/Enc/GermanEconomicMiracle.html|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20160302141309/http://www.econlib.org/library/Enc/GermanEconomicMiracle.html|archivedate=2016-03-21}}</ref> they had to maximize efficiency with a central authority. So did the [[Republic of Korea]] during its number of five‐year plans, in which the bourgeois state directly commanded all of its major corporations in its interests (yet it gained the compliments of the U.S.A. during these plans for ‘upholding the free market’ regardless).<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=The Government Role in Economic Development|title-url=http://countrystudies.us/south-korea/47.htm|accessdate=2020-03-13}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Korea - Second five-year plan (English)|title-url=http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/298901468272062791|accessdate=2020-03-13}}</ref> So have other antisocialist states, which ‘''have maintained a public sector that is centrally planned, although the private ownership and accumulation of capital have predominated.''’<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Cereseto|first1=Shirley|last2=Waitzkin|first2=Howard|title=Economic Development, Political-Economic System, and the Physical Quality of Life|pdf=https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1646771/pdf/amjph00269-0055.pdf|journal=American Journal of Public Health|volume=76|number=6|year=1986|page=661}}</ref> As Lenin noted,

{{quote|[M]onopoly capitalism […] must be emphasized because the erroneous bourgeois reformist assertion that monopoly capitalism or state‐monopoly capitalism is no longer capitalism, but can now be called “state socialism” and so on, is very common. The trusts, of course, never provided, do not now provide, and cannot provide complete planning. '''But however much they do plan, however much the capitalist magnates calculate in advance the volume of production on a national and even on an international scale, and however much they systematically regulate it, we still remain under capitalism—at its new stage, it is true, but still capitalism, without a doubt.''' The “proximity” of such capitalism to socialism should serve genuine representatives of the proletariat as an argument proving the proximity, facility, feasibility, and urgency of the socialist revolution, and not at all as an argument for tolerating the repudiation of such a revolution and the efforts to make capitalism look more attractive, something which all reformists are trying to do.|V.I. Lenin (emphasis added)|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Vladimir Lenin|authorlink=Vladimir Lenin|chapter=4|title=State and Revolution|chapter-url=https://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1917/staterev/ch04.htm|year=1917}}</ref>}}

The Reich’s anticommunists sought to establish a ''Wehrwirtschaft'' (‘defense-economy’) above all else. Henry Spiegel (writing in 1940) noted three main characteristics of the Reich’s economy under Fascism: That it was an ‘economy of scarcity’, in other words, that the exploitation of humanity ‘and materials was pushed to the limits’; that the anticommunist state used ‘centralized planning under maintenance of some element of the price system’; and that the anticommunist state retained the profit motive as the primary ‘economic motor’.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Henry W. Spiegel|title=Wehrwirtschaft: Economics of the Military State|title-url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/1805064|journal=The American Economic Review|volume=30|number=4|year=1940|page=717|accessdate=2018-06-27|JSTOR=1805064}}</ref>

What little ‘central planning’ that the anticommunists applied was not analogous to Soviet‐style central plans, but were more akin to strategic visions for the economy. The ''Wehrwirtschaft'' ideal held primacy in these plans, which sought to transform the economy into an ‘integrated part of the military machine’, but retain the system of private ownership.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Wolfe|first=Martin|title=The Development of Nazi Monetary Policy|title-url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/2114432|journal=The Journal of Economic History|volume=15|number=4|year=1955|page=392|accessdate=2018-06-27|JSTOR=2114432}}</ref> Thus rather than allocating production directly according to the System of Material Balances (as the U.S.S.R. did), the Four Year Plan of 1936 merely instituted price controls, particularly to discourage consumption of goods deemed to be luxuries and to promote the ‘basic industries’ that formed the anticommunists’ apparatus of war production.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Wolfe|first=Martin|title=The Development of Nazi Monetary Policy|title-url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/2114432|journal=The Journal of Economic History|volume=15|number=4|year=1955|page=394|accessdate=2018-06-27|JSTOR=2114432}}</ref> As well, the Four Year Plan of 1936 only assured the Reich’s synthetic oil industry of a secure market and profit when the Empire of Japan’s industry finally went underway through the Seven Year Plan for the Promotion of Production of Synethetic Oil that anticommunist officials initiated the year after. Private industry was to undertake synthetic oil production in both cases under the auspices of a government (in other words, a customer’s) plan.<ref name=pg85/> In the agricultural realm, the anticommunists did not undertake anything resembling Soviet collectivization, but rather instituted price controls through the ''Reichsnährstand'' (‘Reich Food Estate’) to control cost of living.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Wolfe|first=Martin|title=The Development of Nazi Monetary Policy|title-url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/2114432|journal=The Journal of Economic History|volume=15|number=4|year=1955|page=395|accessdate=2018-06-27|JSTOR=2114432}}</ref>

Among Fascism’s industries, the oil industry was perhaps the best example for how the anticommunists operated the ''Wehrwirtschaft'', as they considered it to occupy a ‘special and irreplaceable rôle’ within the economy and military machine.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Stokes|first=Raymond G.|title=The Oil Industry in Nazi Germany, 1936–1945|title-url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/3114932|journal=The Business History Review|volume=59|number=2|year=1985|page=254|accessdate=2018-06-27}}</ref> Under the banner of ‘rearmament and autarky’, they began to use their Four Year Plans to encourage sectors like construction, oil, chemicals, and engineering over others, such as coal and agriculture.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Stokes|first=Raymond G.|title=The Oil Industry in Nazi Germany, 1936–1945|title-url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/3114932|journal=The Business History Review|volume=59|number=2|year=1985|page=258|accessdate=2018-06-27}}</ref> Under the Plans, the régime took control over marketing, but corporate leaders ‘remained in charge’ of the industry as a whole, confirming that the Fascists were uninterested in either nationalization or direct government management.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Stokes|first=Raymond G.|title=The Oil Industry in Nazi Germany, 1936–1945|title-url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/3114932|journal=The Business History Review|volume=59|number=2|year=1985|page=260|accessdate=2018-06-27}}</ref> This is even more apparent in the case of their antebellum policies for Southeastern Europe:

{{quote|While [Fascist] policy‐makers like Clodius and Funk advocated limited economic development for Southeastern Europe, their ideas remained intentionally vague. They discussed improving agricultural and mining productivity in Southeastern Europe, but they rarely presented concrete plans that went beyond purchasing grains, livestock, and oil from the region at high prices. Instead, they left it to Germany’s private organizations to elaborate what development for Southeastern Europe actually meant, and how it was to proceed. Ironically, in contrast to the British Empire, where the [bourgeois] state drove development policy, '''before 1940 Germany’s private organizations played a much stronger rôle in both planning and orchestrating development in Germany’s hinterland.'''|Stephen G. Gross (emphasis added)|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Gross|first=Stephen|chapter=7|title=Export Empire|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=DDDuCgAAQBAJ|location=Cambridge|publisher=Cambridge University Press|year=2015|page=264–5|ISBN=978-1-107-11225-4}}</ref>}}

One document alleges that the Führer privately spewed in 1931 that ‘''every owner should feel himself to be an agent of the State; it is his duty not to misuse his possessions to the detriment of the State or the interests of his fellow countrymen. That is the overriding point. The Third Reich will always retain the right to control property owners.''’ But as Western scholars such as Thomas Schirmacher and Rainer Zitelmann have concluded, the document alleging this is a forgery.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Hett|first=Benjamin|chapter=11|title=Burning the Reichstag: An Investigation Into the Third Reich's Enduring Mystery|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=gWr1AQAAQBAJ|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=2014|page=313|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=gWr1AQAAQBAJ&pg=PA313|ISBN=978-0-19-932232-9}}</ref>

Antisocialists furthermore overlook the fact that while ‘regulatory activity’ was extensive, firms still preserved a good deal of their autonomy even under the Third Reich;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|editor=Mark Weber|last=Degrelle|first=Leon|title=How Hitler Consolidated Power in Germany and Launched a Social Revolution|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/TheJournalOfHistoricalReviewVolume12Number3|journal=The Journal of Historical Review|volume=twelve|number=3|year=1992|page=346|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/TheJournalOfHistoricalReviewVolume12Number3#page/n90/mode/1up|ISSN=0195-6752}}</ref> they valued freedom of contract and opposed any bureaucratic management of the economy:<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Buchheim|first1=Christoph|last2=Scherner|first2=Jonas|title=The Role of Private Property in the Nazi Economy: The Case of Industry|journal=The Journal of Economic History|publisher=Cambridge University Press|volume=66|number=2|year=2006|pdf=https://web.archive.org/web/20150910091952/http://economics.yale.edu/sites/default/files/files/Workshops-Seminars/Economic-History/buchheim-041020.pdf|archivedate=2015-09-10|page=394|JSTOR=3874882|accessdate=2020-01-18}}</ref>

{{quote|This monopolistic structure is not maintained solely by the general managers (''Generaldirektoren''), but just as much by capitalists. Otto Wolff, Friedrich Flick, and Günther Quandt are not managers, but powerful capitalists. They are not ''rentiers'' who at the end of the year cut the dividend coupons of their stock certificates and cash their dividends. Nor are the managers themselves simply managers, that is, salaried employees. They have long ago assumed the role of capitalists proper, investing their savings in shares and often speculating with the funds of their own corporations, thereby strengthening their personal financial power within them. Moreover, the managerial positions are often as hereditary as those of the capitalists proper.|Franz Leopold Neumann|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Neumann|first=Franz|title=Behemoth: The Structure and Practice of National Socialism, 1933-1944|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=5ctadV7z2JgC|location=Chicago|publisher=Rowman & Littlefield|page=291|ISBN=978-1-56663-819-7}}</ref>}}

{{quote|[I]t is not astonishing that Otto Ohlendorf, an enthusiastic [anticommunist] and high‐ranking SS officer, who since November 1943 held a top position in the Reich Economics Ministry, did not like Speer’s system of industrial production at all. He strongly criticized the cartel‐like organization of the war economy where groups of interested private parties exercised state power to the detriment of the small and medium entrepreneur. For the postwar period he therefore advocated a clear separation of the state from private enterprises with the former establishing a general framework for the activity of the latter. In his opinion it was the constant aim of [Fascist] economic policy, “to restrict as little as possible the creative activities of the individual. […] Private property is the natural precondition to the development of personality. Only private property is able to further the continuous attachment to a certain work.”|Christoph Buchheim & Jonas Scherner|<ref name=Buchheim408/>}}

{{quote|Trade and commercial power cannot be understood by only examining state‐to‐state interactions or the intentions of political leaders. At its core, trade is about private transactions, about buyers finding sellers. This remained the case, albeit with limitations, throughout the 1930s. Although the [bourgeois] state intervened in ever more extensive swaths of the economy after 1929, both in Germany and in Southeastern Europe, the basic building blocks of trade remained private actors. By the 1930s the [bourgeois] state may have dictated the broader goals of the economy and even set some prices, but firms and other private institutions gathered the information, evaluated the price signals, and made decisions that in the aggregate affected the shape and substance of foreign trade.|Stephen G. Gross|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Gross|first=Stephen|title=Export Empire|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=DDDuCgAAQBAJ|location=Cambridge|publisher=Cambridge University Press|year=2015|page=15|ISBN=978-1-107-11225-4}}</ref>}}

A very similar arrangement applies to the Kingdom of Italy, too: ‘''The intervention of the State in economic production takes place only when private initiative is lacking or is insufficient, or when the political interests of the State are involved. Such intervention may assume the form of outside control, encouragement or direct management.''’<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=The Labor Charter|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/FascistLaborCharter|year=1927|page=2}}</ref> Hence to ensure the success of arms exports in particular, businessmen had to rely on the Fascist régime’s support (in both diplomatic and financial terms).<ref name=Leitz/> While the Fascists did come to increasingly shape business policies, they provided security against the risks of business only to the biggest capitalists:

{{quote|Beyond the frontiers there has been a misunderstanding of the meaning of one of [the Duce’s] phrases to the effect that three-quarters of the Italian economic system, both industrial and agricultural, is under State supervision. Almost all the medium-sized and little firms and the great majority of slightly larger firms, with the exception of a few categories, are completely outside the sphere of the State’s healing activity.|Signor Pirelli|<ref name=Schmidt131>{{safesubst:citation|last=T. Schmidt|first=Carl|chapter=VI|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=131|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp#page/n146/mode/1up}}</ref>}}

{{quote|'''One must first and foremost exclude the State''' or any public body such as a syndicate, or more important still a Corporation, '''from taking upon itself the management of businesses and thus eliminating private enterprise or placing it in a thoroughly subordinate position.''' This would be in contradiction to the Charter of Labor.|Gino Arias (emphasis added)|<ref name=Schmidt132>{{safesubst:citation|last=T. Schmidt|first=Carl|chapter=VI|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|edition=|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|pages=132–3|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp#page/n147/mode/1up}}</ref>}}

There is furthermore no reason to believe that all or most capitalists were unhappy about this turn of events:

{{quote|Typically, the corporate élites were not concerned about the large‐scale state involvement. Although it happened that besides the financial involvement, structural changes up to the appointment of a “trusted board” were enforced, the majority of entrepreneurs appreciated the state becoming a shareholder. Particularly those sectors could benefit that had been less attractive for private capital. The position of the entrepreneurs was strengthened by the appointment of its lobby organisation ''Confindustria'', which had been in operation since 1910, to an official body the economic administration. Henceforth, the entrepreneurs were committed in inter‐ministerial and inter‐corporate committees and further strengthened the ties between the state and private businesses.|Per Tiedtke|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Tiedtke|first=Per|chapter=1|title=Germany, Italy and the International Economy 1929–1936: Co-operation or Rivalries at Times of Crisis?|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=v5N4DwAAQBAJ|location=Europe|publisher=Tectum Verlag|year=2016|pages=58–9|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=v5N4DwAAQBAJ&pg=PA58|ISBN=978-3-8288-6407-8}}</ref>}}

The Fascists were certainly not meddling in the affairs of '''all''' businessfolks and landowners either:<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Kudō|first=Akira|editor=J.A.A. Stockwin|chapter=3|title=Japanese-German Business Relations: Co-operation and Rivalry in the Interwar Period|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=W00qBgAAQBAJ|location=London|publisher=Routledge|year=2001|year_published=1998|page=52|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=W00qBgAAQBAJ&pg=PA52|ISBN=0-203-01851-6}}</ref> dozens of thousands of small businesses unable to obtain either loans or subsidies had no choice but to file for bankruptcy. The rural petite‐bourgeoisie received little or no help, as the Fascists ignored thousands of requests for financial aid.<ref name=Schmidt130>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=VI|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|edition=|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=130}}</ref> Fascist Robert Ley promised “''to restore absolute leadership to the natural leader of a factory—that is, the employer. […] Only the employer can decide. Many employers have for years had to call for the ‘master in the house.’ Now they are once again to be the ‘master in the house.’''”<ref name=pg203>{{safesubst:citation|author=William Lawrence Shirer|title=The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=6QngAAAAQBAJ|publisher=Simon and Schuster|year=1960|page=203|ISBN=978-1-4516-5168-3}}</ref> Room for responsibility and initiative was a cultural theme that ran through numerous articles from the Third Reich, whether they dealt with entrepreneurs, judges, or senior civil servants. The upshot was always that Germans of all classes were not supposed to wait for regulations; the Fascists encouraged them take matters into their own hands (provided that they remained within the realm of folkish spirit) instead. This antibureaucratic message drew on a broad cultural uneasiness with rationalization, but the new anticommunist dictatorship still enhanced, promoted, and emphasized the rôle of individual responsibility and initiative within large factories and bureaucracies:<ref name=Föllmer/>

{{quote|The point is that industrial behavior under [Fascism] cannot be reduced to simple structural explanations. Even within the context of a dictatorship that demanded high levels of production for war, industrialists made choices as individuals. They approached the SS for cheap labor; they decided whether to buy a Jewish company at a fraction of its value; they determined how forced and slave laborers would be treated in their factories.|S. Jonathan Wiesen|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Wiesen|first=S.|title=The Nazi Party: German Industry and the Third Reich|title-url=https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/german-industry-and-the-third-reich#6}}</ref>}}

For example, Krupp and I.G. Farben both responded differently to a fuel industry director’s enquiries.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Kudō|first=Akira|editor=J.A.A. Stockwin|chapter=4|title=Japanese-German Business Relations: Co-operation and Rivalry in the Interwar Period|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=W00qBgAAQBAJ|location=London|publisher=Routledge|year=2001|year_published=1998|page=86|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=W00qBgAAQBAJ&pg=PA86|ISBN=0-203-01851-6}}</ref> This discord simply would not happen in a collectivist system. Krupp itself attempted '''repeatedly''' to convince Reich officials into permitting exports of hydrogenation high‐pressure reaction pipes to the Empire of Japan. Ultimately they all refused these requests (perhaps in part because Krupp failed to gain I.G. Farben’s cooperation, whose interests were mainly in licensing<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Kudō|first=Akira|editor=J.A.A. Stockwin|chapter=10|title=Japanese-German Business Relations: Co-operation and Rivalry in the Interwar Period|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=W00qBgAAQBAJ|location=London|publisher=Routledge|year=2001|year_published=1998|page=219|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=W00qBgAAQBAJ&pg=PA219|ISBN=0-203-01851-6}}</ref>), but nevertheless this fact does not fit nicely with the claim that the Fascist state was simply micromanaging businesses;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Kudō|first=Akira|editor=J.A.A. Stockwin|chapter=4|title=Japanese-German Business Relations: Co-operation and Rivalry in the Interwar Period|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=W00qBgAAQBAJ|location=London|publisher=Routledge|year=2001|year_published=1998|pages=67–74|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=W00qBgAAQBAJ&pg=PA67|ISBN=0-203-01851-6}}</ref> Krauch on the other hand successfully petitioned both the Ministry of Economic Affairs and the Export Association of the Special Group for High‐Quality Steel to transfer to his own department’s centralized control the maintenance of matters concerning applications for supplies to Imperial Japan.<ref name=pg85>{{safesubst:citation|last=Kudō|first=Akira|editor=J.A.A. Stockwin|chapter=4|title=Japanese-German Business Relations: Co-operation and Rivalry in the Interwar Period|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=W00qBgAAQBAJ|location=London|publisher=Routledge|year=2001|year_published=1998|page=85|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=W00qBgAAQBAJ&pg=PA85|ISBN=0-203-01851-6}}</ref> In the case of arms exports, the Fascists actually abolished a regulation from 1927:

{{quote|Although Krupp had not been totally absent from the export market for arms during the Weimar Republic, the policies of the [Fascist] régime eventually allowed the firm to compete freely on the open market and promote the export of war material. From a legal perspective November 1935 marked the decisive turning point for Krupp, and indeed for all [Fascist] arms producers. Up to that point the export of war material was governed by the law of 27 July 1927 which had prohibited the ‘import and export of war material of any kind (arms, munitions, and other material) and its production for export’. […] Although the November 1935 law institutionalized government supervision of the export of arms, such control was clearly not intended to impede the flow of exports.|C.M. Leitz|<ref name=Leitz/>}}

Likewise in 1935 (even before the approval of the Anti‐Comintern Pact), Nippon Electric and Siemens freely made a deal that the Imperial market would be divided 70–30 for both automatic switchboards and related equipment, and, furthermore, that cross‐licensing would go into effect. This was a notable example of parent companies consenting to an agreement between their subsidiaries, an agreement which substituted for one between the parents, and occurred regardless of a background of economic nationalism emerging in the Imperial market and the advancement of ‘Japanization’ within the subsidiaries.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Kudō|first=Akira|editor=J.A.A. Stockwin|chapter=9|title=Japanese-German Business Relations: Co-operation and Rivalry in the Interwar Period|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=W00qBgAAQBAJ|location=London|publisher=Routledge|year=2001|year_published=1998|pages=208–9|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=W00qBgAAQBAJ&pg=PA208|ISBN=0-203-01851-6}}</ref> (Nippon Electric itself, like Tokyo Electric, was under the U.S. corporate umbrella.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Kudō|first=Akira|editor=J.A.A. Stockwin|chapter=9|title=Japanese-German Business Relations: Co-operation and Rivalry in the Interwar Period|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=W00qBgAAQBAJ|location=London|publisher=Routledge|year=2001|year_published=1998|page=214|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=W00qBgAAQBAJ&pg=PA214|ISBN=0-203-01851-6}}</ref>) Danish capitalists in particular were mostly free of state intervention:

{{quote|In comparison with the conditions of industry in other [Fascist]‐occupied western or northern European countries, [Axis] authorities hardly interfered with the management of big businesses in Denmark, and large Danish corporations, acting out of economic more than political necessity, chose to collaborate extensively with the occupying power. The activities of F. L. Smidth and Højgaard & Schultz in Germany, the Polish General Government, Estonia, and Serbia underline the willingness, if not eagerness, of companies to collaborate, even if it meant the use of forced or [neo]slave labor. We are thus faced with a clear example of what happens when, in Avraham Barkai’s words, business leaders, instead of asking, “What else could I have done?” fail to ask themselves, “What must I under no circumstances do?” The two companies also demonstrated a level of strategic planning. Economic collaboration in occupied Europe was not simply about the [Fascist] economy trying to control business but also, in 1939–42, the voluntary choice of companies keen on preserving market shares. The result was businessmen’s active support for the [Axis’s] '''''europäische Grossraumwirtschaft''''' (European Greater Economic Area) under construction.|Joachim Lund (emphasis original)|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Lund|first=Joachim|title=Building Hitler’s Europe: Forced Labor in the Danish Construction Business during World War II|title-url=https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Joachim_Lund/publication/227439535_Building_Hitler's_Europe_Forced_Labor_in_the_Danish_Construction_Business_during_World_War_II/links/56f5adf308ae7c1fda2eeae3/Building-Hitlers-Europe-Forced-Labor-in-the-Danish-Construction-Business-during-World-War-II.pdf|journal=The Business History Review|volume=84|issue=3|month=September|year=2010|pages=479–499|DOI=10.1017/S000768050000221X}}</ref>}}

Historian (and nonsocialist) Carrol Quigley, in ''Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time'', chapter IX, goes to great lengths to demonstrate how Fascism always assumed the form of what he calls ‘dictatorial capitalism’, in which ‘''society is organized so that everything was subject to the benefit of capitalism.''’ This is done through ‘''removing all dangers to the profit system''’ (that is, organized labor, foreign competition, business losses and alternative forms of economic production). Specifically though, the reason why these anticommunists meddled in the [[state]] and the economy is something that Quigley explains at length:

{{quote|The danger to the profit system from the state has always existed because the state is not essentially organized on a for profit basis. In Germany this danger
from the state was averted by the industrialists taking over the state, not directly, but through an agent, the [N.S.D.A.P.] The threat from public ownership, as well as a bevy of far less radical policies, was henceforth eliminated for capitalists. […] The United Steel Works, as well as three of the largest banks in Germany, which had been taken over during the crisis of 1931, were restored to private ownership. […] Throughout [Fascist] Italy, the so‐called Labor Fronts had no economic or political functions and had nothing to do with wages or labor conditions. Their chief functions were (1) to propagandize; (2) to dominate workers’ leisure time ‘Strength Through Joy’; (3) tax workers for profit; (4) to provide jobs for reliable party members within the Labor Front itself; (5) to disrupt working‐class solidarity. […] '''Business hates competition'''; Businessmen prefer to get together with competitors so that they can cooperate to boost rather than injure profits.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Smith|first=Adam|chapter=8|chapter-url=https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/smith-adam/works/wealth-of-nations/book01/ch08.htm|title=An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations|title-url=https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/smith-adam/works/wealth-of-nations/index.htm|publisher=Random House, Inc.|year=1776|year_published=1937|volume=I|pages=66–7|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=Y1nFxwEACAAJ&dq=foresee}}</ref> […] Fascists allow the Businessmen to get together and cooperate. […] Under this system there were no collective bargaining, no way in which any group defended the worker in the face of the great power of the employer. Under this control there was a steady downward reduction of working conditions. Employers got the labor, wage, and working conditions [that] they wanted, and abolished labor unions and collective bargaining. In this way competition was largely eliminated, not by the state but by industrial self‐regulation in the form of (1) cartels (''Kartelle'') (2) trade associations (''Fackverbände'') (3) employers’ associations (''Spitzen‐verbände''); the privately run cartels regulated prices, production, and markets.|Carrol Quigley (paraphrased; emphasis added)|<ref name=Quigley>{{safesubst:citation|last=Quigley|first=Carrol|chapter=IX|title=Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time,|pdf=https://ia903105.us.archive.org/30/items/CarrollQuigleyTragedyAndHope_201805/Carroll%20Quigley%20-%20Tragedy%20and%20Hope%20-%201974.pdf|location=Los Angeles|publisher=Angriff Press|year=1974|section= |pages=450–452|isbn=-0913022-14-4|oclc=}}</ref>}}

Even the ‘nationalisations’ that the German anticommunists introduced were limited. They despised nationalization,<ref name=pg133>{{safesubst:citation|last=Overy|first=R.|chapter=4|title=War and Economy in the Third Reich|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ksK_tW1qYRQC|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press Inc.|year=2002|page=133|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=ksK_tW1qYRQC&pg=PA133|ISBN=0-19-820599-6}}</ref> sometimes equating it with scientific socialism,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Strasser|first=Otto|chapter=VIII|title=Hitler and I|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/HitlerAndIOttoStrasser|page=110|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/HitlerAndIOttoStrasser#page/n113/mode/1up}}</ref> and instead pushed for intense privatization whenever they got the chance:

{{quote|Available sources make perfectly clear that the [Third Reich] did not want at all a German economy with public ownership of many or all enterprises. Therefore it generally had no intention whatsoever of nationalizing private firms or creating state firms. On the contrary the reprivatization of enterprises was furthered wherever possible.|Christoph Buchheim & Jonas Scherner|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Buchheim|first1=Christoph|last2=Scherner|first2=Jonas|title=The Role of Private Property in the Nazi Economy: The Case of Industry|journal=The Journal of Economic History|publisher=Cambridge University Press|volume=66|number=2|year=2006|pdf=https://web.archive.org/web/20150910091952/http://economics.yale.edu/sites/default/files/files/Workshops-Seminars/Economic-History/buchheim-041020.pdf|archivedate=2015-09-10|pages=405–406|JSTOR=3874882|accessdate=2020-01-18}}</ref>}}

These nationalisations were only of ‘Jewish’ businesses and lands to soon be vended to private investors.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Meiksins|first=Gregory|chapter=VI|title=The Baltic Riddle|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/TheBalticRiddle|location=New York|publisher=L. B. Fischer Publishing Corporation|year=1943|page=99|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/TheBalticRiddle#page/n55/mode/1up}}</ref> On the rare occasions when the Third Reich was forced to make use of state‐owned factories, it included a contract option allowing private owners to purchase it; it avoided the creation of state‐owned enterprises whenever possible, favoring private investment:

{{quote|State‐owned plants were to be avoided wherever possible. Nevertheless, sometimes they were necessary when private industry was not prepared to realize a war‐related investment on its own. In these cases, the Reich often insisted on the inclusion in the contract of an option clause according to which the private firm operating the plant was entitled to purchase it. Even the establishment of ''Reichswerke Hermann Göring'' in 1937 is no contradiction to the rule that the Reich principally did not want public ownership of enterprises. The Reich in fact tried hard to win the German industry over to engage in the project.|Christoph Buchheim & Jonas Scherner|<ref name=Buchheim406/>}}

{{quote|Since the N.S.D.A.P. stands on the platform of private ownership it happens that the passage ‘gratuitous expropriation’ concerns only the creation of legal opportunities to expropriate (if needed) land which has been illegally acquired or is not administered from the viewpoint of the national welfare. This is aimed mostly against the Jewish land‐speculation businesses.|The program of the N.S.D.A.P.|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|editor=Dr. Robert Ley|title=Document 1708-PS|title-url=http://avalon.law.yale.edu/imt/1708-ps.asp|publisher=Central Publishing House of the N.S.D.A.P.|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20190528040840/http://avalon.law.yale.edu/imt/1708-ps.asp|archivedate=2019-05-28}}</ref>}}

As the Führer himself spewed,

{{quote|The word ‘Socialism’ is in itself a bad word. But it is certainly not to be taken as meaning that industry must be socialized, and only to mean that it could be socialized if industrialists were to act contrary to national interests.|Adolf Hitler|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Heiden|first=Konrad|chapter=V|title=A History of National Socialism|publisher=Routledge|volume=2|year=2010|page=127|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=CkdZBwAAQBAJ&pg=PA127|isbn=978-1-136-96093-2}}</ref>}}

Many of the Axis’s industries in Austria particularly became nationalized only '''after''' 1945 (primarily for lack of private capital capable and willing to invest the required amounts, and also to protect these industries against Soviet reparations claims).<ref>{{safesubst:citation|coauthors=Volkmar Lauber|editors=Richard Luther, Wolfgang C. Mueller|title=Politics in Austria: Still a Case of Consociationalism|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Ec5QAwAAQBAJ|location=London|publisher=Frank Cass & Co. Ltd|year=1992|pages=147–8|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=Ec5QAwAAQBAJ&pg=PA147|ISBN=0-7146-34611}}</ref> As for the education and healthcare systems,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Audretsch|first1=David|last2=Lehmann|first2=Erik|last3=Richardson|first3=Aileen|last4=Vismara|first4=Silvio|title=Globalization and Public Policy: A European Perspective|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=2PLLCQAAQBAJ|page=96|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=2PLLCQAAQBAJ&pg=PA96|doi=10.1007/978-3-319-17692-5|ISBN=978-3-319-17691-8}}</ref> these were simply the populist concessions inherited from the [[Second Reich]]. In actuality, though, the anticommunist state immensely reduced social spending at the lower classes’ expense in favor of military spending, benefiting the capitalists.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Pauwels|first=Jacques|chapter=6|title=Big Business and Hitler|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=_B43DwAAQBAJ|location=Toronto|publisher=James Lorimer & Company Ltd.|year=2017|page=65|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=_B43DwAAQBAJ&pg=PA65|ISBN=978-1-4594-0976-7}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Leisering|first=Lutz|title=The Welfare State in Postwar Germany – Institutions, Politics and Social Change|pdf=https://www.uni-bielefeld.de/soz/pdf/welfare.pdf|year=2000|month=April|page=6}}</ref>

Considering that no socialists advocate any kind of business regulations as a primary or long‐term strategy—if in any term at all—such an argument is and should be irrelevant anyway. To quote [[Friedrich Engels]], ‘''if the taking over by the State of the tobacco industry is socialistic, then Napoleon and Metternich must be numbered among the founders of Socialism.''’

===Plagiarism===
Some claim that the N.S.D.A.P. was positively influenced by scientific socialism. This is false.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Was Hitler a Socialist? - A Response to Steven Crowder and Others|title-url=https://invidious.snopyta.org/embed/hUFvG4RpwJI|accessdate=2020-03-01}}</ref> While it is true that the unimportant party programme indeed mentioned some leftist concessions, these would intentionally remain unimplemented,<ref name=Bel/> as were those<ref name=Paxton5>{{safesubst:citation|last=Paxton|first=Robert|chapter=1|title=The Anatomy of Fascism|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=JU3th4LnKvsC|location=New
York|publisher=Random House, Inc.|year=2005|pages=5–7|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=JU3th4LnKvsC&pg=PA5|ISBN=1-4000-3391-8}}</ref> of the Fascist programme of 1919<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=T. Schmidt|first=Carl|chapter=II|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|edition=|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=39|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp#page/n54/mode/1up}}</ref> and that of the Falange.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Ribeiro De Meneses|first=Filipe|title=Franco and the Spanish Civil War|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=1iSCAgAAQBAJ|page=87|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=1iSCAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA87}}</ref> One can say that scientific socialism influenced Fascists in the same way that it did other anticommunists, but no more than that:

{{quote|Just as scientific medicine equips one with the possibility not only of curing the sick but of sending the healthy to meet their forefathers by the shortest route, so the scientific analysis of class relations, predestined by its creator for the mobilization of the proletariat, enabled [the Duce], after he had jumped into the opposing camp, to mobilize the middle classes against the proletariat. [The Chancellor] accomplished the same feat in translating the methodology of fascism into the language of German mysticism.|Leon Trotsky|<ref name=WINS>{{safesubst:citation|last=Trotsky|first=Leon|authorlink=Leon Trotsky|title=What Is National Socialism?|title-url=https://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/germany/1933/330610.htm|year=1933}}</ref>}}

Regarding the claim that the Chancellor was a self‐proclaimed socialist, see his statement from when he was on trial for The Beer Hall Putsch about being a ‘revolutionary against the revolution’.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=The History Place - Rise of Hitler: Hitler on Trial for Treason|title-url=https://www.historyplace.com/worldwar2/riseofhitler/trial.htm|accessdate=2020-04-15}}</ref> The Chancellor is commonly misquoted as saying<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Final RE to Esoteric Entity: Ancap exposed as the biggest liar on youtube.|title-url=https://invidious.snopyta.org/embed/D9MaXO9VpJw|accessdate=2020-03-01}}</ref> ‘''We are socialists, we are enemies of today’s capitalistic economic system for the exploitation of the economically weak, with its unfair salaries, with its unseemly evaluation of a human being according to wealth and property instead of responsibility and performance, and we are all determined to destroy this system under all conditions,''’ which is in fact a quote by Strasser.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Kasprak|first=Alex|title=Did Adolf Hitler Say That Nazis Are ‘Mortal Enemies of the Present Capitalist Economic System’?|title-url=https://www.snopes.com/?p=94977|date=2017-06-19|accessdate=2020-04-17}}</ref> Regarding the claim that the Chancellor was an active member of the [[Bavarian Soviet Republic]]: Kershaw merely mentions first of all that the Führer '''may''' have been sympathetic to social democracy at one point,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Kershaw|first=Ian|chapter=4|title=Hitler, 1889–1936: Hubris|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=nV-N10gyoFwC|publisher=W. W. Norton & Company|year=2000|page=119|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=nV-N10gyoFwC&pg=PA119|ISBN=9780393320350}}</ref> but he clarifies the Führer’s '''opportunism'''.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Kershaw|first=Ian|chapter=4|title=Hitler, 1889–1936: Hubris|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=nV-N10gyoFwC|publisher=W. W. Norton & Company|year=2000|page=120|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=nV-N10gyoFwC&pg=PA120|ISBN=9780393320350}}</ref> He states that this anticommunist ‘''was probably known to those around him, at the latest towards the end of April, for the counter-revolutionary he really was, whose actual sympathies were indistinguishable from those of the ‘white’ troops preparing to storm the city. […] This speaks in favour of the recognition within his battalion of his deep antagonism to ‘red’ rule.''’<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Kershaw|first=Ian|chapter=4|title=Hitler, 1889–1936: Hubris|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=nV-N10gyoFwC|publisher=W. W. Norton & Company|year=2000|page=121|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=nV-N10gyoFwC&pg=PA121|ISBN=9780393320350}}</ref> In any case, both Bavarian conservatives and the ultranationalist Thule Society competed for control over the N.S.D.A.P.;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Pool|first1=James|last2=Pool|first2=Suzanne|chapter=1|title=Who Financed Hitler|location=U.S.A.|year=1997|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/WhoFinancedHitler|pages=37–8|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/WhoFinancedHitler#page/n20/mode/1up|ISBN=0-8037-8941-6}}</ref> the Führer’s anticommunism would remain as strong as ever during his career in Bavaria.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Pool|first1=James|last2=Pool|first2=Suzanne|chapter=2|title=Who Financed Hitler|location=U.S.A.|year=1997|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/WhoFinancedHitler|pages=40–6|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/WhoFinancedHitler#page/n22/mode/1up|ISBN=0-8037-8941-6}}</ref>

The anticommunist Giovanni Gentile did claim amidst his incoherent ramblings ‘''that Sorellian syndicalism, out of which the thought and the political method of Fascism emerged—conceived itself the genuine interpretation of Marxist communism''’,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Gentile|first=Giovanni|title=Che cosa è il fascismo: Discorsi e polemiche|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=7lfcZcquJlkC|publisher=Vallecchi|year=1925|page=43|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=7lfcZcquJlkC&dq=marxista}}</ref> but this is a confusing claim to make since the mediaeval guild system was another (if not the only) influence, and a far more significant one at that.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Italy Under Mussolini|title-url=https://courses.lumenlearning.com/suny-hccc-worldhistory2/?p=3470|accessdate=2020-03-05}}</ref> (His assertion that the conception of violence being a political necessity is an explicitly communist conception is, likewise, just ahistoric, patent nonsense.)
Hermann Rauschning has claimed in ''Hitler Speaks'' that the German anticommunists adopted methods such as ‘''the workers’ sports clubs, the industrial cells, the mass demonstrations, the propaganda leaflets written specially for the comprehension of the masses''’<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Rauschning|first=Hermann|title=Hitler Speaks|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/in.ernet.dli.2015.505385|location=London|year=1939|page=185|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/in.ernet.dli.2015.505385#page/n185/mode/1up}}</ref> and others from the scientific socialists, and that the Chancellor said that his ideology ‘''is what Marxism might have been if it could have broken its absurd and artificial ties with a democratic order.''’ Scholars Ian Kershaw,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Kershaw|first=Ian|title=Hitler, 1889–1936: Hubris|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=nV-N10gyoFwC|publisher=W. W. Norton & Company|year=2000|page=xiv|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=nV-N10gyoFwC&pg=PR14|ISBN=9780393320350}}</ref> Eckhard Jesse, Fritz Tobias, and Richard Steigmann‐Gall,<ref>{{safesubst:citation| publisher = Cambridge University Press| isbn = 978-1-107-39392-9| last = Steigmann-Gall| first = Richard| title = The Holy Reich: Nazi Conceptions of Christianity, 1919–1945|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=XTxdAAAAQBAJ|date = 2003-04-21|pageurl = https://books.google.com/books?id=XTxdAAAAQBAJ&pg=PA29| page = 29}}</ref> however, have reason to believe that Rauschning is an unreliable source. There are likewise no extra sources to support these presumed quotations.

Some (e.g. neoconservative Richard Pipes) have unconvincingly claimed that the N.S.D.A.P. took their inspiration for concentration camps from the [[GULAG]], but there is no documented evidence to support this unlikely tabloid rumour. On the other hand, there '''is''' evidence that the N.S.D.A.P. borrowed their practices from the European‐Americans and other colonists:<ref name=Hofmann/> the Fascists actively studied these forced relocations and reservations and modelled their own concentration camps after them.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Mandelbaum|first=Lia|title=Hitler’s Inspiration and Guide: The Native American Holocaust|title-url=https://jewishjournal.com/?p=117824|date=2013-06-18|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20131105143349/http://www.jewishjournal.com/sacredintentions/item/hitlers_inspiration_and_guide_the_native_american_holocaust|archivedate=2013-11-05}}</ref> Even the notorious antisocialist hack H. Arendt conceded as much:

{{quote|Not even concentration camps are an invention of totalitarian movements. They emerge for the first time during the Boer War, at the beginning of the century, and continued to be used in South Africa as well as India for “undesirable elements”; here, too, we first find the term “protective custody” which was later adopted by the Third Reich. These camps correspond in many respects to the concentration camps at the beginning of totalitarian rule; they were used for “suspects” whose offenses could not be proved and who could not be sentenced by ordinary process of law.|Hannah Arendt|<ref>{{safesubst:citation| last = Arendt| first = Hannah| title = The Origins of Totalitarianism|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=lntJqhr52D8C|year=1967|page=440}}</ref>}}

In contrast, recently declassified Western documents confirm that the [[GULAG]] functioned quite differently from a concentration camp, and would have been an inefficient model for the anticommunists to copy. The Fascist practice of poisoning millions of weak prisoners with Zyklon‐B was directly inspired by the U.S.’s policy of dousing nude Mexicans and their belongings with pesticides (including, in the case of their belongings, with Zyklon‐B itself) before letting them cross the border.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Romo|first=David|title=Ringside Seat to a Revolution: An Underground Cultural History of El Paso and Juárez, 1893–1923|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=hrd5AAAAMAAJ|location=|publisher=Cinco Puntos Press|year=2005|pages=223, 240|ISBN=0938317911}}</ref> The entity that manufactured these pesticides was a business called Bayer, which I.G. Farben partially owned at the time.

Some suggest that Fascists like Gentile, Goebbels, and Mussolini having socialist pasts alone is evidence that they were never antisocialists. (After all, Mussolini once exclaimed ‘''Down with the State in all its forms and incarnations!''’<ref name=Schmidt35>{{safesubst:citation|last=T. Schmidt|first=Carl|chapter=II|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|edition=|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|pages=35–6|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp#page/n50/mode/1up}}</ref>) Under this reasoning, one could just as easily argue that Eldridge Cleaver, Karl Popper,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title-url=https://plato.stanford.edu/archives/win2015/entries/popper|title=Karl Popper|last=Thornton|first=Stephen|date=2015-01-01|editor-last=Zalta|editor-first=Edward N.|edition=Winter 2015}}</ref> Ronald Reagan,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Morris|first=Edmund|title=The Unknowable|title-url=https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2004/06/28/the-unknowable|date=2004-06-28|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20141009090632/http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2004/06/28/the-unknowable|archivedate=2014-10-09}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Sbardellati|first=John|editor=Andrew L. Johns|chapter=one|title=A Companion to Ronald Reagan|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=YjtEBgAAQBAJ|publisher=John Wiley & Sons|year=2015|page=14|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=YjtEBgAAQBAJ&pg=PA14|ISBN=9780470655047}}</ref> and others were never antisocialists either. Some might think that a Fascist symbol having something in common with a socialist one means anything, but these are usually just meaningless coincidences (the Third Reich’s flag simply inherited its color scheme from the antisocialist Second Reich’s, and sometimes a swastika in the U.S.S.R. was permissible because swastikas have long had positive connotations in Asia; the blackshirts probably indirectly appropriated their symbol from anarchists though<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Hibbert|first=Christopher|title=Mussolini: The Rise and Fall of Il Duce|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=2lfgCgAAQBAJ|location=New York: NY, St.|publisher=Martin’s Press|year=1962|year_published=2008|page=29|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=2lfgCgAAQBAJ&pg=PA29}}</ref>). Some might think that the Third Reich celebrating [[May Day]] means anything, but one could easily say the same of Reagan,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Bolyard|first=Paula|title=Ronald Reagan’s 1980 Labor Day Speech: “Make America Great Again!”|title-url=|date=2014-09-01|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20190301172521/https://pjmedia.com/blog/web-gem-ronald-reagans-1980-labor-day-speech|archivedate=2019-03-01}}</ref> Thatcher, and other capitalists as well. All of these are just superficial similarities devoid of substance, hence they belong near the bottom of this section.

The truth is that antisocialists in general, not just Fascists in particular, have always been fond of misappropriating leftist rhetoric: for example, the Bolsheviks sometimes referred to the Russian Empire as a ‘prison of (the) peoples’ (and may have coined the phrase), but anti‐Soviet lobbies subsequently misappropriated this expression during the Cold War to disparage the Soviet Union. The subject of the ‘ruling class’ has of course long been a cause of concern for communists, but after the October Revolution some anticommunists (including specifically the Axis<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=The Soviet Paradise: An Exhibition of the Nazi Party Central Propaganda Office|title-url=https://research.calvin.edu/german-propaganda-archive/paradise.htm|year=1942}}</ref>) would also adopt this concept and cleverly use it against the Soviets, even going so far as to (falsely) declare the class war and history in general now ‘over’ by the time the [[short twentieth century]] ended, as if they themselves had realized world socialism, and nearly all antisocialists claim to be the ‘true’ representatives of the working class. From the anti‐imperialist rhetoric to the concerns over exploitation, be it from the anticommunists in Malaysia<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Friedman|first=Herbert|title=Psychological Warfare of the Malayan Emergency, 1948-1960|title-url=https://www.psywar.org/malaya.php|date=2006-03-07}}</ref> to the capitalists in academia,<ref name=notanarchists/> there is not one socialist trope (e.g. ‘#HandsOffVenezuela’) that antisocialists have not already lazily copied from us and simply reused for their own purposes (e.g. ‘#CubaHandsOffVenezuela’) instead. Not a single one. Some of the most cynical among us could even go so far as to argue that the Fascists plagiarizing from us only reconfirms what we’ve been saying about them all along; that kind of laziness suits antisocialists nicely.

===Antisocialism===
Some claim that they were friendly with the far‐left. That is false too;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Turk|first=Eleanor|editors=Frank W. Thackeray, John E Findling|chapter=7|title=The History of Germany|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=RahDfSxjrrcC|location=Connecticut|publisher=Greenwood Press|year=1999|page=115|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=RahDfSxjrrcC&pg=PA115|ISBN=0-313-30274-X|ISSN=1096-2905}}</ref> many cotemporal antisocialists like Anthony Eden<ref>{{safesubst:citation|speaker=Anthony Eden|debate=|title=The Parliamentary Debates (Hansard) Official Report|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=KZGzI8-Hu8wC|report=|house=|location=|publisher=H.M. Stationery Office|date=1936-12-01|volume=318|page=1101|column=1038–169|text=I suggest to the House now that the attitude of a section of the House towards Portugal shows just that partiality of which they complain in His Majesty’s Government. Because Portugal is a Fascist or right wing Government, they are convinced that that Government must be doing things of this sort, even though they have no evidence whatever for it.}}</ref> recognised Fascism as rightist, as specifically the Fascists themselves did:

{{quote|There are only two possibilities in Germany; do not imagine that the people will forever go with the middle party, the party of compromises; one day it will turn to those who have most consistently foretold the coming ruin and have sought to dissociate themselves from it. And that party is either the Left: and then God help us! for it will lead us to complete destruction — to Bolshevism, or else it is a party of the Right which at the last, when the people is in utter despair, when it has lost all its spirit and has no longer any faith in anything, is determined for its part ruthlessly to seize the reins of power — that is the beginning of resistance of which I spoke a few minutes ago.|Adolf Hitler|speech in Munich on April 12, 1922|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=APRIL 12, 1922 in Munich|title-url=http://www.der-fuehrer.org/reden/english/22-04-12.htm|date=1922-04-12|accessdate=2020-03-27|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20140803035502/http://der-fuehrer.org/reden/english/22-04-12.htm|archivedate=2014-08-03}}</ref>}}

Giovanni Gentile’s most influential work, ''The Doctrine of Fascism'' (which he co‐authored with future Axis member Benito Mussolini), is rich with explicit denunciations of socialism: as,

{{quote|'''Fascism is therefore opposed to socialism''', to which unity within the State (which amalgamates classes into a single economic and ethical reality) is unknown, and which sees in history nothing but the class struggle. Fascism is likewise opposed to trade unionism as a class weapon.|Giovanni Gentile|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Mussolini|first=Benito|coauthors=Giovanni Gentile|title=The Doctrine of Fascism|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/TheDoctrineOfFascismByBenitoMussolini|year=1932|page=3|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/TheDoctrineOfFascismByBenitoMussolini#page/n2/mode/1up}}</ref>}}(He then goes on to talk about how Fascism is going to supposedly make socialism and trade unions obsolete, since the Fascist state will presumably unify the classes and alleviate the need for struggle.)

Hence in March 1926, Mussolini composed a message addressing Imperial Japan’s youth, praising their empire’s “high level of civilization” while also warning them to stay away from socialism (“modern demagogic materialism”). His message reached a vast audience of both Imperial officials and ordinary citizens alike.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Hofmann|first=Reto|chapter=1|title=The Fascist Effect: Japan and Italy, 1915–1952|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ|location=Ithaca and London|publisher=Cornell University Press|year=2015|page=26|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA26|ISBN=978-0-8014-5341-0}}</ref> The first time that the German Fascists applied the term ‘subhuman’ (1927) was directed not necessarily at Jews ''per se'', but at the communists of the [[Bavarian Soviet Republic]]:

{{quote|It happened at the time of the Soviet Republic: When the unleashed subhumans rambled murdering through the streets, the deputies hid behind a chimney in the Bavarian parliament.|Julius Streicher|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=|speaker=Julius Streicher|debate=|title=Kampf dem Weltfeind|title-url=|archiveurl=|archivedate=|report=|house=|location=Nuremberg|publisher=Stürmer publishing house|date=1927-25-05|year_published=1938|volume=|page=|pageurl=|column=|columnurl=|text=Es
war zur Zeit der Räteherrschaft. Als das losgelassene Untermenschentum mordend durch die Straßen zog, da versteckten sich Abgeordnete hinter einem Kamin im bayerischen Landtag.|language=German}}</ref>}}

The leading Fascist who attributed the concept of the Eastern European ‘subhuman’ (or ‘underman’) to elsewhom was Alfred Rosenberg, who, referring to Russian communists, claimed in 1930 that “''this is the kind of human being that Lothrop Stoddard has called the ‘underman.’''”<ref name="Rosenberg">{{safesubst:citation|last= Rosenberg|first= Alfred|year= 1930|title=Der Mythus des 20. Jahrhunderts: Eine Wertung der seelischgeistigen Gestaltungskämpfe unserer Zeit|trans-title=The Myth of the Twentieth Century|publisher=Hoheneichen-Verlag|location=Munich|page=214|title-url=https://www.scribd.com/doc/2628285/Der-Mythus-des-20-Jahrhunderts-Alfred-Rosenberg|language=German|accessdate=18 September 2017|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20121104014921/http://www.scribd.com/doc/2628285/Der-Mythus-des-20-Jahrhunderts-Alfred-Rosenberg|archivedate=2012-11-04|text=den Lothrop Stoddard als 'Untermenschen' bezeichnete}}</ref> Socialists were the first<ref name=HH>{{safesubst:citation| title = The Dachau Gas Chambers: Photograph 2|title-url=http://www.holocaust-history.org/dachau-gas-chambers/photo.cgi?02|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20130506090957/http://www.holocaust-history.org/dachau-gas-chambers/photo.cgi?02|archivedate=2013-05-06}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Mosaic of Victims: An Overview|title-url=https://encyclopedia.ushmm.org/content/en/article/mosaic-of-victims-an-overview|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20180614083717/https://encyclopedia.ushmm.org/content/en/article/mosaic-of-victims-an-overview|archivedate=2018-06-14}}</ref> sent to the Fascist concentration camps,<ref>{{safesubst:citation| title = Holocaust Timeline: The Camps| accessdate = 2019-10-09| url = https://fcit.usf.edu/holocaust/timeline/camps.htm}}</ref> such as Dachau.<ref name=HH/> The Strasserists,<ref>{{safesubst:citation| publisher = Penguin Publishing Group| isbn = 978-1-101-04267-0| last = Evans| first = Richard J.| title = The Coming of the Third Reich| date = 2005-01-25|pageurl = https://books.google.com/books?id=CmjBW3lsA84C&pg=PT303| page = 303}}</ref> perhaps the closest that the party had to a ‘leftist’ faction in spite of their [[antisemitism]] and other social chauvinism, were soon purged.<ref>{{safesubst:citation| publisher = Penguin Publishing Group| isbn = 978-1-101-04267-0| last = Evans| first = Richard J.| title = The Coming of the Third Reich| date = 2005-01-25|page=304|pageurl = https://books.google.com/books?id=CmjBW3lsA84C&pg=PT304}}</ref> Röhm was another moderate member who was constantly trying to get the party to live up to its supposedly socialist objectives, but the other anticommunists did not want that since they saw it as causing problems for the ''status quo''; they wanted their takeover to be seen as legitimate. With the military getting nervous about the other demands that he was making them (merging the military with the S.A.), they consequently ended him and anybody else deemed too socialist in one night. An unknown minority of K.P.D. members and other socialists (‘beefsteaks’, as the Fascists pejoratively called them) did join the N.S.D.A.P. at first, but in most cases their goal was purely subversive, and they too would suffer in the Reich’s Red Scare of the 1930s;<ref>{{safesubst:citation| last = Brown| first = Timothy Scott| title = Weimar Radicals: Nazis and Communists between Authenticity and Performance| date = 2009-04-01| publisher = Berghahn Books| page = 136|pageurl = https://books.google.com/books?id=Vh6OnfbJRwgC&pg=PA136| isbn = 978-1-84545-908-6}}</ref> in 1933 alone, the German Fascists arrested over two hundred thousand people on charges of leftism, and massacred several thousand German socialists throughout the 1930s.<ref>{{safesubst:citation| last = Wachsmann| first = Nikolaus| title = KL: A History of the Nazi Concentration Camps|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=QzKdBAAAQBAJ| date = 2015-04-14| publisher = Farrar, Straus and Giroux|pages=31–41|pageurl = https://books.google.com/books?id=QzKdBAAAQBAJ&pg=PA31|ISBN=978-1-4299-4372-7}}</ref> (There were survivors nonetheless.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Category:German defectors to the Soviet Union|title-url=https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/category:German_defectors_to_the_Soviet_Union|accessdate=2020-03-19}}</ref>) In 1931, the K.P.D. did receive a last minute decision from the Kremlin to attempt terminating the Prussian [[social democracy]] by means of referendum, which many anticommunist parties like the N.S.D.A.P. also supported, but few Communists ended up obeying this recommendation.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Drachkovitch|first1=Milorad|last2=Lazić|first2=Branko|title=The Comintern; Historical Highlights, Essays, Recollections, Documents|publisher=Hoover Institution on War, Revolution, and Peace|volume=45|year=1966|page=117|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=flRCAAAAIAAJ&q=“Communists+refused”}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Rosenhaft|first=Eve|chapter=5|title=Beating the Fascists?: The German Communists and Political Violence 1929-1933|location=Cambridge|publisher=Cambridge University Press|year=1983|page=113|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=Sv88AAAAIAAJ&pg=PA113|ISBN=0 521 23638 X|LCCN=82-23525}}</ref> (The K.P.D. itself referred only to the N.S.D.A.P.’s and the S.A.’s working class—not anybody else, as some have suggested—as ‘working people’s comrades’ that year.<ref>{{safesubst:citation| last = Braunthal| first = Julius| title = History of the International: 1914-1943|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=OKPaAAAAMAAJ|publisher=Nelson|year=1967|volume=2|page=368|pageurl = https://books.google.com/books?id=DxcLAQAAIAAJ&q=“people's+comrades”}}</ref>) Some Comintern advocates did at first act as if an N.S.D.A.P. victory would be impossible or at least trivial, but such misconceptions were common at the time.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Mikkelson|first=David|title=Did a 1933 Article Report That Hitler Would Not ‘Disrupt’ Germany?|title-url=https://www.snopes.com/?p=235136|date=2020-02-09|accessdate=2020-04-17}}</ref> The Fascists did opportunistically try supporting a 1932 transport workers’ strike that the K.P.D. was coincidentally supporting, but the Fascists would soon win back the approval (or at least the tolerance) of the conservatives and the upper classes anyway.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Pool|first1=James|last2=Pool|first2=Suzanne|chapter=9|title=Who Financed Hitler|location=U.S.A.|year=1997|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/WhoFinancedHitler|pages=441–4|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/WhoFinancedHitler#page/n226/mode/1up|ISBN=0-8037-8941-6}}</ref> A few examples of the Chancellor’s opposition to class warfare, in favor of warfare against anarchists and communists instead:

{{quote|Peasants, workers, and bourgeoisie must all join together to provide the building blocks for the new Reich. The government will therefore regard it as its first and foremost duty to re‐establish Volksgemeinschaft — the unity of spirit and will of our volk. It will preserve and defend the foundations upon which the power of our nation rests. It will extend its strong, protecting hand over Christianity as the basis of our entire morality, and the family as the germ cell of the body of our volk and State. It will reawaken in our volk, beyond the borders of rank and class, its sense of national and political unity, and its resultant duties. It will establish reverence for our great past and pride in our old traditions as the basis for the education of our German youth. It will declare a merciless war against spiritual, political and cultural nihilism. Germany must not and will not drown in anarchistic communism…|The Chancellor|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Adolf Hitler’s first address as chancellor|title-url=https://alphahistory.com/nazigermany/?p=639|year=1933}}</ref>}}

{{quote|The three factors which dominate our revolution do not contradict the interests of the rest of the world in any way. First: preventing the impending Communist subversion and constructing a Volksstaat uniting the various interests of the classes and ranks, and maintaining the concept of personal property as the foundation of our culture. Second: solving the most pressing social problems by leading the army of millions of our pitiful unemployed back to production. Third: restoring a stable and authoritarian leadership of the State, supported by the confidence and will of the nation which will finally again make of this great Volk a legitimate partner to the rest of the world.|The Chancellor|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Adolf Hitler - speech to the Reichstag|title-url=http://der-fuehrer.org/reden/english/33-05-17.htm|date=1933-05-17}}</ref>}}

The Fascists hated the Soviets<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Commissar Order|title-url=https://www.ushmm.org/wlc/en/article.php?ModuleId=10007454|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20110103230258/http://www.ushmm.org/wlc/en/article.php?ModuleId=10007454|archivedate=2011-01-03|accessdate=2020-01-21}}</ref> and the Spanish Republicans.<ref>{{safesubst:citation| last = Pike| first = David Wingeate| title = Spaniards in the Holocaust: Mauthausen, Horror on the Danube|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=W_6CAgAAQBAJ| publisher = Routledge| date = 2003-09-02| isbn = 978-1-134-58713-1}}</ref> Operation Barbarossa would not be the first time that the Soviets and the Fascists duelled; Fascist assistance to the Spanish anticommunists was substantial. At the start of the [[Spanish Civil War]], the Spanish anticommunists had almost nothing other than a few obsolete machines, but the Reich soon supplied them with dozens of tanks; at one point an anticommunist now had thirty anti‐tank companies under his command.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Hart|first=Liddell|chapter=IX|title=The Other Side of the Hill|location=London|publisher=Cassell and Company Ltd|year=1948|pages=98–9|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/TheOtherSideOfTheHillLiddellHart#page/n97/mode/1up}}</ref> The Spanish anticommunists received 593 aircraft from the Reich as well.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Salas|first=Jesús|title=Intervención Extranjera en la Guerra de España|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=qXYBAAAAMAAJ|publisher=Editora Nacional|year=1974|page=439|ISBN=8427611595|language=Spanish}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Whealey|first=Robert|chapter=5|title=Hitler And Spain: The Nazi Role in the Spanish Civil War, 1936–1939|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Do4fBgAAQBAJ|location=Lexington|publisher=University Press of Kentucky|year=2005|year_published=1989|page=102|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=Do4fBgAAQBAJ&pg=PA102|ISBN=0-8131-1621-X}}</ref> The Reich sent somewhere between 12,000–15,000 anticommunists (including civilians and instructors) to its Spanish allies during the Civil War, and the Condor Legion itself consisted of five thousand anticommunists.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Merkes|first=Manfred|edition=2nd|title=Die deutsche Politik im spanischen Bügerkrieg, 1936–1939|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=5fspAQAAMAAJ|publisher=Ludwig Röhrscheid Verlag|year=1969|pages=163, 209|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=wQ0MAQAAIAAJ&q=5.000}}</ref> The Reich, like the White House later, also supported the [[Kuomintang]]. The Third Reich’s media portrayed anticapitalists very poorly,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Rentschler|first=Eric|title=The Ministry of Illusion: Nazi Cinema and Its Afterlife|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=4SMM3dcHbwYC|location=Cambridge|publisher=Harvard University Press|year=1996|year_published=2002|page=60|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=4SMM3dcHbwYC&pg=PA60|ISBN=0-674-57640-3}}</ref> whereas their 1940 film ''Bismarck'' depicted an antisocialist emperor very positively throughout.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Rentschler|first=Eric|title=The Ministry of Illusion: Nazi Cinema and Its Afterlife|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=4SMM3dcHbwYC|location=Cambridge|publisher=Harvard University Press|year=1996|year_published=2002|page=181|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=4SMM3dcHbwYC&pg=PA181|ISBN=0-674-57640-3}}</ref>

The first books that the N.S.D.A.P. burned were those of the scientific socialists Karl Marx and [[Karl Kautsky]],<ref>{{citation|last=Strätz|first=Hans‐Wolfgang|title=Die studentische „Aktion wider den undeutschen Geist“ im Frühjahr 1933|issue=4|year=1968|pdf=https://www.ifz-muenchen.de/heftarchiv/1968_4_2_straetz.pdf|page=347–353|language=German}}</ref> and the Fascists subsequently banned works by socialists such as F. Engels,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Liste des schädlichen und unerwünschten Schrifttums|title-url=https://sammlungen.ulb.uni-muenster.de/hd/periodical/pageview/2539683|year=1935|page=33|pageurl=https://sammlungen.ulb.uni-muenster.de/hd/periodical/pageview/2539724|language=German}}</ref> Lenin,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Liste des schädlichen und unerwünschten Schrifttums|title-url=https://sammlungen.ulb.uni-muenster.de/hd/periodical/pageview/2539683|year=1935|page=73|pageurl=https://sammlungen.ulb.uni-muenster.de/hd/periodical/pageview/2539764|language=German}}</ref> Leon Trotsky,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Liste des schädlichen und unerwünschten Schrifttums|title-url=https://sammlungen.ulb.uni-muenster.de/hd/periodical/pageview/2539683|year=1935|page=122|pageurl=https://sammlungen.ulb.uni-muenster.de/hd/periodical/pageview/2539813|language=German}}</ref> Luxemburg,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Liste des schädlichen und unerwünschten Schrifttums|title-url=https://sammlungen.ulb.uni-muenster.de/hd/periodical/pageview/2539683|year=1935|page=78|pageurl=https://sammlungen.ulb.uni-muenster.de/hd/periodical/pageview/2539769|language=German}}</ref> M. [[Bakunin]],<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Liste des schädlichen und unerwünschten Schrifttums|title-url=https://sammlungen.ulb.uni-muenster.de/hd/periodical/pageview/2539683|year=1935|page=12|pageurl=https://sammlungen.ulb.uni-muenster.de/hd/periodical/pageview/2539703|language=German}}</ref> P. Kropotkin,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Liste des schädlichen und unerwünschten Schrifttums|title-url=https://sammlungen.ulb.uni-muenster.de/hd/periodical/pageview/2539683|year=1935|page=69|pageurl=https://sammlungen.ulb.uni-muenster.de/hd/periodical/pageview/2539760|language=German}}</ref> R. Rocker,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Liste des schädlichen und unerwünschten Schrifttums|title-url=https://sammlungen.ulb.uni-muenster.de/hd/periodical/pageview/2539683|year=1935|page=100|pageurl=https://sammlungen.ulb.uni-muenster.de/hd/periodical/pageview/2539791|language=German}}</ref> and Stalin,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Liste des schädlichen und unerwünschten Schrifttums|title-url=https://sammlungen.ulb.uni-muenster.de/hd/periodical/pageview/2539683|year=1935|page=116|pageurl=https://sammlungen.ulb.uni-muenster.de/hd/periodical/pageview/2539807|language=German}}</ref> to name only a few. The Fascists converted Marx’s residence itself into a house for printing an anticommunist tabloid.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Hale|first=Oron|chapter=II|title=The Captive Press in the Third Reich|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=xGZ9BgAAQBAJ|publisher=Princeton University Press|year=2015|page=70|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=xGZ9BgAAQBAJ&pg=PA70|ISBN=0-691-00770-5}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Karl Marx and his contemporaries|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=qMlYAAAAYAAJ|publisher=Karl-Marx-Haus|year=1994|page=14|ISBN=3860772082}}</ref> There is no scarcity of anticommunist remarks from the Fascists;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last = Ullrich| first = Volker| title = Hitler: Ascent, 1889–1939|publisher = Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group|year = 2016|page=203|pageurl = https://books.google.com/books?id=LTE7DwAAQBAJ&pg=PA203|ISBN=978-0-385-35439-4}}</ref> throughout the Reich, some Fascists sported banners declaring [https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/file:Hitler_na_wiecu_%28Historia_str.238%29.jpg ''Der Marxismus muß sterben damit die Nation wieder auferstehe''] (‘Marxism must perish so that Germany may rise up again’), and since at least the 1920s, the Führer himself claimed that scientific socialism, if accepted, would eventually lead to the extinction of all of humanity:

{{quote|The Jewish doctrine of Marxism repudiates the aristocratic principle of Nature and substitutes for it the eternal privilege of force and energy, numerical mass and its dead weight. Thus it denies the individual worth of the human personality, impugns the teaching that nationhood and race have a primary significance, and by doing this it takes away the very foundations of human existence and human civilization. If the Marxist teaching were to be accepted as the foundation of the life of the universe, it would lead to the disappearance of all order that is conceivable to the human mind. And thus the adoption of such a law would provoke chaos in the structure of the greatest organism that we know, with the result that the inhabitants of this earthly planet would finally disappear.
 
Should the Jew, with the aid of his Marxist creed, triumph over the people of the world, his crown will be the funeral wreath of mankind, and this planet will once again follow its orbit through the ether, without any human life on its surface, as it did millions of years ago.|Adolf Hitler|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|chapter=II|title=Mein Kampf|title-url=http://gutenberg.net.au/ebooks02/0200601.txt|volume=I|date=1939-03-21|publisher=Hurst & Blackett Ltd.|trans=James Murphy}}</ref>}}

As if that weren’t enough, he would explicitly repeat his commitment to anticommunism upon appointment in early 1933:

{{quote|At that time the struggle against Marxism first was raised as a goal of this fight. I then pledged to myself for the first time as an unknown individual to begin this war, and never to rest until this phenomenon was finally driven out of German life.|Adolf Hitler|February 1933}}

Far from having a leftist support base,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Laqueur|first=Walter|title=A History of Terrorism|year=2001|page=71|ISBN=0-7658-0799-8}}</ref> most of Fascism’s supporters were ultranationalists, conservatives,<ref name=Bauerkämper>{{safesubst:citation|last=Bauerkämper|first=Arnd|title=Transnational Fascism: Cross-Border Relations between Regimes and Movements in Europe, 1922–1939*|journal=East Central Europe|volume=37|location=Leiden|publisher=Koninklijke Brill|year=2010|pages=214–246|DOI=10.1163/187633010X534469}}</ref> aristocrats,<ref name=Hayes>{{safesubst:citation|last=Hayes|first=Paul|editor=Paul Hayes|chapter=8|title=Themes in Modern European History 1890–1945|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kjiIAgAAQBAJ|location=London|publisher=Routledge|year=2002|page=178|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kjiIAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA178|ISBN=1134897235}}</ref> industrialists, landowners,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Ellwood|first=Sheelagh|title=Franco|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=5WbXAwAAQBAJ|location=New York|publisher=Routledge|year=1994|year_published=2014|page=82|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=5WbXAwAAQBAJ&pg=PT82|ISBN=978-0-582-43753-1}}</ref> and other influential antisocialists,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=RE to Prager U :Is Fascism left or Right?|title-url=https://invidious.snopyta.org/embed/d6Nb3wbpljo|accessdate=2020-03-03}}</ref> including Winston Churchill, the United Kingdom’s future Prime Minister;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Salvemini|first=Gaetano|chapter=XII|title=Prelude to World War II|location=Garden City|publisher=Doubleday & Company, Inc.|year=1954|page=108}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Churchill - as he should be remembered|title-url=https://socialismoryourmoneyback.blogspot.com/2007/05/churchill-as-he-should-be-remembered.html}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Churchill - A Fake Five Pound Note|title-url=https://socialismoryourmoneyback.blogspot.com/2016/09/churchill-fake-five-pound-note.html|date=2016-09-16|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20170328085910/https://socialismoryourmoneyback.blogspot.com/2016/09/churchill-fake-five-pound-note.html|archivedate=2017-03-28}}</ref> Joseph P. Kennedy Sr., the father of a liberal–conservative head of state;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Perry|first=Kellen|title=The Dark Side Of Joseph P. Kennedy Sr., The Patriarch Of The Kennedy Family|title-url=https://allthatsinteresting.com/?p=100549|date=2017-04-17|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20190710151630/https://allthatsinteresting.com/joseph-p-kennedy-sr|archivedate=2019-07-10}}</ref> Prescott Bush, the father of a neoconservative head of state;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Aris|first1=Ben|last2=Campbell|first2=Duncan|title=How Bush's grandfather helped Hitler's rise to power|title-url=https://amp.theguardian.com/world/2004/sep/25/usa.secondworldwar|date=2004-11-25|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20160224071330/https://amp.theguardian.com/world/2004/sep/25/usa.secondworldwar|archivedate=2016-02-24}}</ref> Harry Brittain, an antisocialist politician;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Griffiths|first=Richard|title=Fellow Travellers on the Right|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1983|page=225}}</ref> William Ashley, another antisocialist politician;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Linehan|first=Thomas|chapter=two|title=British Fascism, 1918–39: Parties, Ideology and Culture|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=j6k_pyJ3ThEC|publisher=Manchester University Press|year=2000|page=46|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=j6k_pyJ3ThEC&pg=PA46|ISBN=9780719050244}}</ref> Harold Harmsworth, an owner of the ''Daily Mail'';<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=My Dear Fuhrer: A Quick History of Daily Mail Fascism. |title-url=https://wp.me/pnuFx-1wH|date=2013-10-01|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150321020114/https://futiledemocracy.wordpress.com/2013/10/01/my-dear-fuhrer-a-quick-history-of-daily-mail-fascism|archivedate=2015-03-21}}</ref> the Perrone brothers, who controlled the Ansaldo shipping and steel combine;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=J. De Grand|first=Alexander|edition=second|chapter=3|title=Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany: The ‘fascist’ style of rule|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=UB3S7g1p6UYC|location=London and New York|publisher=Routledge|year_published=1995|year=2004|page=22|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=UB3S7g1p6UYC&pg=PA22|ISBN=0-203-32076-X}}</ref> Alfred Hugenberg, a media magnate and conservative cabinet minister;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Hake|first=Sabine|title=The Cinema’s Third Machine: Writing on Film in Germany, 1907–1933|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=7ifujA3g0BIC|page=111|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=7ifujA3g0BIC&pg=PA111}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Hugenberg to Dismiss All Jews Employed on Papers|title-url=https://www.jta.org/?p=511159|date=1932-09-04|accessdate=2020-04-24}}</ref> Friedrich Flick, a steel magnate;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Pool|first1=James|last2=Pool|first2=Suzanne|chapter=9|title=Who Financed Hitler|location=U.S.A.|year=1997|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/WhoFinancedHitler|pages=432–436|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/WhoFinancedHitler#page/n221/mode/1up|ISBN=0-8037-8941-6}}</ref> factory owners in Milan and Turin and Po valley landholders, who easily valued the Fascists’ willingness and ability to combat subversives;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Domenico|first=Roy|chapter=2|title=Remaking Italy in the Twentieth Century|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Nj8DV_s8ZaYC|location=Lanham|publisher=Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.|year=2002|page=43|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=Nj8DV_s8ZaYC&pg=PA43|ISBN=0-8476-9637-5}}</ref> the Empire of Japan’s private media,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Hofmann|first=Reto|chapter=5|title=The Fascist Effect: Japan and Italy, 1915–1952|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ|location=Ithaca and London|publisher=Cornell University Press|year=2015|page=115|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA115|ISBN=978-0-8014-5341-0}}</ref> the control over which the bourgeois state never achieved anything comparable to that which its anticommunist partners exercised in Europe;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Hedinger|first=Daniel|title=The Spectacle of Global Fascism: The Italian Blackshirt mission to Japan’s Asian empire|title-url=https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Daniel_Hedinger/publication/322431235_The_Spectacle_of_Global_Fascism_The_Italian_Blackshirt_mission_to_Japan's_Asian_empire/links/5a8986e30f7e9b1a95541198/The-Spectacle-of-Global-Fascism-The-Italian-Blackshirt-mission-to-Japans-Asian-empire.pdf|journal=Modern Asian Studies|location=|publisher=Cambridge University Press|volume=51|number=6|year=2017|pages=2017–2019|DOI=10.1017/S0026749X17000026}}</ref> Elizabeth Dilling, an antisocialist<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Heale|first=Michael|chapter=6|title=American Anti-Communism: Combating the Enemy Within, 1830-1970|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=5kGgoAsQ3kkC|page=107|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=5kGgoAsQ3kkC&pg=PA107|location=Baltimore and London|publisher=The John Hopkins University Press|ISBN=0-8018-4051-1}}</ref> activist;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Rendall|first=Steve|title=Glenn Beck’s Jewish Problem|title-url=https://fair.org/?p=5578809|date=2010-11-15}}</ref> Otto Ohlendorf, an admirer of free markets;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Kitchen|first=Martin|chapter=ten|title=Speer: Hitler's Architect|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=MmDdCgAAQBAJ|publisher=Yale University|year=2015|page=248|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=MmDdCgAAQBAJ&pg=PA248|ISBN=978-0-300-19044-1}}</ref> Fritz Thyssen, a multimillionaire industrialist;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Pool|first1=James|last2=Pool|first2=Suzanne|chapter=1|title=Who Financed Hitler|location=U.S.A.|year=1997|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/WhoFinancedHitler|page=4|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/WhoFinancedHitler#page/n4/mode/1up|ISBN=0-8037-8941-6}}</ref> Hugo Boss, a Western businessman;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Hugo Boss Acknowledges Link to Nazi Regime|title-url=https://www.nytimes.com/1997/08/15/business/hugo-boss-acknowledges-link-to-nazi-regime.html|date=1997-08-15}}</ref> Otto Dibelius, the Kurmark’s General Superintendent and one of the Confessing Church’s most conservative members;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Richard Steigmann-Gall|chapter=2|title=The Holy Reich: Nazi Conceptions of Christianity, 1919–1945|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=XTxdAAAAQBAJ|publisher=Cambridge University Press|date=2003-04-21|page=69|ISBN=978-1-107-39392-9}}</ref> Wilhelm Keppler, a [[petit bourgeois]] advisor;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Pool|first1=James|last2=Pool|first2=Suzanne|chapter=6|title=Who Financed Hitler|location=U.S.A.|year=1997|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/WhoFinancedHitler|pages=288–9|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/WhoFinancedHitler#page/n149/mode/1up|ISBN=0-8037-8941-6}}</ref> <ref name=pg40/> Hjalmar Schacht, a liberal politician;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Pool|first1=James|last2=Pool|first2=Suzanne|chapter=1|title=Who Financed Hitler|location=U.S.A.|year=1997|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/WhoFinancedHitler|pages=4–6|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/WhoFinancedHitler#page/n4/mode/1up|ISBN=0-8037-8941-6}}</ref> Prince Otto Christian Archibald von Bismarck, who almost joined the liberal Freie Demokratische Partei in the 1950s before settling for the more conservative Christlich Demokratische Union Deutschlands;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Klee|first=Ernst|title=Das Personenlexikon zum Dritten Reich: Wer war was vor und nach 1945|location=Frankfurt|publisher=Fischer-Taschenbuch-Verlag|year=2005|page=51|ISBN=9783596160488}}</ref> Gotō Tadanao, the head of the Amama paper‐manufacturing company in Shizuoka Prefecture;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Hofmann|first=Reto|chapter=5|title=The Fascist Effect: Japan and Italy, 1915–1952|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ|location=Ithaca and London|publisher=Cornell University Press|year=2015|page=112|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA112|ISBN=978-0-8014-5341-0}}</ref> Sakai Eizō, Osaka industrialist and right‐wing head of the Greater Japan Justice Association;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Hofmann|first=Reto|chapter=5|title=The Fascist Effect: Japan and Italy, 1915–1952|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ|location=Ithaca and London|publisher=Cornell University Press|year=2015|page=116|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA116|ISBN=978-0-8014-5341-0}}</ref> Kurt baron von Schröder, an important banker;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Yeadon|first=Glen|coauthors=John Hawkins|chapter=1|title=The Nazi Hydra in America: Suppressed History of a Century: Wall Street and and the Rise of the Fourth Reich|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=vh7sx2xtjGEC|location=California|publisher=Progressive Press|year=2008|pages=50–4|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=vh7sx2xtjGEC&pg=PA50|ISBN=0-930852-43-5}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=William Lawrence Shirer| title = The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=6QngAAAAQBAJ|publisher=Simon
and Schuster|year=1960|page=144|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=6QngAAAAQBAJ&pg=PA144| isbn = 978-1-4516-5168-3}}</ref> Franz Seldte, a Western conservative; Franz Gürtner, another Western conservative; Franklin D. Roosevelt, a Western head of state;<ref>{{safesubst:citation| last = Medeiros | first = Zach | title = The Lies Social Democrats Tell: FDR, the New Deal, and Social Fascism| work = weblog| accessdate = 2020-07-09|title-url=https://www.hamptonthink.org/read/the-lies-social-democrats-tell-fdr-the-new-deal-and-social-fascism}}</ref> Hans Walz, a managing director of Robert Bosch GmbH;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Scholtyseck|first=Joachim|title=Robert Bosch und der liberale Widerstand gegen Hitler 1933 bis 1945|location=München|publisher=C. H. Beck|year=1999|ISBN=978-3-406-45525-4}}</ref> Ronald Reagan, another Western head of state;<ref name=GoodAmericans>{{safesubst:citation| title = Good Americans, by John Judge, 1983| accessdate = 2019-10-09|title-url=https://ratical.org/ratville/JFK/JohnJudge/GoodAmericans.html}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation| title = REMARK BY REAGAN ON LINCOLN BRIGADE PROMPTS IRE IN SPAIN | work = New York Times | date = May 10, 1985|archivedate = 2015-05-24| archiveurl = https://web.archive.org/web/20150524165511/http://www.nytimes.com/1985/05/10/world/remark-by-reagan-on-lincoln-brigade-prompts-ire-in-spain.html}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation| title = REAGAN LIKENS NAZI WAR DEAD TO CONCENTRATION CAMP VICTIMS|work = New York Times |date = April 19, 1985|archivedate = 2014-12-13| archiveurl = https://web.archive.org/web/20141213124711/http://www.nytimes.com/1985/04/19/us/reagan-likens-nazi-war-dead-to-concentration-camp-victims.html}}</ref> Franz von Papen, a wealthy antisocialist politician;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Jones|first=Larry|title=Franz von Papen, the German Center Party, and the Failure of Catholic Conservatism in the Weimar Republic|title-url=https://doi.org/10.1163/156916105775563670|journal=Central European History|publisher=Cambridge University Press|volume=38|issue=2|year=2005|pages=191–217|doi=10.1163/156916105775563670}}</ref> Wickliffe Draper, a wealthy advocate for immigration restrictions and the World Anti‐Communist League;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Wickliffe Draper|title-url=http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/JFKdraperW.htm|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20100315183319/http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/JFKdraperW.htm|archivedate=2010-03-15}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Lombardo|first=Paul|title="The American Breed": Nazi eugenics and the origins of the Pioneer Fund|title-url=https://www.researchgate.net/publication/11371656|journal=Albany law review|volume=65|number=3|year=2002|pages=743–830}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Pioneer Fund|title-url=https://www.splcenter.org/fighting-hate/extremist-files/group/pioneer-fund|accessdate=2020-03-27}}</ref> Donald A. Swan,<ref name="Miller">{{safesubst:citation|last=Miller |first=Adam |year=1994 |title=The Pioneer Fund: Bankrolling the Professors of Hate |journal=The Journal of Blacks in Higher Education |volume=6 |pages=58–61}}</ref> a Western economist;<ref name="winston">{{citation|last=Winston |first=Andrew A. |year=1998|title=Science in the service of the far right: Henry E. Garrett, the IAAEE, and the Liberty Lobby |journal=Journal of Social Issues |volume=54 |issue=1 |pages=179–210 |doi=10.1111/j.1540-4560.1998.tb01212.x}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Anderson|first=David|title=Mail-fraid Raided bares Nazi Cache|date=1966-04-06|publisher=The New York Times}}</ref> Leon Degrelle, a supporter of Ronald Reagan;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|editor=Mark Weber|last=Degrelle|first=Leon|title=How Hitler Consolidated Power in Germany and Launched a Social Revolution|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/TheJournalOfHistoricalReviewVolume12Number3|journal=The Journal of Historical Review|volume=twelve|number=3|year=1992|page=357|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/TheJournalOfHistoricalReviewVolume12Number3#page/n101/mode/1up|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20191201141344/http://www.vho.org/GB/Journals/JHR/12/3/Degrelle299-370.html|archivedate=2019-12-01|ISSN=0195-6752}}</ref> Ludvig von Mises,<ref>{{safesubst:citation| publisher = Verso| isbn = 978-1-85984-527-1| last = Anderson| first = Perry| title = Spectrum| date = 2005|pageurl = https://books.google.com/books?id=Nxl7tR4CzQ4C&pg=PA13| page = 13}}</ref> cofounder of the so‐called Austrian School of Economics (though he did denounce the Reich’s anti‐Semitism<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=An Anarchist FAQ|title-url=https://anarchism.pageabode.com/afaq/index.html|section=C.1.6|sectionurl=https://anarchism.pageabode.com/afaq/secC1.html#secc16|accessdate=2020-01-28}}</ref> and claimed Fascism as merely an ‘emergency makeshift’); Harry S. Truman, U.S. senator and then head of state<ref>{{safesubst:citation| publisher = Simon and Schuster| isbn = 978-0-7432-6029-9| last = McCullough| first = David| title = Truman| date = 2003-08-20|pageurl = https://books.google.com/books?id=8fp1A2s6aQwC&pg=PA308| page = 308}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Williams|first=Charles|title=Pétain|location=London|year=2005|ISBN=978-0-316-86127-4|page=520}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Simpson|first=Christopher|chapter=three|editor=Mark Crispin Miller|title=Blowback: America’s Recruitment of Nazis and Its Destructive Impact on Our Domestic and Foreign Policy|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=R3qdAwAAQBAJ|edition=|location=New York|publisher=Open Road Media|year=2014|section=|page=37|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=R3qdAwAAQBAJ&pg=PT37|isbn=9781497623064|oclc=|text=}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Simpson|first=Christopher|chapter=seven|editor=Mark Crispin Miller|title=Blowback: America’s Recruitment of Nazis and Its Destructive Impact on Our Domestic and Foreign Policy|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=R3qdAwAAQBAJ|edition=|location=New York|publisher=Open Road Media|year=2014|section=|page=67|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=R3qdAwAAQBAJ&pg=PT67|isbn=9781497623064|oclc=|text=}}</ref> (though he claims to have disliked the Chancellor regardless); Prince August Wilhelm, a conservative aristocrat;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Berg|first=Nate|title=The Kaiser’s Family Wants Its Stuff Back. Germany Isn’t Sure They Deserve It.|title-url=http://bit.ly/33d2GPg|date=2019-11-22|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20191123000445/https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/11/22/germany-kaiser-wilhelm-hohenzollern-family-prussia|archivedate=2019-11-23}}</ref> Prince Leopold Charles Edward, an aristocratic anticommunist;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Hitler’s Favourite Royal|title-url=https://invidious.snopyta.org/embed/Zq4K0WBXrv8|accessdate=2020-04-15}}</ref> Alfred Hugenberg,<ref>{{safesubst:citation| publisher = Penguin Publishing Group| isbn = 978-1-101-04267-0| last = Evans| first = Richard J.| title = The Coming of the Third Reich|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=CmjBW3lsA84C|date = 2005-01-25|page=266|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=CmjBW3lsA84C&pg=PT266}}</ref> a major capitalist,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Pool|first1=James|last2=Pool|first2=Suzanne|chapter=5|title=Who Financed Hitler|location=U.S.A.|year=1997|ISBN=0-8037-8941-6|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/WhoFinancedHitler|pages=214–223|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/WhoFinancedHitler#page/n109/mode/1up}}</ref> head of the German Conservative Party, and cofounder of the ultranationalist General German League and its successor the Pan‐German League;<ref>{{safesubst:citation| publisher = Manchester University Press| isbn = 978-0-7190-4287-4| last = Bookbinder| first = Paul| title = Weimar Germany: The Republic of the Reasonable|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Ua6pwtEseMgC|date = 1996|page=223|pageurl = https://books.google.com/books?id=Ua6pwtEseMgC&pg=PA223}}</ref> the Italian Liberal Party,<ref>{{safesubst:citation| publisher = Cambridge University Press| isbn = 978-0-521-84070-5| last = Newell| first = James| title = The Politics of Italy: Governance in a Normal Country| date = 2010-01-28|pageurl = https://books.google.com/books?id=gJQP0WUt5Z0C&pg=PA27| page = 27}}</ref> a group of capitalists headed by former Prime Minister Giovanni Giolitti;<ref>{{safesubst:citation| publisher = Rubbettino Editore| isbn = 978-88-498-0489-8| last = Cordova| first = Ferdinando| title = Il fascismo nel Mezzogiorno: le Calabrie|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=qrT7uyexGUAC|date = 2003|page=187|pageurl = https://books.google.com/books?id=qrT7uyexGUAC&pg=PA187}}</ref> free‐market economist Alberto De Stefani, the Kingdom of Italy’s new finance minister<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Foot|first=John|chapter=3|title=Modern Italy|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=evwcBQAAQBAJ|publisher=Malgrave MacMillan|year=2014|page=165|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=evwcBQAAQBAJ&pg=PA165|ISBN=978-0-230-36033-4}}</ref> (Luigi Einaudi in particular approved of Fascism’s economic policies, if nothing else<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Vodovar|first=Christine|title=Einaudi e l’avvento del regime fascista|title-url=https://www.luigieinaudi.it/percorsi-di-lettura/lib/einaudi-e-lavvento-del-regime-fascista.html|language=Italian}}</ref>); the Finnish government, a [[bourgeois democracy]];<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Vehviläinen|first=Olli|title=Finland in the Second World War: Between Germany and Russia|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=3L-JDAAAQBAJ|location=New York City|publisher=palgrave|year=2002|isbn=0333801490|page=101|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=3L-JDAAAQBAJ&pg=PA101|trans=Gerard McAlestar}}</ref> and nearly all of the Whites, a horde of anticommunists<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Pool|first1=James|last2=Pool|first2=Suzanne|title=Who Financed Hitler|location=U.S.A.|year=1997|ISBN=0-8037-8941-6|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/WhoFinancedHitler|pages=56–62|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/WhoFinancedHitler#page/n30/mode/1up}}</ref> who fought ferociously against socialists and Jews during the [[Russian Civil War]].

Antebellum data indicate that 65% of N.S.D.A.P. members joined because of their anticommunism (whereas only 12% did so citing their anti‐Semitism);<ref>{{safesubst:citation| title = Learn History {{!}} Humanities| work = Cambridge University Press| accessdate = 2019-10-09| url = https://www.cambridge.org/se/education/subject/humanities/history/history-ib-diploma-paper-3-2nd-edition/european-states-interwar-years-19181939-2nd-edition-cambridge-elevate-edition-2-years?isbn=9781316506462}}</ref> Oxford scholar Neil Gregor likewise noted the party’s antisocialist support base.<ref>{{safesubst:citation| publisher = New Viewpoints| isbn = 978-0-531-05376-8| last = Krebs| first = Albert| title = The infancy of Nazism: the memoirs of ex-Gauleiter Albert Krebs, 1923-1933|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=inhPAwAAQBAJ|year=1976|page=5|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=inhPAwAAQBAJ&pg=PA5}}</ref> True, a minority of antisocialists like Eduard Wagner eventually betrayed the Chancellor, but this was because the war was starting to go poorly for the Reich;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Bartov|first=Omer|title=Mirrors of Destruction: War, Genocide, and Modern Identity|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=GXQ8DwAAQBAJ|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press, Inc.|year=2000|page=117|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=GXQ8DwAAQBAJ&pg=PA117|ISBN=0-19-507723-7}}</ref> it is not as if they suddenly realized (or cared) how much Fascism was harming the lower classes. The Italian Fascists themselves, an important influence on the N.S.D.A.P., were usually explicitly antisocialist:

{{quote|Officially, Fascism was born in Milan on Sunday, March 23, 1919. That morning, somewhat more than a hundred persons, including war veterans, syndicalists who had supported the war, and Futurist intellectuals, plus some reporters and the merely curious, gathered in the meeting room of the Milan Industrial and Commercial Alliance, overlooking the Piazza San Sepolcro, to “declare war against socialism […] because it has opposed nationalism.” […] On April 15, 1919, soon after Fascism’s founding meeting at the Piazza San Sepolcro, a band of Mussolini’s friends including Marinetti and the chief of the Arditi, Ferruccio Vecchi, invaded the Milan offices of the socialist daily newspaper ''Avanti'', of which Mussolini himself had been editor from 1912 to 1914. They smashed its presses and equipment. Four people were killed, including one soldier, and thirty‐nine were injured. Italian Fascism thus burst into history with an act of violence against both socialism and bourgeois legality, in the name of a claimed higher national good.|Robert O. Paxton|<ref name=Paxton5/>}}

Even the anti‐Bolshevist [[George Orwell]]<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Orwell|first=George|editor=Peter Davison|title=George Orwell: A Life in Letters|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=WXGbfAHYecwC|publisher=W. W. Norton & Company|year=1937|page=88|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=WXGbfAHYecwC&pg=PA88|archiveurl=https://nitter.net/i/status/917075893440393216|archivedate=2017-10-08|ISBN=9780871406910}}</ref> acknowledged Fascism to be capitalist ideology,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Orwell|first=George|title=Review of ''Mein Kampf'' by Adolf Hitler|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/ReviewKampf|year=1940|page=1|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/ReviewKampf#mode/1up}}</ref> or rather, the means by which capitalists co‐opt a state in decline:

{{quote|When one thinks of all the people who support or have supported Fascism, one stands amazed at their diversity. What a crew! […] But the clue is really very simple. They are all people with something to lose, or people who long for a hierarchical society and dread the prospect of a world of free and equal human beings. Behind all the ballyhoo that is talked about ‘godless’ Russia and the ‘materialism’ of the working class lies the simple intention of those with money or privileges to cling to them.|George Orwell|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Orwell|first=George|title=Looking Back on the Spanish War|title-url=https://www.orwellfoundation.com/?p=2913|year=1942|pages=20–21|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/lookingbackonthespanishwargeorgeorwell#page/n20/mode/1up}}</ref>}}

Before the assault on Pearl Harbor most Yankees were opposed to having another conflict with the Reich, in part no doubt because of their diuturnal fatigue from [[World War I]], but capitalist propaganda<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Hart|first=Bradley|title=Hitler’s Influence in the US Was Greater Than You May Think|title-url=https://time.com/5414055|date=2018-10-04|accessdate=2020-01-28}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Secker|first=Tom|title=How the Pentagon Helped Hollywood Launder the Nazis’ Reputation|title-url=https://www.spyculture.com/?p=7400|date=2018-12-06|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20200317033404/https://www.spyculture.com/how-the-pentagon-helped-hollywood-launder-the-nazis-reputation|archivedate=2020-03-17}}</ref> had a widespread<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Frank|first=Dana|title=The Devil and Mr. Hearst|title-url=https://www.thenation.com/?p=67485|date=2000-06-22|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20120119055138/http://www.thenation.com/article/devil-and-mr-hearst|archivedate=2012-01-19}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|editor=Richard Sanders|title=William Randolph Hearst|title-url=http://coat.ncf.ca/our_magazine/links/53/hearst.html|journal=Press for Conversion!|publisher=Coalition to Oppose the Arms Trade|issue=53}}</ref> effect as well.<ref>{{safesubst:citation| last = Inc| first = Gallup| title = American Public Opinion and the Holocaust| work = Gallup.com| accessdate = 2019-10-09| url = https://news.gallup.com/opinion/polling-matters/232949/american-public-opinion-holocaust.aspx}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Diggins|first=John|title=Mussolini and Fascism: The View From America|location=Princeton|publisher=Princeton University Press|year=1972}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Montgomery|first=M.R.|title=The Press and Adolph Hitler|journal=Boston Globe Magazine|date=1983-01-30|pages=11–13}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Kasprak|first=Alex|title=Did a 1922 Article Advise Not to Worry About Hitler’s Anti-Semitism?|title-url=https://www.snopes.com/?p=63328|date=2016-11-11|accessdate=2020-04-17}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Hofmann|first=Reto|chapter=2|title=The Fascist Effect: Japan and Italy, 1915–1952|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ|location=Ithaca and London|publisher=Cornell University Press|year=2015|page=38|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA38|ISBN=978-0-8014-5341-0}}</ref> The U.S. allowed Fascists to hold rallies until late 1939; one particular rally in early 1939 at Madison Square Garden had 20,000 attendees alone,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Evon|first=Don|title=Do These Photos Show a 1939 Nazi Rally at Madison Square Garden?|title-url=https://www.snopes.com/?p=237134|date=2020-02-21|accessdate=2020-04-16}}</ref> making it one of the largest rallies outside of the Reich. Anglo–American advertising inspired Fascist politicians ''& vice versa''.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Ross|first=Corey|coauthors=Victoria De Grazia|edtiors=Pamela E. Swett, S. Jonathan Wiesen, Jonathan R. Zatlin|chapter=2|title=Selling Modernity: Advertising in Twentieth-Century Germany|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=dT70m7p_mCYC|location=Durham and London|publisher=Duke University Press|year=2007|page=71|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=dT70m7p_mCYC&pg=PA71|ISBN=978-0-8223-4069-0}}</ref> In the early 1930s, the U.S. advertising industry praised the Fascists for their slogans that its advertising methods ‘made general’, and stated that they have ‘some good lines, of present‐day application’ for U.S. advertisers.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=McChesney|first=Robert|editors=Andrew Calabrese, Colin Sparks|chapter=3|title=Toward a Political Economy of Culture: Capitalism and Communication in the Twenty-First Century|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=UT_FAAAAQBAJ|location=Maryland|publisher=Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.|year=2004|page=58|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=UT_FAAAAQBAJ&pg=PA58|ISBN=0-7425-2683-6}}</ref> Goebbels directly cited Edward Bernays’s ''Crystallizing Public Opinion'' as an influence on his own propaganda techniques.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Bernays|first=Edward|title=Biography of an Idea: The Founding Principles of Public Relations|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=tFO2BgAAQBAJ|location=New York|publisher=Open Road Media|year=2015|year_published=1965|page=652|ISBN=978-1-4976-9867-3}}</ref>

While it is true that the White House finally tried persecuting some Fascists during the war years, generally these misleaders and sympathizers fared reasonably well<ref name=Ross>{{safesubst:citation|last=Ross|first=Steven|title=Hitler in Los Angeles: How Jews Foiled Nazi Plots Against Hollywood and America|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=l04kDwAAQBAJ|location=New York|publisher=Bloomsbury Publishing Inc.|year=2017|ISBN=978-1-62040-562-8|archiveurl=https://www.spyculture.com/?p=7837|archivedate=2018-12-09}}</ref> (especially in comparison to Japanese–Americans then and the socialists shortly thereafter;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Szymański|first=Al|title=Human Rights in the Soviet Union|publisher=Zed Books Ltd.|location=London|year=1984|ISBN=0-86232-018-6|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/HumanRightsInTheSovietUnion|chapter=6|pages=174–5|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/HumanRightsInTheSovietUnion#page/n95/mode/1up}}</ref> membership in Fascist parties was not considered ‘totalitarian’ during the 1950s<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Szymański|first=Al|title=Human Rights in the Soviet Union|publisher=Zed
Books Ltd.|location=London|year=1984|ISBN=0-86232-018-6|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/HumanRightsInTheSovietUnion|chapter=6|page=186|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/HumanRightsInTheSovietUnion#page/n101/mode/1up}}</ref>) regardless. After the Allies defeated the German Reich, the antisocialist victors treated the [[Axis]] war prisoners quite well (even allowing them to have alcohol with their meals) and brought over 400,000 of them to North America.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=How 400,000 German POWs Spent World War II in the U.S.|title-url=http://www.kvmr.org/news/how-400000-german-pows-spent-world-war-ii-us|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150906131933/http://www.kvmr.org/news/how-400000-german-pows-spent-world-war-ii-us|archivedate=2015-09-06}}</ref> It is true that they still had to wait in prison camps and perform forced labors, but the Geneva Convention accords strictly governed these boring but by no means menacing or payless tasks. Hence few attempted escape, and some went so far as to claim that their life in a POW camp was much better than that in the Axis military.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Garcia|first=J. Malcolm|title=German POWs on the American Homefront|title-url=https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/german-pows-on-the-american-homefront-141009996|date=2009-11-16|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20140518191703/http://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/german-pows-on-the-american-homefront-141009996/?page=2|archivedate=2014-05-18}}</ref> Some of the POWs kept in contact with their Yankee friends when they returned to Europe by 1946, and many of these POWs would eventually return to the U.S. and acquire their citizenships there.<ref name=Lichtblau>{{safesubst:citation|last=Lichtblau|first=Eric|title=How Thousands Of Nazis Were 'Rewarded' With Life In The U.S.|title-url=https://www.npr.org/2014/11/05/361427276|date=2014-11-05|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20141105235221/http://www.npr.org/2014/11/05/361427276/how-thousands-of-nazis-were-rewarded-with-life-in-the-u-s|archivedate=2014-11-05}}</ref>

Hence even after 1945 the surviving antisocialist states would consciously and willingly hire thousands of Fascists<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Lichtblau|first=Eric|title=In Cold War, U.S. Spy Agencies Used 1,000 Nazis|title-url=https://nyti.ms/1rHIyLV|date=2004-10-26|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20170827040625/https://www.nytimes.com/2014/10/27/us/in-cold-war-us-spy-agencies-used-1000-nazis.html|archivedate=2017-08-27}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=US used Nazis as Cold War spies|title-url=https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-29795749|date=2014-10-28|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20191001164322/https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-29795749|archivedate=2019-10-01}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=McCoy|first=Terrence|title=How U.S. intelligence agencies used 1,000 Nazis as Cold War spies — then covered it up|title-url=https://wapo.st/1tbS5Od|date=2014-10-28|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150325193758/http://www.washingtonpost.com/news/morning-mix/wp/2014/10/28/how-u-s-intelligence-agencies-used-1000-nazis-as-cold-war-spies-then-covered-it-up|archivedate=2015-03-25}}</ref> <ref name=GoodAmericans/> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Domenico|first=Roy|title=Italian Fascists on Trial, 1943–1948|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=W19mkgEACAAJ|publisher=University of North Carolina Press|year=1991}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Müller|first=Ingo|part=3|title=Hitler’s Justice|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=PyGcAAAAMAAJ|publisher=Harvard University Press|year=1991}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Wiener|first=Joe|chapter=10|chapterurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=fjtGRgKZLtkC&pg=PA71|title=Professors, Politics and Pop|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=fjtGRgKZLtkC|publisher=Verso|year=1991|ISBN=9780860916727}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Hockenos|first=Paul|year=2003|title=Homeland Calling: Exile Patriotism & the Balkan Wars|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=e4pAs4JYSAMC|publisher=Cornell University Press|page=28|ISBN=978-0-8014-4158-5}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Most of post-war justice ministry were Nazis: report|title-url=https://www.thelocal.de/20161010/most-of-post-war-justice-ministry-were-nazis-study|date=2016-10-10|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20161011165326/https://www.thelocal.de/20161010/most-of-post-war-justice-ministry-were-nazis-study|archivedate=2016-10-11|accessdate=2020-01-21}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=The Secret Ex-Nazi Army That Guarded West Germany|title-url=https://nationalinterest.org/node/53522|date=2019-04-21|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20190421212851/https://nationalinterest.org/blog/buzz/secret-ex-nazi-army-guarded-west-germany-53522|archivedate=2019-04-21|accessdate=2020-01-21}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Lichtblau|first=Eric|title=How Thousands Of Nazis Were 'Rewarded' With Life In The U.S.|title-url=https://www.npr.org/2014/11/05/361427276|date=2014-11-05|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20141105235221/http://www.npr.org/2014/11/05/361427276/how-thousands-of-nazis-were-rewarded-with-life-in-the-u-s|archivedate=2014-11-05}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|editor=Tamara Feinstein|title=The CIA and Nazi War Criminals|title-url=https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB146/index.htm|date=2005-02-04|accessdate=2020-04-15}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Parenti|first=Michael|chapter=5|title=To Kill a Nation: the Attack on Yugoslavia|location=New York|publisher=Verso|year=2000|pages=43–5|ISBN=1-85984-366-2}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Beste|first1=Ralf|last2=Bönisch|first2=Georg|last3=Darnstaedt|first3=Thomas|last4=Friedmann|first4=Jan|last5=Fröhlingsdorf|first5=Michael|last6=Wiegrefe|first6=Klaus|title=The Role Ex-Nazis Played in Early West Germany|title-url=https://www.spiegel.de/international/germany/from-dictatorship-to-democracy-the-role-ex-nazis-played-in-early-west-germany-a-810207.html|date=2012-06-03|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20120511032826/http://www.spiegel.de/international/germany/from-dictatorship-to-democracy-the-role-ex-nazis-played-in-early-west-germany-a-810207.html|archivedate=2012-05-11|accessdate=2020-01-21}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Lottman|first=Herbert|title=The Purge|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NgNnAAAAMAAJ|publisher=William Morrow|year=1986|page=290|ISBN=9780688049409}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Lichtblau|first=Eric|title=The Nazis Next Door: How America Became a Safe Haven for Hitler’s Men|chapter=14|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=0LvaAgAAQBAJ|location=New York|publisher=Houghton Mifflin Harcourt|year=2014|page=217|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=0LvaAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA217|LCCN=2014023543|ISBN=978-0-547-66919-9}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Neo-Nazism in West Germany|title-url=https://library.cqpress.com/cqresearcher/document.php?id=cqresrre1967041200|date=1967-04-12|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150911120501/http://library.cqpress.com/cqresearcher/document.php?id=cqresrre1967041200|archivedate=2015-09-11|accessdate=2020-01-21}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=|first=|title=The GOP/Nazi Connection|title-url=https://fair.org/?p=5569182|date=1988-09-1}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Quigley|first=Margaret|title=The Antisemitic Roots of Eastern European Nationalism|title-url=https://fair.org/?p=1486|date=1990-05-01}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|title='Blowback': US Recruitment of Nazis w/ Christopher Simpson (KPFK, 1988)|title-url=https://invidious.snopyta.org/embed/XiFgrXnSH4g|accessdate=2020-03-19}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Pietras|first=Emma|title=How I survived Chile's torture commune run by Pinochet's paedophile Nazi pal|title-url=https://www.mirror.co.uk/news/world-news/how-survived-chiles-torture-commune-8357695|date=2016-07-05}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa, and the Middle East|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=oYEMAQAAMAAJ&q=expatriate|publisher=Duke University Press|volume=18|year=1998|page=102}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Silverstein|first=Ken|title=Our Nazi Allies|title-url=https://www.salon.com/2000/05/03/nazi_2|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20151119074342/http://www.salon.com/2000/05/03/nazi_2|archivedate=2015-11-19}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Naftali|first=Timothy|coauthors=Richard Breitman, Norman J. W. Goda, Robert Wolfe|chapter=13|title=U.S. Intelligence and the Nazis|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=GnkBYN8ipYcC|publisher=Cambridge University Press|year=2005|page=374|ISBN=9780521617949}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Hofmann|first=Reto|chapter=6|title=The Fascist Effect: Japan and Italy, 1915–1952|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ|location=Ithaca and London|publisher=Cornell University Press|year=2015|pages=139–142|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA139|ISBN=978-0-8014-5341-0}}</ref> anyway,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Our Nazi Allies|title-url=https://ratical.org/ratville/JFK/JohnJudge/OurNaziAllies.html|date=2001-12-12}}</ref> such as Adolf Heusinger and Hans Speidel, who soon became important [[NATO]] officials,<ref>{{safesubst:citation| last = Rodvik| first = Robert| title = NATO’s Nazi Beginnings: How the West implemented Hitler's goals| work = Voltaire Network| accessdate = 2019-10-09|title-url=https://www.voltairenet.org/article174656.html|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20130721053744/http://www.voltairenet.org/article174656.html|archivedate=2013-07-21}}</ref> and many other Fascists like Rudolf Rahn<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Evans: David Irving, Hitler and Holocaust Denial|title-url=https://www.hdot.org/?p=2061|date=2016-08-31}}</ref> (the plenipotentiary of the so‐called Italian Social Republic), Lazlo Pasztor<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Simpson|first=Christopher|chapter=seventeen|editor=Mark Crispin Miller|title=Blowback: America’s Recruitment of Nazis and Its Destructive Impact on Our Domestic and Foreign Policy|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=R3qdAwAAQBAJ|edition=|location=New York|publisher=Open Road Media|year=2014|section=|page=273|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=R3qdAwAAQBAJ&pg=PT194|isbn=9781497623064|oclc=|text=}}</ref> got to live prosperous, and subsequently faced prosecution for war crimes, but he served only four years in confinement; fellow anticommunists pardoned him in 1949. He resumed his diplomatic career<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Klinkhammer|first=Lutz|title=L’occupazione tedesca in Italia 1943–1945|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=xYiAAAAAIAAJ|location=Torino|publisher=Bollati-Boringhieri|year=1993|page=489}}</ref> and afterwards served as director of Coca‐Cola’s West German branch.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Officers and Directors of Lions International|title-url=http://www.olptc.org/PIP/bios/1963.pdf|year=1963|page=17|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20200415201407/http://www.olptc.org/PIP/bios/1963.pdf|archivedate=2020-04-15}}</ref>}} successful lives.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Rendall|first=Steve|title=Heritage of Extremism|title-url=https://fair.org/?p=5569475|date=1996-07-01}}</ref> (Presently, antisocialist states like the [[US#Neofascism|U.S.A.]] protect or recruit [[neofascists]].<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Norton|first=Ben|title=India’s Ruling Hindu-Nationalist Party Combines Fascism and Neoliberalism|title-url=https://therealnews.com/?p=175371|date=2018-04-24}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Ganser|first=Daniele|title=The British Secret Service in Neutral Switzerland: An Unfinished Debate on NATO’s Cold War Stay-behind Armies|title-url=http://iprd.org.uk/wp-content/plugins/downloads-manager/upload/The%20British%20Secret%20Service%20in%20Neutral%20Switzerland%20An%20Unfinished%20Debate%20on%20NATO’s%20Cold%20War%20Stay-behind%20Armies.pdf
|journal=Intelligence and National Security|publisher=Taylor & Francis|volume=20|number=4|year=2005|pages=553–580|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20130108061345/http://iprd.org.uk/wp-content/plugins/downloads-manager/upload/The%20British%20Secret%20Service%20in%20Neutral%20Switzerland%20An%20Unfinished%20Debate%20on%20NATO’s%20Cold%20War%20Stay-behind%20Armies.pdf|archivedate=2013-01-08|ISSN=0268-4527|DOI=10.1080/02684520500425083}}</ref>) Because many Italians also fought on behalf of the Western Allies from 1943–1945, the bourgeoisie had no serious interest in judicially scrutinising either Fascism’s history or that of the German–Italian collaboration,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Hedinger|first=Daniel|title=A Global Conspiracy? The Berlin - Tokyo - Rome Axis on Trial and its Impact on the Historiography of the Second World War|title-url=https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Daniel_Hedinger/publication/311513817_A_Global_Conspiracy_The_Berlin_-_Tokyo_-_Rome_Axis_on_Trial_and_its_Impact_on_the_Historiography_of_the_Second_World_War/links/59ff305a0f7e9b9968c5df07/A-Global-Conspiracy-The-Berlin-Tokyo-Rome-Axis-on-Trial-and-its-Impact-on-the-Historiography-of-the-Second-World-War.pdf|journal=Journal of Modern European History|volume=14|issue=4|year=2016|pages=504–5|DOI=10.17104/1611-8944-2016-4-500}}</ref> and since hostility increased against the [[Soviet Union]] again, the British ruling class saw the surviving Fascists (e.g. Badoglio) as [[Operation Gladio|guarantors of an anticommunist Italy]]. Consequently, nobody ever tried them for Fascist war crimes committed in Africa, in the relatively few cases that anybody tried them at all.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Schmidt|first=Alex|coauthors=Ruth Ben-Ghiat & Adam Tod Brown|title=What Fascist Italy Reveals About Modern America|title-url=https://www.cracked.com/podcast/what-fascist-italy-reveals-about-modern-america|date=2019-04-22|accessdate=2020-04-24}}</ref> <ref name="Pedaliu_JContHistory">{{citation|first=Effie G. H.|last=Pedaliu|jstor=4141408|title=Britain and the 'Hand-over' of Italian War Criminals to Yugoslavia, 1945–48|id=Special Issue: Collective Memory|date=1 January 2004|publisher=|journal=Journal of Contemporary History|volume=39|issue=4|pages=503–529}}</ref> <ref>{{citation|title-url=http://www.odradek.it/Schedelibri/criminalidiguerra.html |title=Criminali di guerra Italiani |author=Conti, Davide |publisher=Odradek Edizioni|year=2011 |accessdate=2012-10-14}}</ref> <ref>Di Sante, Costantino (2005) [http://www.ombrecorte.it/more.asp?id=15 Italiani senza onore: I crimini in Jugoslavia e i processi negati (1941–1951)], Ombre Corte, Milano. ([https://www.webcitation.org/6BQse29u2 Archived by WebCite®])</ref> (It is true that the then‐Italian Minister of Justice, Palmiro Togliatti, unwisely agreed to pardon thousands of Fascists from Italy’s overcrowded prisons, but this was part of his unsuccessful compromise with the antisocialists to pardon thousands of partisans as well.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Cooke|first=Philip|title=The Legacy of the Italian Resistance|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kapfAQAAQBAJ|publisher=Malgrave Macmillan|year=2011|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=kapfAQAAQBAJ&pg=PT37|ISBN=978-0-230-11410-4}}</ref>) Meanwhile for some of the new antisocialist régimes in East and Southeast Asia, the upper classes would willingly employ there thousands of Axis collaborators<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Han|first=Suk-Jung|title=On the Question of Collaboration in South Korea|title-url=https://apjjf.org/-Suk-Jung-Han/2800/article.pdf|journal=The Asia-Pacific Journal|date=2008-07-02|volume=6|issue=7}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Brinkley|first=Joel|title=DOCUMENTS ON MARCOS CITE COLLABORATION REPORTS|title-url=https://www.nytimes.com/1986/01/29/world/documents-on-marcos-cite-collaboration-reports.html|date=1986-01-29|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150524193840/http://www.nytimes.com/1986/01/29/world/documents-on-marcos-cite-collaboration-reports.html|archivedate=2015-05-24}}</ref> and some Imperialists<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Kushner|first=Barak|chapter=4|title=Men to Devils, Devils to Men: Japanese War Crimes and Chinese Justice|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=0aLrBQAAQBAJ|location=Cambridge, Massachusetts|publisher=Harvard University Press|year=2015|page=191|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=0aLrBQAAQBAJ&pg=PA191|ISBN=978-0-674-72891-2}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Epstein|first=Israel|title=The Unfinished Revolution in China|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/unfinishedrevolu000827mbp|location=Boston|publisher=Little, Brown & Company|year=1947|page=3|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/unfinishedrevolu000827mbp#page/n16/mode/1up}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Daily Report, Foreign Radio Broadcasts|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=cjRSXULPZxIC|numbers=48–9|year=1962|page=6|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=cjRSXULPZxIC&pg=RA13-PA6}}</ref> deemed too useful<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Mayo|first=Marlene|title=Highlights from Records Related to Japanese War Crimes|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/GermanNaziAndJapaneseWarCrimesDisclosureFinalReport2007/disclosure-nov-2001-newsletter|journal=Newsletter of the Nazi War Crimes and Japanese Imperial Government Records Interagency Working Group|year=2001|page=7|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/GermanNaziAndJapaneseWarCrimesDisclosureFinalReport2007/disclosure-nov-2001-newsletter#page/n6/mode/1up}}</ref> for repatriation,<ref name=Patriots82>{{safesubst:citation|last=Gowans|first=Stephen|editors=Bronwyn Averett, Robin Philpot|chapter=4|title=Patriots, Traitors and Empires: The Story of Korea’s Fight for Freedom|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=DthftAEACAAJ|location=Montréal|publisher=Baraka Books|year=2018|pages=82–6|ISBN=978-1-77186-142-7}}</ref> such as for the [[Republic of Korea]].<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Deane|first=Hugh|title=Korea, China, and the United States: A Look Back|journal=Monthly Review|year=1995}}</ref> (In 1948, at least 53% of the Republic of Korea’s police officers were men who had served in the National Police during the Axis occupation.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Hastings|first=Max|title=The Korean War|publisher=Simon and Schuster|year=1988|page=38|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/koreanwar00hast_0#page/n38/mode/1up|ISBN=9780671668341}}</ref> Korea’s Allied Military Government itself retained 80% of pro‐Axis officers above the rank of patrolman, including northern exiles experienced in suppressing the anticolonial underground.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Kuzmarov|first=Jeremy|title=Police Training, “Nation-Building,” and Political Repression in Postcolonial South Korea　　植民地独立後の韓国における警察官訓練、「国家建設」および政治的抑圧|title-url=https://apjjf.org/-Jeremy-Kuzmarov/3785/article.pdf|journal=The Asia-Pacific Journal|date=2012-07-01|volume=10|issue=27|number=3}}</ref>) A private bulletin by the Union of German Industry (an organization for the Reich’s big industrialists) in 1932 explained very honestly their reasons for supporting Fascism:

{{quote|The problem of consolidating the capitalist régime in post‐war Germany is governed by the fact that the leading section, that is, the capitalists controlling industry, has become too small to maintain its rule alone. '''Unless recourse is to be had to the extremely dangerous weapon of purely military force, it is necessary for it to link itself with sections which do not belong to it from a social standpoint, but which can render it the essential service of anchoring its rule among the people, and thereby becoming its special or last defender.''' This last or ‘outermost’
defender of bourgeois rule, in the first period after the war, was Social Democracy.<ref>{{safesubst:citation| title = The People’s Front: The New Betrayal by James Burnham, Pioneer Publishers, New York, 1937| accessdate = 2019-10-09| url = http://www.bolshevik.org/Pamphlets/Burnham_PopFront/BPF%203.html}}</ref>

'''[Fascism] has to succeed Social Democracy in providing a mass support for capitalist rule in Germany'''[.] Social Democracy had a special qualification for this task, which up to the present [Fascism] lacks[.] Thanks to its character as the original party of the workers, Social Democracy […] also had the much more valuable and permanent advantage of control over organized labor, and by paralyzing its revolutionary energies chained it firmly to the capitalist State[.] The process of this transition […] has to pass through the acutely dangerous stage, when, '''with the wiping out of these gains, the mechanism for the creation of divisions in the working class which depended on them also ceases to function, the working class moves in the direction of Communism, and the capitalist rule approaches the emergency stage of military dictatorship[.] The only safeguard from this acute stage is if the division and holding back of the working class, which the former mechanism can no longer adequately maintain, is carried out by other and more direct methods. In this lie the positive opportunities and tasks of [Fascism].''' […] If [Fascism] succeeds in bringing the trade unions into a social policy of constraint […] then [it] would become the bearer of one of the functions essential to the future of capitalist rule, and must necessarily find its place in the State and social system. The danger of a State capitalist or even socialistic development […] will in fact be avoided precisely by these means[.] There is no third course between a reconsolidation of capitalist rule and the Communist revolution.|Union of German Industry (paraphrased; emphasis added)|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|coauthors=Lord Marley|title=The Brown Book of the Hitler Terror and the Burning of the Reichstag|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/in.ernet.dli.2015.284972/2015.284972.The-Brown_djvu.txt|location=London|year=1933|page=39|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/in.ernet.dli.2015.284972#page/n36/mode/1up}}</ref>}}

To paraphrase Richard J. Evans:

{{quote|To many readers of the newspapers that reported [the Führer’s] appointment, the jubilation of the brownshirts must have appeared exaggerated. The key feature of the new government […] was surely the heavy numerical domination of the conservatives. ‘No nationalistic, no revolutionary government, although it carries [the Chancellor’s] name’, confided a Czech diplomat based in Berlin to his diary: ‘No Third Reich, hardly even a 2½.’ A more alarmist note was sounded by the French ambassador, André François–Poncet. The perceptive diplomat noted that '''the conservatives were right to expect [him] to agree to their programme of ‘the crushing of the left, the purging of the bureaucracy, the assimilation of Prussia and the Reich, the reorganization of the army, the re‐establishment of military service’.''' They had put [him] into the Chancellery in order to discredit him, he observed; ‘they have believed themselves to be very ingenious, ridding themselves of the wolf by introducing him into the sheepfold.’
 
[…]
 
'''The conservatives who levered [the Führer] into power shared a good deal of this vision.''' They really did look back with nostalgia to the past, and yearn for the restoration of the Hohenzollern monarchy and the Bismarckian Reich. But these were to be restored in a form purged of what they saw as the unwise concessions that had been made to democracy. In their vision of the future, everyone was to know their place, and the working classes especially were to be kept where they belonged, out of the political decision‐making process altogether. But this vision cannot really be seen as pre‐industrial or pre‐modern, either. It was shared in large measure […] by many of the big industrialists […] and by many modern, technocratic military officers whose ambition was to launch a modern war with the kind of advanced military equipment that the Treaty of Versailles forbade them to deploy. Like other people at other times and in other places, the conservatives […] manipulated and rearranged the past to suit their own present purposes. They cannot be reduced to expressions of ‘pre‐industrial’ social groups. Many of them, from capitalist Junker landlords looking for new markets, to small retailers and white‐collar workers whose means of support had not even existed before industrialization, were as much modern as they were traditional. It was these congruities in vision that persuaded men like Papen, Schleicher and Hindenburg that it would be worth legitimizing their rule by co‐opting the mass movement of the Nazi Party into a coalition government whose aim was to erect an authoritarian state on the ruins of the Weimar Republic.|Richard J. Evans (paraphrased; emphasis added)|<ref>{{safesubst:citation| publisher = Penguin Publishing Group| isbn = 978-1-101-04267-0| last = Evans| first = Richard J.| title = The Coming of the Third Reich|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=CmjBW3lsA84C|date = 2005-01-25|pageurl = https://books.google.com/books?id=CmjBW3lsA84C&pg=PT379|pages=379, 528}}</ref>}}

Some (e.g. [[Ben Shapiro]]) have falsely asserted that the main, if not only, disagreement between the communists and the Fascists was that the former were internationalist, whereas the latter were ultranationalist. Not only is there no historical evidence to support this, but it is pretty clear from the quotations above that there were far more disagreements, and far more serious ones, than a geopolitical contention. It is furthermore absurd to imagine that these two sides would have been driven to mutual, violent hatred over this difference alone. For example, consider the case of [[Antonio Gramsci]], who was sympathetic to the idea of national liberation, finding it perfectly compatible with internationalism, and [[Amadeo Bordiga]], who likely would have considered the very concept of ‘national liberation’ to be almost oxymoronic, insisting instead on a more immediate and overwhelming internationalism. These were both socialists who were divided on a geopolitical issue, and yet they remained good friends regardless.

===False equivalences===
Antisocialists sometimes insinuate that the Fascists’ own violent antisocialism is unimportant or irrelevant since sectarianism between socialists has sometimes been violent too. This is a false equivalence. For starters, there is no record of the Bolsheviki issuing mass arrests or executions of all other socialists, let alone '''''just because''''' they were socialists.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Szymański|first=Al|title=Human Rights in the Soviet Union|publisher=Zed Books Ltd.|location=London|year=1984|ISBN=0-86232-018-6|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/HumanRightsInTheSovietUnion|chapter=7|pages=208–9|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/HumanRightsInTheSovietUnion#page/n112/mode/1up}}</ref> Nobody arrested the critics of Lenin during or after their attendance of [[Kropotkin]]’s funeral,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Rocker|first=Rudolf|title=Die Beerdigung von P.A. Kropotkin in Moskau, 13. Februar 1921 ; Funeral of P.A. Kropotkin in Moscow, February 13, 1921|title-url=https://contentdm.warwick.ac.uk/cdm/ref/collection/russian/id/528|location=Berlin|publisher=Ausländisches Büro zur Schaffung der Russischen Anarcho-Syndikalistischen Konföderation}}</ref> nor did any of the Soviets treat the disillusioned [[Emma Goldman]] worse than [[Imperial America]] did.<ref>{{safesubst:citation| title = My Disillusionment in Russia – Ch 32| accessdate = 2019-10-09| url = https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/goldman/works/1920s/disillusionment/ch32.htm}}</ref> The Black Army and similar anarchists eventually faced persecution not because of their anarchist tendencies but because of their aggressive anti‐Bolshevism and other controversial decisions.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=MoonMouse5|title=The Anarcho-Kulak Bandits Of Russia And Ukraine|title-url=https://i.reddit.com/comments/64wkgf|date=2017-04-12}}</ref> (Beforehand they were on good terms.<ref>{{safesubst:citation| accessdate = 2019-10-09| title = Nestor Makhno: The Man and the Myth| url = http://www.ditext.com/avrich/7.html}}</ref> In fact, it would be an exaggeration to categorize either Lenin or Trotsky as ‘antianarchist’;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Lenin|first=Vladimir|authorlink=Vladimir Lenin|title=Letter to Sylvia Pankhurst|title-url=https://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1919/aug/28.htm|publisher=Progress Publishers|date=1919-08-28|text=Very many anarchist workers are […] our best comrades and friends, the best of revolutionaries, who have been enemies of Marxism only through misunderstanding, or, more correctly, not through misunderstanding but because the official socialism prevailing in the epoch of the Second International (1889–1914) betrayed Marxism, lapsed into opportunism, perverted Marx’s revolutionary teachings in general and his teachings on the lessons of the Paris Commune of 1871 in particular.|trans=George Hanna}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Trotsky|first=Leon|authorlink=Leon Trotsky|title=Leon Trotsky Speaks|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=TuhoAAAAMAAJ|publisher=Pathfinder Press|year=1972|page=132|ISBN=9780873482226|text=Many anarchists are perfectly honest champions of the working class; only they don’t know how the lock can be opened, how to open the door into the kingdom of freedom, and they crowd at the door, elbowing one another, bun able to guess how to turn the key. But this is their misfortune, not their fault — it is not a crime, and they must
not be punished for it.}}</ref> in August 1919 for example Lenin recognised very many anarchist workers as ‘''the most sincere supporters of Soviet power.''’<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Carr|first=Edward|chapter=VII|title=The Bolshevik Revolution: 1917–1923|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/in.ernet.dli.2015.98825|location=London|publisher=MacMillan & Co. Ltd|volume=one|year=1950|page=170|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/in.ernet.dli.2015.98825#page/n180/mode/1up}}</ref>) No doubt some socialists who suffered sectarian persecution during the Russian Civil War turned out to be harmless,<ref>{{safesubst:citation| title = My Disillusionment in Russia – Ch 28| accessdate = 2019-10-09| url = https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/goldman/works/1920s/disillusionment/ch28.htm}}</ref> but such unfortunate measures were the natural byproducts of the material conditions rather than ‘ideology’,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Szymański|first=Al|title=Human Rights in the Soviet Union|publisher=Zed Books Ltd.|location=London|year=1984|ISBN=0-86232-018-6|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/HumanRightsInTheSovietUnion|chapter=7|pages=246–7|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/HumanRightsInTheSovietUnion#page/n131/mode/1up}}</ref> and in any case these socialists were to be treated '''leniently''' (at least in comparison to the capitalists); their ephemeral detentions were to have an impunitive character,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Szymański|first=Al|title=Human Rights in the Soviet Union|publisher=Zed Books Ltd.|location=London|year=1984|ISBN=0-86232-018-6|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/HumanRightsInTheSovietUnion|chapter=7|pages=206–7|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/HumanRightsInTheSovietUnion#page/n111/mode/1up}}</ref> capital punishment was usually strongly discouraged,<ref>{{safesubst:citation| publisher = Indiana University Press| isbn = 978-0-253-22042-4| last = Rabinowitch| first = Alexander| title = The Bolsheviks in Power: The First Year of Soviet Rule in Petrograd| date = 2008|page=222|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=BEoBCGJ4VqYC&pg=PA222}}</ref> and sometimes the arrested were let go (almost) immediately.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Carr|first=Edward|chapter=VII|title=The Bolshevik Revolution: 1917–1923|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/in.ernet.dli.2015.98825|location=London|publisher=MacMillan & Co. Ltd|volume=one|year=1950|page=161|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/in.ernet.dli.2015.98825#page/n171/mode/1up}}</ref> The permanent revolutionaries faced persecution far more due to the anticommunists’ meddling at that time rather than due to simply having alternative socialist theories.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Szymański|first=Al|title=Human Rights in the Soviet Union|publisher=Zed Books Ltd.|location=London|year=1984|ISBN=0-86232-018-6|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/HumanRightsInTheSovietUnion|chapter=7|pages=234–5|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/HumanRightsInTheSovietUnion#page/n125/mode/1up}}</ref> (Beforehand the Soviet government tolerated them up until about the eve of [[World War II]]<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Szymański|first=Al|title=Human Rights in the Soviet Union|publisher=Zed Books Ltd.|location=London|year=1984|ISBN=0-86232-018-6|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/HumanRightsInTheSovietUnion|chapter=7|pages=212–3|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/HumanRightsInTheSovietUnion#page/n114/mode/1up}}</ref> and [[Stalin]] occasionally praised Trotsky;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Trotsky|first=Leon|authorlink=Leon Trotsky|chapter=4|title=The Stalin School of Falsification|title-url=https://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1937/ssf/sf04.htm#a9|year=1937|section=14|translator=Max Shachtman}}</ref> it was Trotsky hisself who later suggested that it ‘''is possible that some of these minor saboteurs and the ones […] mentioned were actually [Anti‐Comintern] agents''’<ref>{{safesubst:citation| title = The Case of Leon Trotsky (Report of Dewey Commission - 11th Session)| accessdate = 2019-10-09| url = https://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1937/dewey/session11.htm}}</ref> than fellow permanent revolutionaries at all.) Even in the worst of times, executions were mostly rare, reserved normally for those already of great political influence,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Szymański|first=Al|title=Human Rights in the Soviet Union|publisher=Zed Books Ltd.|location=London|year=1984|ISBN=0-86232-018-6|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/HumanRightsInTheSovietUnion|chapter=7|pages=248–9|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/HumanRightsInTheSovietUnion#page/n132/mode/1up}}</ref> and imprisonment was relatively brief.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Murphy|first=Austin |chapter=1|title=The Triumph of Evil|pdf=https://web.archive.org/web/20160304212731/https://redscans.files.wordpress.com/2011/09/austin-murphy-the-triumph-of-evil.pdf|archivedate=2016-03-04|location=Fucecchio |publisher=European Press Academic Publishing |year=2000 |section= |pages=78–9|isbn=88-8398-002-6 |oclc=}}</ref> This is all in stark contrast to the Fascists, who, shortly after having won institutional power, had '''all''' socialists either imprisoned for long periods (Antonio Gramsci) or executed (Pietro Ferrero) '''''because of their socialism.'''''

Some have argued that antisocialist states willingly hiring Fascists is meaningless because socialists have occasionally recruited anticommunists too.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Simpson|first=Christopher|chapter=six|chapterurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=R3qdAwAAQBAJ&pg=PT57|editor=Mark Crispin Miller|title=Blowback: America’s Recruitment of Nazis and Its Destructive Impact on Our Domestic and Foreign Policy|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=R3qdAwAAQBAJ|edition=|location=New York|publisher=Open Road Media|year=2014|section=|isbn=9781497623064|oclc=|text=}}</ref> This is likewise a false equivalence. For example, despite our rigorous efforts to purge the [[GDR]] of surviving Axis personnel, 14% of the Interior Ministry’s workers from 1949 to 1970 were (former) Fascists. Worrisome indeed, but it still pales in comparison to the FRG’s from the same period: 54% of their Interior Ministry’s workers were Fascists.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Woody|first=Christopher|title=Germany's post-World War II government was riddled with former Nazis|title-url=https://www.businessinsider.com/former-nazi-officials-in-germany-post-world-war-ii-government-2016-10|date=2016-10-10|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20161011163942/http://www.businessinsider.com/former-nazi-officials-in-germany-post-world-war-ii-government-2016-10|archivedate=2016-10-11|accessdate=2020-01-21}}</ref> The situation is analogous to that in Korea, [[DPRK#History|where the DPRK made a concerted effort to purge the administration of Imperialists and Axis collaborators]]; the [[Republic of Korea]] did not.<ref name=Patriots82/> In some cases (e.g. Heinz Felfe), Moscow merely used these (former?) anticommunists to track down or thwart fellow Fascists who survived WWII.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Simpson|first=Christopher|chapter=sixteen|editor=Mark Crispin Miller|title=Blowback: America’s Recruitment of Nazis and Its Destructive Impact on Our Domestic and Foreign Policy|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=R3qdAwAAQBAJ|edition=|location=New York|publisher=Open Road Media|year=2014|year_published=1988|isbn=9781497623064|pages=261–2|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=R3qdAwAAQBAJ&pg=PT162}}</ref> In respect to science, when the Allies reclaimed Nordhausen it was the anticommunists, not the Soviets, who ended up with the larger share of the scientific materials.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Simpson|first=Christopher|chapter=three|editor=Mark Crispin Miller|title=Blowback: America’s Recruitment of Nazis and Its Destructive Impact on Our Domestic and Foreign Policy|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=R3qdAwAAQBAJ|edition=|location=New York|publisher=Open Road Media|year=2014|section=|page=34|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=R3qdAwAAQBAJ&pg=PT34|isbn=9781497623064|oclc=|text=}}</ref> The remaining anticommunists that the Soviets captured still had to live in unglamorous conditions: on some projects the Soviet authorities limited the rôle of the anticommunist specialists merely to consultation and practical training;<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=German rocket scientists in Moscow|title-url=http://www.russianspaceweb.com/a4_team_moscow.html|accessdate=2020-03-1|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20190822185159/http://www.russianspaceweb.com/a4_team_moscow.html|archivedate=2019-08-22}}</ref> three anticommunist rocket experts confirmed that by 1952 the U.S.S.R. had sent most of these anticommunists back home, and that the Soviets (obviously) made major strides on their own.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last = Kominsky| first = Morris|title=The Hoaxers: Plain Liars, Fancy Liars, and Damned Liars|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/TheHoaxers|sectionurl=https://archive.org/stream/TheHoaxers#page/n307/mode/1up|location=Boston|publisher=Branden Press, Inc.|year=1970|id=8283-1288-5|volume=I|page=313}}</ref> In respect to defence, when the GDR was building up its military it mostly drew officers from the German antifa in Spain. They did fill in some gaps with anticommunist officers, but they cycled them out pretty quickly.<ref>{{safesubst:citation| publisher = NYU Press|author=Victor Grossman| title = A Socialist Defector: From Harvard to Karl-Marx-Allee|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=pVmEDwAAQBAJ|year = 2019 | ISBN = 1583677380|page=53–55}}</ref> Likewise, by 1950 the [[DRV]] probably cycled out most, if not all, of the one or two thousand Imperialists working for the Viet Minh.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Christopher Goscha|editors=Marilyn
B. Young, Robert Buzzanco|chapter=three|title=A Companion to the Vietnam War|publisher=Blackwell Publishers Ltd|year=2002|page=38–50|ISBN=0-631-21013-X}}</ref> The [[Socialist Republic of Romania]] had also purged scores of thousands of troublesome anticommunists from the party by the early 1960s.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Paul Lendvai|title=Eagles in Cobwebs|location=Garden City, New York|publisher=Doubleday|year=1969|page=287–9}}</ref>

===Anticapitalist pretensions===
{{quote|While they denounced speculative international finance (along with all other forms of internationalism, cosmopolitanism, or globalization—capitalist as well as socialist), they respected the property of national producers, who were to form the social base of the reinvigorated nation. When they denounced the bourgeoisie, it was for being too flabby and individualistic to make a nation strong, not for robbing workers of the value [that] they added. What they criticized in capitalism was not its exploitation but its materialism, its indifference to the nation, its inability to stir souls. More deeply, fascists rejected the notion that economic forces are the prime movers of history. For fascists, the dysfunctional capitalism of the interwar period did not need fundamental reordering; its ills could be cured simply by applying sufficient political will to the creation of full employment and productivity.|Robert O. Paxton|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Robert Paxton|chapter=1|title=The Anatomy of Fascism|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=JU3th4LnKvsC|location=New York|publisher=Random House, Inc.|year=2005|page=10|ISBN=1-4000-3391-8}}</ref>}}

Fascism’s ‘anticapitalist’ pretensions seem to have multiple origins: the desire to win the lower classes’ support (or tolerance) is one that we have already mentioned, but another is that many [[petit bourgeois]] Fascists may have sincerely mistaken themselves for anticapitalists too, not because they cared about how much capitalism harmed the lower classes, but because they were frustrated with their corporate competitors:

{{quote|Decorated with medals for distinguished service, commissioned and noncommissioned officers could not believe that their heroism and sufferings for the Fatherland had not only come to naught, but also gave them no special claims to gratitude. Hence their hatred of the revolution and the proletariat. At the same time, they did not want to reconcile themselves to being sent by the bankers, industrialists, and ministers back to the modest posts of bookkeepers, engineers, postal clerks, and schoolteachers. Hence their “socialism.”|Leon Trotsky|<ref name=WINS/>}}

Small businessmen’s disdain for the lower classes combined with their disappointment in big capitalists readily reflects Fascism’s simultaneous anticommunism and ‘anticapitalist’ pretensions. So while some may think that the German Fascists’ disdain for ‘Jewish businesses’ or ‘Jewish capital’ is sufficient evidence for their anticapitalism, on the contrary, capitalist gentiles themselves had their own economic motives for antisemitism, namely the desire to save petit bourgeois gentiles from capitalism’s horrible economic pressures,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Bordiga|first=Amadeo|authorlink=Amadeo Bordiga|title=Bordiga’s “Auschwitz, or the Great Alibi”|journal=Programme Communiste|title-url=https://www.Marxists.org/subject/jewish/bordiga/auschwitz.htm#a3|number=11|trans=Mitchell Abidor}}</ref> but there were other motives too: as,

{{quote|“Aryanization” also had appeal outside the radical right among Southeastern Europe’s business élites, insofar as they believed that the removal of Jews from trade would open up new commercial space for German minorities as well as for ethnic Romanians, Croatians, and Serbians. For Adolf Konradi, the director of the German–Romanian chamber of commerce in Bucharest, “kicking Jewish influence out of commerce” became one of his organization’s main goals. He claimed [that] Jewish intermediaries were responsible for “harming business with their excessive profits.” In their place he hoped to foster the growth of “medium and small German producers.”|Stephen G. Gross|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Gross|first=Stephen|chapter=6|title=Export Empire|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=DDDuCgAAQBAJ|location=Cambridge|publisher=Cambridge University Press|year=2015|page=244|ISBN=978-1-107-11225-4}}</ref>}}

One point that antisocialists refer to is quoting this passage that the propagandist Joseph Goebbels wrote in his diary during the 1920s:

<blockquote>‘It would be better for us to go down with Bolshevism than live in eternal slavery under capitalism.’</blockquote>

Similarly in 1925:

{{quote|Lenin is the greatest man, second only to Hitler, and that the difference between Communism and the Hitler faith is very slight.|J.G.|<ref>{{safesubst:citation| issn = 0362-4331|title = HITLERITE RIOT IN BERLIN; Beer Glasses Fly When Speaker Compares Hitler and Lenin.|publisher=New York Times|date=1925-11-28|title-url=https://www.nytimes.com/1925/11/28/archives/hitleriteriot-in-berlin-beer-glasses-fly-when-speaker-compares.html|accessdate=2019-10-09}}</ref>}}

And in 1929:

{{quote|We are a workers’ party because we see in the coming battle between finance and labor the beginning and the end of the structure of the twentieth century. We are on the side of labor and against finance. Money is the measuring rod of liberalism, work and accomplishment that of the socialist state. The liberal asks: What are you? The socialist asks: Who are you? Worlds lie between.|J.G.|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Goebbels|first=Joseph|title=Those Damned Nazis|title-url=https://research.calvin.edu/german-propaganda-archive/haken32.htm|year=1929}}</ref>}}

These ignore the fact that Goebbels, like Mussolini,<ref name=Schmidt35/> had different politics back then. For example:

{{quote|[He] simply records in this private and unedited diary his disgust at the Führer’s reactionary views on every major point of policy—restitution to the German princes, the sacrality of private property, the destruction of Bolshevism, Italy & Britain as Germany’s allies, the old twenty‐five‐point programme still the best, and so on. ‘I am flabbergasted,’ he writes. ‘What a Hitler! A reactionary! Astonishingly clumsy and unsure of himself… Brief answer by Strasser. ''Ach Gott'', can we cope with these folks down here? A mere half‐hour’s discussion after this four‐hour speech and summarizing. I cannot get out a word. I am quite flabbergasted. We drove to the station. Strasser is almost demented with rage… I feel like crying… That was one of the greatest disappointments of my life. '''I can no longer believe in Hitler!''' This is the most terrific thing. My faith is shattered and I feel shattered.’|Historians quoting J.G.|<ref>{{safesubst:citation| publisher = Frontline Books| isbn = 978-1-84832-588-3| last1 = Fraenkel| first1 = Heinrich| last2 = Manvell| first2 = Roger| title = Doctor Goebbels: His Life and Death| date = 2010-09-06|pageurl = https://books.google.com/books?id=c9ukAwAAQBAJ&pg=PA60| page = 60}}</ref>}}

Goebbels is one of the more interesting figures because he went from admiring Lenin in the early 1920s to denouncing the British Conservative party as ‘pro‐Bolshevik’ by 1944. He also called for the Führer’s expulsion from the N.S.D.A.P. in 1925, because the latter refused to expropriate the royal estates. His exact words: ‘''In these circumstances I demand that the petty bourgeois Adolf Hitler be expelled from the National Party.''’<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Robert Ley|title-url=https://spartacus-educational.com/GERley.htm|accessdate=2020-04-09}}</ref> Because he was a competent rhetorician who was willing to put aside his economic beliefs and go with the policies of H. Schacht and W. Funk, nobody disposed of him. Here is something that he spewed when they were later '''in power''':

{{quote|The details about the murder of priests and rape of nuns that we received are totally incredible and indescribable. It is the Führer’s historical merit that is acknowledged to him by the whole world, to have erected a wall against the onrush of Bolshevism on Germany’s eastern borders, and thus clearly to have risen as a terminator of this craze in Europe in its conflict with the subversive forces of destruction, of anarchy.|J.G.|[https://invidious.snopyta.org/embed/Y1O3DWDzyv8 1:33]}}

Further proof is in this transcription,<ref>{{safesubst:citation| title = Goebbels' 1943 Speech on Total War| accessdate = 2019-10-09| url = https://research.calvin.edu/german-propaganda-archive/goeb36.htm}}</ref> where Goebbels said that he was actually ‘defending’ the West from [[Bolshevism]]. In addition:

{{quote|That is a direct threat to the existence of every European power. No one should believe that Bolshevism would stop at the borders of the Reich, were it to be victorious. The goal of its aggressive policies and wars is the Bolshevization of every land and people in the world. In the face of such undeniable intentions, we are not impressed by paper declarations from the Kremlin or guarantees from London or Washington. We know that we are dealing in the East with an infernal political devilishness that does not recognize the norms governing relations between people and nations. When for example the English Lord Beaverbrook says that Europe must be given over to the Soviets or when the leading American Jewish journalist Brown cynically adds that a Bolshevization of Europe might solve all of the continent’s problems, we know what they have in mind. The European powers are facing the most critical question. The West is in danger. It makes no difference whether or not their governments and intellectuals realize it or not.|J.G.|<ref>{{safesubst:Citation| title = Do You Want Total War? - Joseph Goebbels 1943| accessdate = 2019-10-09| url = http://www.emersonkent.com/speeches/do_you_want_total_war.htm}}</ref>}}

===World War II===
Arguably the least uncompelling evidence is that [[Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact|the Fascists and Soviets temporarily agreed to some trading and neutrality]],<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Anti-Communist myths debunked|title-url=https://docs.google.com/document/d/1Gxwhh-vdeB--47HM-20cEVRC9eAMhrapbNf0Sk8VSOs#heading=h.qonugcimbiut|accessdate=2020-03-19}}</ref> which unfortunately disrupted the antifascism of all the parties (especially the German one) loyal to the Comintern.<ref name=RFF214>{{safesubst:citation|last=Szymański|first=Albert|chapter=10|title=Is the Red Flag Flying?|title-url=https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/ncm-6/red-flag.pdf|location=London|publisher=Zed Press|year=1979|pages=214–5|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/IsTheRedFlagFlying#page/n111/mode/1up|ISBN=0 905762 35 5}}</ref> But this ignores the facts that the Soviets agreed to this only after failing to secure an alliance with Britain and France,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Смирнов|first=Дмитрий|title=За руку с Гитлером здоровались вожди Запада. А виноват Сталин?|title-url=https://www.kp.ru/daily/26487.5/3356860|date=2016-02-01|accessdate=2020-03-19|language=Russian}}</ref> that the Fascist bourgeoisie signed agreements with other countries earlier than the [[Union of Soviet Socialist Republics]]<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Garrie|first=Adam| title = 7 non-aggression pacts and treaties signed by European countries with Nazi Germany| accessdate = 2019-12-29| url = https://theduran.com/?p=21253}}</ref> (including the [[Japanese Empire]] early on<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=What countries signed contracts with Hitler, and when|title-url=https://i.imgur.com/RQDl2lt.jpg|accessdate=2020-03-19}}</ref>), and that there were Fascists (Alfred Rosenberg,<ref>{{safesubst:citation| last = Kallis| first = Aristotle A.| title = Fascist Ideology: Territory and Expansionism in Italy and Germany, 1922-1945|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=pyKts5L3Na4C|publisher=Psychology Press|date = 2000|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=pyKts5L3Na4C&pg=PA165|page=165|ISBN=978-0-415-21611-1}}</ref> Oshima Hiroshi<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Kudō|first=Akira|editor=J.A.A. Stockwin|chapter=4|title=Japanese-German Business Relations: Co-operation and Rivalry in the Interwar Period|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=W00qBgAAQBAJ|location=London|publisher=Routledge|year=2001|year_published=1998|page=74|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=W00qBgAAQBAJ&pg=PA74|ISBN=0-203-01851-6}}</ref>) and socialists (Trotsky<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Trotsky|first=Leon|authorlink=Leon Trotsky|journal=Socialist Appeal|title=Statement to Press on Soviet-German Alliance|title-url=https://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1939/09/statement.htm|date=1939-09-09|volume=III|number=67|pages=1–4}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Trotsky|first=Leon|authorlink=Leon Trotsky|journal=Socialist Appeal|title=On the War and the Soviet-Nazi Pact|title-url=https://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1939/09/aboveall.htm|date=1939-09-11|volume=III|number=68|pages=1–2}}</ref>) who opposed such measures even at the time. Whether the agreement and the conditions therein (e.g. Basis Nord, a farewell parade,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Furr|first=Grover|chapter=8|chapter-url=http://www.readmarxeveryday.org/bloodlies/ch08.html|title=Blood Lies: The Evidence that Every Accusation against Joseph Stalin and the Soviet Union in Timothy Snyder’s Bloodlands Is False|title-url=http://www.readmarxeveryday.org/bloodlies/contents.html|location=New York|publisher=Red Star Publishers|year=2014|ISBN=978-0-692-20099-5|section=There Was No "Joint Victory Parade"|sectionurl=http://www.readmarxeveryday.org/bloodlies/ch08.html#twnjv|pages=329–332}}</ref> &c.) were necessary is still a matter of dispute, but if nothing else, a far less irrational interpretation is that it was a necessary evil<ref>{{safesubst:citation| title = Soviet Peace Policy by V. M. Molotov 1940| accessdate = 2019-10-09|title-url=https://www.marxists.org/archive/molotov/1940/peace.htm}}</ref> in order for the Soviets to defend and rearm themselves since they were catching up with modernity and could not risk returning to war so early and without the help that they requested,<ref name=RFF214/> as opposed to implicit conclusions such as ‘they were evil’ or ‘they didn’t care’. Many nonsocialist historians agree:

{{quote|It was no doubt disgraceful that Soviet Russia should make any agreement with the leading Fascist state; but this reproach came ill from the statesmen who went to Munich. […] [The German–Soviet] pact contained none of the fulsome expressions of friendship which Chamberlain had put into the Anglo–German declaration on the day after the Munich conference. Indeed Stalin rejected any such expressions: “the Soviet Government could not suddenly present to the public German–Soviet assurances of friendship after they had been covered with buckets of filth by the [Fascist] Government for six years.” The pact was neither an alliance nor an agreement for the partition of Poland. Munich had been a true alliance for partition: the British and French dictated partition to the Czechs. The Soviet government undertook no such action against the Poles. They merely promised to remain neutral, which is what the Poles had always asked them to do and which Western policy implied also. More than this, the agreement was in the last resort anti‐German: it limited the German advance eastwards in case of war, as Winston Churchill emphasized. […] [With the pact, the Soviets hoped to ward] off what they had most dreaded—a united capitalist attack on Soviet Russia. […] It is difficult to see what other course Soviet Russia could have followed.|A.J.P. Taylor|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Taylor|first=A. J. P.|title=The Origins of the Second World War|location=London|publisher=Hamilton|year=1961|page=262}}</ref>}}

When the Fascists struck East into Poland, nothing happened on the Western Front; from September 1939 to May 1940, there was almost no actual fighting whatsoever between the Fascist states and the liberal ones even though they were officially at war with one another:

{{quote|[The American ruling class’s] attitude had done nothing to free the Soviet Union of its fear that the Western democracies would encourage [the Reich] to launch a crusade against Communism as a means of saving their own skins. […] If it was impossible to crush [Fascist] aggression by a united front, Stalin felt the next best thing for Russia was to attempt to divert any immediate [Fascist] attack from the Soviet Union.|Foster Rhea Dulles|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Dulles|first=Foster Rhea|title=The Road to Teheran|location=Princeton, N.J.|publisher=Princeton University Press|year=1944|pages=201–3}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Brandt|first=Joseph|title=The Soviet-German Nonaggression Pact|publisher=Political Affairs|year=1986|pages=37–40}}</ref>}}

The German Reich’s trading with the Kingdom of Romania between January and November 1940 still surpassed its trading with the Soviet Union.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Gross|first=Stephen|chapter=8|title=Export Empire|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=DDDuCgAAQBAJ|location=Cambridge|publisher=Cambridge University Press|year=2015|page=301|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=DDDuCgAAQBAJ&pg=PT359|ISBN=978-1-107-11225-4}}</ref> While the U.S.S.R. did trade some raw materials in exchange for firearms and other machinery<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=German–Soviet Credit Agreement|title-url=https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/German–Soviet_Credit_Agreement_%281939%29|year=1939}}</ref> (which, amusingly, they later used to help defeat the Axis), this credit deal hardly enabled the anticommunists’ bellicism; if anything, it only lead to the Reich’s defeat as it allowed the Soviets to prepare for the armed conflict. The Soviets were hardly appeasing the Fascists like the liberal bourgeoisie did. Likewise, the fact that the U.S.S.R. also declared war on the Japanese Empire mere days after the agreement<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Goldman|first=Stuart|title=The Forgotten Soviet-Japanese War of 1939|date=2012-08-28|title-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140903090621/http://thediplomat.com/2012/08/the-forgotten-soviet-japanese-war-of-1939|archivedate=2014-09-03}}</ref> is another indication that they clearly intended to fight the Axis soon.

Contrary to popular belief, the anticommunists did not even have any agreement with the Soviets to “partition” Poland,<ref>{{safesubst:citation| title = The Secret Protocols to the M-R Pact Did NOT Plan Any Partition of Poland| accessdate = 2019-10-09|title-url=https://msuweb.montclair.edu/~furrg/research/mlg09/no_partition.html}}</ref> <ref name=Rothbard>{{safesubst:citation|last=Rothbard|first=Murray|title=Review of The Origins of the Second World War|date=1962-04-18|title-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170316112955/https://www.lewrockwell.com/2017/03/murray-n-rothbard/origins-2nd-world-war|archivedate=2017-03-16}}</ref> nor did the U.S.S.R. exactly “invade” Poland<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Anti-Communist myths debunked|title-url=https://docs.google.com/document/d/1Gxwhh-vdeB--47HM-20cEVRC9eAMhrapbNf0Sk8VSOs#bookmark=id.hkqi09d3sdgh|accessdate=2020-03-19}}</ref> (or at least no more than the Anglo–Americans ‘invaded’ the Kingdom of Iceland<ref>{{citation|last=Szymański|first=Albert|title=Class Struggle in Socialist Poland: With Comparisons to Yugoslavia|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/ClassStruggleInSocialistPoland|location=New York|publisher=Praeger Publishers|page=238|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/ClassStruggleInSocialistPoland#page/n254/mode/1up|ISBN=0-03-070539-8}}</ref>). The Polish government itself declared martial law against the Reich when it reinvaded in September 1st, 1939, but it did '''not''' do the same for the U.S.S.R. In fact the Polish marshal E. Rydz‐Smigly ordered Poles '''not''' to engage the Soviets in military actions (only in the event of disarming Polish units by them)!<ref>{{safesubst:citation| title = Zwoje 1, 1997| accessdate = 2019-10-09| date = 2016-04-13|title-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160413144203/http://www.zwoje-scrolls.com/zwoje01/text03p.htm|archivedate=2016-04-13}}</ref> The Soviet sphere of influence itself was only a region that antisocialists took from the Soviets two decades ago. Another frequently ignored inconvenience is that, as mentioned earlier, the Soviets were actually interested in allying with the British and the French early on, but both rejected them.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Carley|first=Michael|title=Fiasco: The Anglo-Franco-Soviet Alliance That Never Was and the Unpublished British White Paper, 1939–1940|journal=The International History Review|title-url=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/07075332.2018.1458043|volume=41|publisher=|issue=4|year=2018|pages=701–728|doi=10.1080/07075332.2018.1458043|jstor=https://www.jstor.org/stable/152863}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Holdsworth|first=Nick|title=Stalin 'planned to send a million troops to stop Hitler if Britain and France agreed pact'|title-url=https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/europe/russia/3223834/Stalin-planned-to-send-a-million-troops-to-stop-Hitler-if-Britain-and-France-agreed-pact.html|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20081020065509/http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/europe/russia/3223834/Stalin-planned-to-send-a-million-troops-to-stop-Hitler-if-Britain-and-France-agreed-pact.html|archivedate=2008-10-20}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Jay|first=Paul|coauthors=Peter Kuznick|title=Untold History: Stalin, the Soviet Union and WWII (5/7)|title-url=https://therealnews.com/?p=145871|date=2013-01-14}}</ref> <ref name=Rothbard/> As early as the mid‐1930s the Soviets were preparing for armed conflicted with the Reich,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Tucker|first=Robert|chapter=3|title=The Soviet Political Mind: Stalinism and Post-Stalin Change|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Dyhbm_uorhoC|location=New York|publisher=W. W. Norton & Company|year=1972|pages=71–4|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=Dyhbm_uorhoC&pg=PA71|ISBN=9780393005820}}</ref> but on the eve of the Second World War, foreign minister of the Soviet Union, Maxim Litvinov, went to the Western powers and called for an alliance with England, the United States, and France against the Reich; that should the Fascists assault Czechoslovakia or any other state, these powers would unite to contain them. The liberal bourgeoisie refused these overtures from the Soviet Union:

{{quote|Lord, how the British have been asking for this! An alliance with Russia was their one chance to stop Germany. They had years in which to do it. All of Stalin’s fear of Germany and the [Fascists] was on their side. And what did they do? Dawdle, fuss, flirt with [the Chancellor], and give away Czechoslovakia. Finally, finally, they sent some minor politicians on a slow boat to see Stalin. When [the Chancellor] decided to gamble on this alliance, he shot his foreign minister to Moscow on a special plane with powers to sign a deal. And that’s why we’re within inches of a world war.|Herman Wouk|<ref>{{safesubst:citation| publisher = Little, Brown| isbn = 978-0-316-05009-8| last = Wouk| first = Herman| title = The Winds of War|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=BnGNB0EtwZEC|date = 2008-11-15|pageurl = https://books.google.com/books?id=BnGNB0EtwZEC&pg=PT81| page = 81}}</ref>}}

Even this passage is a bit of an understatement. Britain’s ruling class in particular was initially happy to work with the Fascist bourgeoisie and even cooperated in imperializing Czechoslovakia. To paraphrase M. Parenti’s ''Make‐Believe Media'':

{{quote|[T]he USSR [had] strenuous opposition to Munich, […] willingness to stand by Czechoslovakia, and […] Moscow was repeatedly rebuffed by Great Britain and France when it tried to form an anti‐Nazi alliance with them. […] '''The British [ruling class] did more than dawdle and flirt with [the Chancellor]. They actively allied themselves with him in the dismantling of Czechoslovakia. They ignored Stalin and strung him along, hoping ultimately to isolate the Soviet Union and set it up for an invasion by [the Third Reich]'''—which indeed happened.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Falsifiers of History (Historical Survey)|title-url=https://athens.indymedia.org/media/old/falsifiers.pdf|location=Moscow|publisher=Foreign Languages Publishing House|year=1948|accessdate=2020-01-29}}</ref> Having witnessed how [Fascism] wiped out the socialist left within Germany, Chamberlain and the other western collaborators hoped that [the Reich] might do the same to Russia. Indeed, the plan almost worked. At least 85 percent of the fighting in the European war took place on the Eastern front.|Michael Parenti (paraphrased)|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Parenti|first=Michael|editors=Don Reisman, Patricia Mansfield, Elise Bauman|chapter=4|title=Make-Believe Media: The Politics of Entertainment|title-url=|location=New York|publisher=St. Martin’s Press, Inc.|year=1992|pages=66–67|ISBN=0-312-05894-2}}</ref>}}

While the British upper classes were probably disinterested in starting another war, much of that disinterest arose merely from a willingness to strike the kind of bargain with an anticommunist dictatorship they would never dare enter into with the Soviets:

{{quote|[The Fascists’] successes in foreign policy were due less to German rearmament, the deficiencies and limitations of which were known in competent military circles, than to the tacit alliance of powerful reactionary elements in England and France which, although loathe to see a reassertion of German equality, were still more unwilling to check it by military alliance with Soviet Russia or to run the risk of social revolution [in the Reich] as a result of [Fascism’s] fall.|Geoffrey Barraclough|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Barraclough|first=Geoffrey|title=The Origins of Modern Germany|location=New York|publisher=G.P. Putnam’s Sons|year=1979|page=453}}</ref>}}

It is probable that the German Reich never sincerely wanted conflict with the [[British Empire]] at all,<ref name=Rothbard/> and duelled mostly because of the conflicting imperialist interests. British membership was part of Ribbentrop’s original designs for the Anti‐Comintern Pact in October 1935,<ref name=":24">{{safesubst:citation|last=Weinberg|first=Gerhard|title=The Foreign Policy of Hitler's Germany Diplomatic Revolution in Europe 1933–36|location=Chicago|publisher=University of Chicago Press|year=1970|isbn=0226885097|pages=342–346}}</ref> and when Ribbentrop became ambassador to the United Kingdom in 1936, the Chancellor made clear to him that it was his greatest wish to welcome Britain into the Anti‐Comintern Pact. While Ribbentrop acted sceptical of this ambition, he placed some hope in King Edward VIII, whom Ribbentrop considered friendly to the German Reich.<ref name=":6">{{safesubst:citation|last=Michalka|first=Wolfgang|title-url=https://digi20.digitale-sammlungen.de/de/fs1/object/display/bsb00046007_00001.html|title=Ribbentrop und die deutsche Weltpolitik|publisher=Wilhelm Fink Verlag|year=1980|isbn=3770514009|location=Munich|pages=154–155|language=German}}</ref> <ref name=":11">{{safesubst:citation|title=The Triumph of the Dark: European International History 1933-1939|last=Steiner|first=Zara|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=2011|isbn=9780199212002|location=|pages=262–263}}</ref> The Chancellor himself was an Anglomaniac who greatly admired the British Empire, and wanted an official alliance or at least a neutrality with it;<ref name=pg325>{{safesubst:citation |author=Patrick J. Buchanan |chapter=13 |title=Churchill, Hitler, and “The Unnecessary War” |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=PYESsQRyIIMC |edition=first |location=New York |publisher=Crown Publishers |year=2008 |volume= |section= |pages=235–6 |pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=PYESsQRyIIMC&pg=PA325 |isbn=978-0-307-40515-9 |oclc= |text=}}</ref> only when the British state repeatedly rejected his offer did his opinion on the British sour. Even when warfare broke out between the two anticommunist states though, the Chancellery still wanted an Anglo–German alliance, and despite bombing London it nevertheless commanded its armoured units not to advance into the undefended city of Dunkirk, allegedly to ‘spare’ the British forces.<ref name=pg325/> This was probably more of a tactical decision than a kind gesture, as they were overextended and at risk of being of cut off,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Germany Could Not Win WW2 (part 2)|title-url=https://invidious.snopyta.org/embed/xYTrjxOPYNY|accessdate=2020-03-1}}</ref> but it suggests that they wanted diplomacy regardless.

In the book ''Molotov Remembers'', there is a section about Molotov’s tenure as head diplomat of the U.S.S.R., and he talks about how after they had signed the nonaggression pact with the Reich, they instantly started preparing for the conflict that they knew was coming between them.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Chuev|first1=Feliz|last2=Molotov|first2=V. M.|editor=Albert Resis|part=one|title=Molotov Remembers: Inside Kremlin Politics|publisher=Ivan R. Dee|year=2007|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=5f90AQAAQBAJ|page=31|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=5f90AQAAQBAJ&pg=PA31|ISBN=1-56663-715-5}}</ref> He also talks about how after returning to Moscow from Berlin, he and Stalin would spend time behind closed doors mocking or insulting the Chancellor and other Fascists. See also: a discussion of the events that led up to the Molotov‐Ribbentrop Pact.<ref>{{safesubst:citation| title = THE GERMAN-SOVIET NON-AGGRESSION PACT OF 1939|title-url = http://marxism.halkcephesi.net/Bill%20Bland/german%20soviet%20pact.htm}}</ref>

Occasionally antisocialists accuse the Soviets of having considered joining the Axis. There are no primary sources to confirm this improbable rumour. One author referenced ''Akten zur deutschen auswärtigen Politik, D, ii'', but this is merely an internal note from a member of a German delegation dated September 3, 1938. (In fact the entire volume is about 1937–1938, not 1940.) Another writer referenced ''AMVnR, PRETI/ 1 / 3 pap.1 op.2sh pop.1 l.7, report by D. Shishmanov, general secretary of the Bulgarian FM, 25 Nov. 1940'': a report by a Bulgarian diplomat, available only in an archive, and without further source. Another made reference to ''The Incompatible Allies'', presumably page 323:<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=The Incompatible Allies|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/in.ernet.dli.2015.136909|page=323}}</ref> no relevant information here either. (The closest is Stalin sending Molotov to Berlin ‘so that further development of the relationship between the two countries could be discussed.’) Another reference that a few authors use is ''Nazi-Soviet Relations'': the closest line that supports this is presumably ‘''[…] the Italian Ambassador to Matsuoka as to whether at the conversation between Matsuoka and Stalin the relations of the Soviet Union with the Axis had been taken up, Matsuoka answered that Stalin had told him that he was a convinced adherent of the Axis and an opponent [Gegner] of England and America.''’ If this is verifiable then it appears to be no more than a third‐party source; worth little more than hearsay. Finally, there is a rumor of a ‘secret series of conferences’ said to have taken place between the Gestapo and the NKVD sometime during 1939 and 1940—usually no exact dates are provided, and it’s unclear who attended them or where exactly they took place or how the discussions went. Given the scarcity of evidence at hand, it’s probable that these conferences never happened.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Grover Furr|chapter=10|chapterurl=http://www.readmarxeveryday.org/bloodlies/ch10.html|title=Blood Lies: The Evidence that Every Accusation against Joseph Stalin and the Soviet Union in Timothy Snyder’s Bloodlands Is False|title-url=http://www.readmarxeveryday.org/bloodlies/contents.html|location=New York|publisher=Red Star Publishers|year=2014|ISBN=978-0-692-20099-5|section=There Was No "Joint Victory Parade"|sectionurl=http://www.readmarxeveryday.org/bloodlies/ch10.html#17fn}}</ref>

And as we all know, the anticommunists would soon break their agreement with the Soviet Union<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=R. Pauwels|first=Jacques|title=Hitler’s Failed Blitzkrieg against the Soviet Union. The “Battle of Moscow”, Turning Point of World War II |date=06-December-2011|title-url=https://wp.me/p2vCQD-7iz}}</ref> and launch '''the largest invasion ever recorded''': against them.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Lendman|first=Stephen|title=Operation Barbarossa, June 22, 1941: Nazi Germany Invades the Soviet Union: Putin addresses State Duma|date=22-June-2016|title-url=https://wp.me/p2vCQD-ndcd}}</ref> The anticommunist military commanders were caught up in the ideological character of this conflict and were involved in its implementation as willing participants.<ref name=Förster>{{safesubst:citation|last=Förster|first=Jürgen|title=Barbarossa Revisited: Strategy and Ideology in the East|title-url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/4467404|journal=Jewish Social Studies|volume=50|publisher=Indiana University Press|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20160330004056/http://www.mconway.net/page1/page5/files/Barbarossa%20Strategy.pdf|archivedate=2016-03-30|pages=21–36}}</ref> For example, before and during the reinvasion, the Reich’s troops were heavily indoctrinated with anti‐Bolshevik, anti‐Semitic, and anti‐Slavic ideology through many forms of media.<ref name=Evans>{{safesubst:citation| last = Evans| first = Richard J.| title = In Hitler’s Shadow: West German Historians and the Attempt to Escape from the Nazi Past|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=eRJoAAAAMAAJ|date=1989-01-01|publisher=Pantheon Books|page=59|isbn = 978-1-85043-146-6}}</ref> Following this reinvasion the Wehrmacht officers told their soldiers to target folks whom they described as ‘Jewish Bolshevik subhumans’,<ref name=Evans/> the ‘red beast’,<ref name=Evans/> the ‘Mongol hordes’,<ref>{{safesubst:citation| issn = 0022-0094| volume = 25| issue = 2/3| page = 337–351|author=Richard Breitman| title = Hitler and Genghis Khan| journal = Journal of Contemporary History| accessdate = 2019-10-09| date = 1990|title-url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/260736}}</ref> and the ‘Asiatic flood’.<ref name=Evans/> Anticommunist propaganda portrayed the conflict as an ideological one between German Fascism and ‘Jewish Bolshevism’.<ref>{{safesubst:citation| publisher = Farrar, Straus and Giroux| isbn = 978-0-8090-9326-7|author=Michael Burleigh| title = The Third Reich: A New History| date = 2001-11|page=512}}</ref> The Chancellor ordered the Einsatzgruppen to execute all Soviet functionaries who were ‘less valuable Asiatics, [Roma] and Jews’.<ref>{{safesubst:citation| publisher = Cambridge University Press| isbn = 978-0-521-39802-2| last1 = Burleigh| first1 = Michael| last2 = Wippermann| first2 = Wolfgang| title = The Racial State: Germany 1933-1945| date = 1991-11-07|pageurl = https://books.google.com/books?id=DGJy5Ptzqp0C&pg=PA100| page = 100}}</ref> Anticommunist army commanders cast the Jews as the major cause behind the ‘partisan struggle’.<ref>{{safesubst:citation| publisher = W.W. Norton| isbn = 978-0-393-32252-1|author=Ian Kershaw| title = Hitler, 1936–45: Nemesis| date = 2001|page = 466}}</ref> The main guideline for anticommunist troops was ‘''Where there’s a partisan, there’s a Jew, and where there’s a Jew, there’s a partisan,''’<ref>{{safesubst:citation| publisher = W.W. Norton| isbn = 978-0-393-32252-1|author=Ian Kershaw| title = Hitler, 1936–45: Nemesis| date = 2001|page=467}}</ref> or more succinctly ‘''The partisan is where the Jew is.''’<ref name=Förster/> Simply put, many of the troops viewed the warfare in anticommunist terms and regarded their Soviet enemies as less than human.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Mark Erickson| title = Russia War, Peace, and Diplomacy|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NhlTnQAACAAJ| date = 2006| publisher = Weidenfeld & Nicolson Limited}}</ref> At least seven out of every ten of the Reich’s soldiers who died in the Second World War died on the Eastern Front (the Soviets probably inflicted more than 80% of the Reich’s casualties during the conflict), and even anticommunist historians such as Max Hastings<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Max Hastings|title=Inferno|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=hWI_TYaxDGUC|page=592}}</ref> and Winston Churchill<ref>{{safesubst:citation|journal=The Current Digest of the Soviet Press|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=qSYJAQAAIAAJ|publisher=American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies|volume=11|year=1959|page=42}}</ref> have conceded that it was the Red Army above all else that contributed to the Reich’s defeat. The scale of fighting was enormous; the battles of Kursk, Stalingrad, that of Berlin (featuring two million anticommunist soldiers against 3.5 million Soviets)—there was simply nothing like it that occurred on the Western Front. The losses were stupendous: the Soviet Union emerged victorious but only after being critically weakened; only after losing not only most of its industries west of the Urals but well over twenty million people.

===Conclusion===
With the overwhelming evidence in the way, it is reasonable to conclude that any ‘anticapitalism’ was just empty populism, and that the Fascists were just as ‘socialist’ as all of the gullible chumps insisting that they were. In other words, the word ‘Socialist’ (as respected historians such as Ian Kershaw and Richard Evans have noted<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=The Nazis were not socialists|title-url=https://fullfact.org/online/nazis-socialists|accessdate=2020-01-11}}</ref>) was nothing more than a marketing tactic.<ref>{{safesubst:citation| publisher = Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group| isbn = 978-0-307-42812-7|author=Robert O. Paxton| title = The Anatomy of Fascism|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=JU3th4LnKvsC| date = 2007-12-18|page = 16}}</ref> To quote Engels, ‘''these reactionary socialists show their true colors by immediately making common cause with the bourgeoisie against the proletarians.''’ The antisocialists who continue to promote this myth today do so almost certainly not in the interest of historical accuracy, but to destigmatize ultranationalism and strong conservative values: phenomena that they both preach and crave.

==Notes==

{{Note|A minority of antisocialists are so extreme in their redefinitions that they’ll claim that the mere existence of a state somehow qualifies any country or the state’s proponents as socialist, hence the Third Reich still applies as ‘socialist’. Logically, this would only be possible if the claimers declared themselves the world’s first capitalists, and recategorized '''all''' thinkers in history, from Adam Smith<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Blenman|first=Joy|title=Adam Smith and "The Wealth Of Nations"|title-url=https://www.investopedia.com/updates/adam-smith-wealth-of-nations|date=2016-09-07|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20160914213031/http://www.investopedia.com/updates/adam-smith-wealth-of-nations|archivedate=2016-09-14}}</ref> to Ayn Rand<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Emery|first=David|title=Did Ayn Rand Receive Social Security Benefits?|title-url=https://www.snopes.com/?p=94626|date=2017-06-23|accessdate=2020-04-17}}</ref> to F.A. Hayek<ref name=DemocraticSocialist01>{{safesubst:citation|title=Classical Liberalism and Fascism|title-url=https://invidious.snopyta.org/embed/u_rto6JPYQ8|accessdate=2020-03-12}}</ref> to Ludvig von Mises<ref name=DemocraticSocialist01/> to Milton Friedman<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=An Anarchist FAQ|title-url=https://anarchism.pageabode.com/afaq/index.html|section=C.11|sectionurl=https://anarchism.pageabode.com/afaq/secC11.html|accessdate=2020-03-14}}</ref> to Murray Rothbard<ref name=Rothbard/> to Ricardo<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Mahiri|first1=Balunywa|last2=Denis|first2=Sekiwu|title=Revisiting Adam Smith and David Ricardo’s Theories: The Operations of the State in a free market economy|title-url=https://www.academia.edu/8622121}}</ref> to Thomas Jefferson to billions of others, as socialists: the result is a redefinition so useless that (almost) nobody would ever take it seriously.}}

==References==

Essay:Anticommunism kills

2025-11-23T02:55:14Z

Anarcho-Bolshevik: Created page with "<big>'''This page is a partial transfer from [https://web.archive.org/web/20220116120839im_/https://leftypedia.org/wiki/Essay:Anticommunism_Kills Leftypedia] and is a work in progress.'''</big> This is a list about killings that were motivated by anticommunism. It does not include killings incidentally carried out by anticommunists (e.g. the Italo‐Ethiopian War). Despite its name,..."

File:Economics of education.pdf

2025-11-11T02:18:10Z

Anarcho-Bolshevik: A work by John Vaizey & al. from the International Social Science Journal, Vol. XIV, № 4, 1962.

== Summary ==
A work by John Vaizey & al. from the International Social Science Journal, Vol. XIV, № 4, 1962.

File:Soviet data.pdf

2025-11-11T02:08:23Z

Anarcho-Bolshevik: A paper by Angus Maddison from the PSL Quarterly Review, Vol. 18, № 72, 1965.

== Summary ==
A paper by Angus Maddison from the PSL Quarterly Review, Vol. 18, № 72, 1965.

Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (1992–2003)

2025-06-13T15:48:59Z

Anarcho-Bolshevik: /* Yugoslav Wars */ The ‘citation needed’ was right in front of you.

{{Infobox country|name=Federal Republic of Yugoslavia|native_name=Савезна Република Југославија Savezna Republika Jugoslavija|image_flag=FR Yugoslavia flag.svg|image_coat=FR Yugoslav COA.svg|capital=Belgrade|largest_city=Belgrade|mode_of_production=[[State Capitalism]]|government_type=Federal republic|year_start=1992|year_end=2003|image_map=FRY map 1999.png|map_width=290|map_caption=Map of FR Yugoslavia since 1999. Occupied territory of [[Kosovo]] in light green.|official_languages=Serbo-Croatian|title_leader=Federal President|year_leader1=1992-1993|leader1=Dobrica Ćosić|year_leader2=1993–1997|leader2=Zoran Lilić|year_leader3=1997-2000|leader3=[[Slobodan Milošević]]|year_leader4=2000-2003|leader4=Vojislav Koštunica|established_event1=Formation|established_date1=27 April 1992|event1=Overthrow of Slobodan Milošević|date_event1=7 October 2000|event2=Transformation into a confederation|date_event2=4 February 2003|area_km2=102,173|population_estimate=10,832,545|population_estimate_year=2006|p1=[[Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia]]|s1=[[Serbia and Montenegro (2003-2006)|Serbia and Montenegro]]|flag_p1=Yugoslav flag.png|flag_s1=FR Yugoslavia flag.svg}}

The '''Federal Republic of Yugoslavia''' (also spelled '''Federal Republic of Jugoslavia''' and abbreviated as either '''FRY''' or '''FRJ'''), was a country in the Balkans. After the [[counterrevolutions of 1989]] and [[Overthrow of the Soviet Union|1991]], it was the only non-communist country in [[Eastern Europe]] that resisted [[neoliberalism]] and [[North Atlantic Treaty Organization|NATO]] occupation, until the [[US]]-backed overthrow of Slobodan Milošević.<ref>{{Citation|author=[[Michael Parenti]]|year=2000|title=To Kill a Nation|page=18|chapter=Third Worldization|publisher=Verso|pdf=https://leftychan.net/edu/src/1614706295182-3.pdf}}</ref>

The FRY is considered a [[rump state]] of the much larger Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, due to its continuity with the aforementioned entity as well as its claims to be the sole successor of the SFRY until 2001,<ref name="ICG">{{Web citation |author1=[[John Knox]] |author2=[[Michael Scharf]] |author3=[[Geoff Watson]] |author4=[[Paul R. Williams (professor of law)|Paul Williams]] |date=20 February 1997 |title=
State Succession to the Immovable Assets of Former Yugoslavia
|url=https://www.refworld.org/docid/3ae6a6cf10.html |publisher=[[International Crisis Group]] }}</ref> which did not permit the country to join the United Nations.

== History ==
During 1991 and 1992, the United States and [[Federal Republic of Germany|Germany]] supported [[Republic of Croatia|Croatia]], [[Republic of Slovenia|Slovenia]], and [[Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina|Bosnia]]'s [[Yugoslav Wars|wars of secession]] from the [[Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (1945–1992)|SFR Yugoslavia]]. By April 1992, Yugoslavia was reduced to only [[Republic of Serbia|Serbia]] and [[Montenegro]], and the other former Yugoslav republics became [[Neocolonialism|neocolonies]] of NATO. The United States supported the [[Fascism|fascist]] [[Kosovo Liberation Army]] in its war against Yugoslavia.<ref name=":0">{{Web citation|author=Victor Penn|newspaper=[[Liberation News]]|title=Yugoslavia: Ten years after the NATO massacre|date=2009-03-31|url=https://www.liberationnews.org/09-03-31-yugoslavia-ten-years-after-nato-html/|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220506081614/https://www.liberationnews.org/09-03-31-yugoslavia-ten-years-after-nato-html/|archive-date=2022-05-06|retrieved=2022-09-09}}</ref> On 24 March 1999, U.S. president [[Bill Clinton]] ordered the bombing of Yugoslavia. The NATO bombing raids lasted 78 days and targeted 200 cities and towns. The bombings killed at least 5,000 people and created over a million refugees, most of which were [[Republic of Albania|Albanians]] from [[Kosovo]], which NATO claimed to be defending.<ref name=":0" />

=== Yugoslav Wars ===
In the 1980s, the [[Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia]] was undergoing economics crises and disparities between its constituent republics. In Kosovo particularly, antisocialists sabotaged power plants and prevented miners from working.<ref name=Tika>{{safesubst:Web citation|author=Jared Israel, Petar Makara &Tika Janković|title=Kosovo Before 1989 - Nightmare with the Best Intentions|url=http://tenc.net/interviews/tika.htm|date=2000-03-06|accessdate=2020-04-14}}</ref> Croatia and Slovenia accounted for half of federal tax revenues even though they were only 30% of the SFRY’s population. They openly resented these obligations and revolted with the goal of obtaining Western European support. Both Croatia and Slovenia held multiparty elections on independence, but the Socialist Party of Serbia was interested in preserving the federation, receiving 65% of the vote. Serbia considered using force to prevent the secessions, but the Statesian ruling class strongly discouraged this.<ref name=MonthlyReview>{{safesubst:Citation|author=Edward Herman & David Peterson|title=The Dismantling of Yugoslavia (Part I)|url=https://monthlyreview.org/?p=2404|journal=The Monthly Review|volume=59|issue=05|date=2007-10-01|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20140708151424/http://monthlyreview.org/2007/10/01/the-dismantling-of-yugoslavia|archivedate=2014-07-08}}</ref> Early on in the 1990s, the [[Bourgeois media|corporate media]] in Croatia,<ref>{{safesubst:Citation|author=Michael Parenti|chapter=5|title=To Kill a Nation: the Attack on Yugoslavia|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=qWbGftW07WoC|location=New York|publisher=Verso|year=2000|page=47|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=qWbGftW07WoC&pg=PA47|ISBN=1-85984-366-2}}</ref> Slovenia,<ref>{{safesubst:Web citation|author=Sylvia Poggioli|title=Scouts Without Compasses|url=https://fair.org/?p=1229|date=1994-05-01|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20190812221624/https://fair.org/extra/scouts-without-compasses|archivedate=2019-08-12}}</ref> and the Anglosphere<ref>{{safesubst:Web citation|author=Olga Kavran|title=Cold War Lives On in Yugoslavia Reporting|url=https://fair.org/?p=1200|date=1991-11-01|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20191019180525/https://fair.org/extra/cold-war-lives-on-in-yugoslavia-reporting|archivedate=2019-10-19}}</ref> all portrayed the war against Yugoslavia as a struggle against "[[communism]]" (even though communism in Yugoslavia was de-facto abolished in 1990 both economically and socially)<ref>{{Web citation|author=Anadolija|newspaper=Klix.ba|title=Navršile su se 24. godine od 14. kongresa SKJ: Dan kada se počela raspadati Jugoslavija|date=2014-1-20|url=https://www.klix.ba/vijesti/navrsile-su-se-24-godine-od-14-kongresa-skj-dan-kada-se-pocela-raspadati-jugoslavija/140120078|quote=Zbog neslaganja u rješavanju ključnih problema jugoslovenske zajednice, slovenačka i hrvatska delegacija napustile su taj skup. To je bio kraj Saveza komunista Jugoslavije, a mnogi smatraju da je time počeo raspad Socijalističke Federativne Republike Jugoslavije (SFRJ)

"Due to disagreements in resolving key problems of the Yugoslav community, Slovenian and Croatian delegations left the assembly. That was the end of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (SKJ) and many have considered it to be the beginning of the fall of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRJ)"}}</ref> By April 1992, the only republics left in Yugoslavia were those of Montenegro and Serbia.

With Western support, the antisocialist Party of Democratic Action illegally seized power in Bosnia and unconstitutionally seceded it from the SFRY in 1992. The party’s goal was to create an [[Islamism|Islamist]] régime.<ref>{{Citation|author=Alija Izetbegović|year=1990|title=Islamic Declaration|title-url=https://www.angelfire.com/dc/mbooks/Alija-Izetbegovic-Islamic-Declaration-1990-Azam-dot-com.pdf|pdf=https://www.angelfire.com/dc/mbooks/Alija-Izetbegovic-Islamic-Declaration-1990-Azam-dot-com.pdf|city=Sarajevo}}</ref>

Sarajevo was besieged from 1992 to 1995, making it the longest siege in modern warfare. Numerous massacres were committed, especially the massacres in Markale in 1994 and 1995. Serbian paramilitaries claimed that these were "false flags".<ref>{{Web citation|author=Boro Kontić|newspaper=ForumZFD|title="Markale" - Day of Remembrance in Sarajevo|date=2024-02-09|url=https://www.forumzfd.de/en/markale-day-remembrance-sarajevo}}</ref> In July 1995, Dutch "peacekeeping" troops allowed for Chetnik paramilitaries to kill over 8,000 Muslims in Srebrenica despite it being a "safe zone". However, a court in the Netherlands downplayed it and claimed that only "350 were killed" as a result of the failure.<ref>{{Web citation|author=Tom Barlow Brown|newspaper=Balkan Transitional Justice|title=‘It Was Hell’: Dutch Troops Recall Failure to Stop Srebrenica Deaths|date=2019-8-8|url=https://balkaninsight.com/2019/08/08/it-was-hell-dutch-troops-recall-failure-to-stop-srebrenica-deaths/|quote=}}</ref>

In the summer of 1995 the Bosnian Serb army was presented with an opportunity to conquer Srebrenica and end the massacring of Serb villagers. But it was a trap set by the American ruling class and the Bosnian forces, so that the [[NATO]] would have the justification to extensively intervene in Bosnia.<ref name="Wilcoxson">{{safesubst:Web citation|author=Andy Wilcoxson|title=Srebrenica: The Ugly Truth|url=http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/srebrenica071114.htm|date=2014-07-11|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20190806114046/http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/srebrenica071114.htm|archivedate=2019-08-06}}</ref> Unauthorized Serbian soldiers took it upon themselves to exact revenge against Muslim civilians and commit war crimes. Although civilian deaths were certainly involved, the demographic unit of the ICTY Prosecutor’s office also found military service records for 5,371 of the 7,661 people on the list of Srebrenica’s missing and dead.<ref name="Wilcoxson"/> Western reporters blamed the FRY’s presidency for the Srebenica massacre.<ref name="GlobalResearch">{{safesubst:Web citation|author=Marcus Papadopoulos|title=The Defining Year Was 1991: The Demise of Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union|date=2018-02-02|url=https://wp.me/p2vCQD-nC83|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20190606172150/https://www.globalresearch.ca/the-defining-year-was-1991-the-demise-of-yugoslavia-and-the-soviet-union/5628115|archivedate=2019-06-06}}</ref> However, nobody from the FRY’s presidency could have issued such an order, nor were they aware of it either.<ref>{{Web citation|newspaper=BBC News|title=Court clears Serbia of genocide|date=2007-02-26|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/6395791.stm|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131215021109/http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/6395791.stm|quote=Belgrade said the conflict was an internal war between Bosnia's ethnic groups and denied any state role in genocide.}}</ref> When President [[Slobodan Milošević|Milošević]] first heard news of this crime, he was enraged, deeply upset, and visibly shaken.<ref>https://www.icty.org/x/cases/slobodan_milosevic/trans/en/030617IT.htm</ref><ref>https://www.icty.org/x/cases/slobodan_milosevic/trans/en/030618IT.htm</ref>

=== NATO bombing ===

By 1999, NATO illegally<ref>{{safesubst:Citation|author=John Laughland|chapter=1|title=Travesty: The Trial of Slobodan Milošević and the Corruption of International Justice|location=London|publisher=Pluto Press|year=2007|pages=7–11|ISBN=978 0 7453 2636 8}}</ref> invaded Kosovo under the excuse that Yugoslav forces were committing ethnocides and expulsions. However, Spanish forensic doctors, whom somebody mislead into expecting thousands of bodies to examine, returned home in September 1999 with only 187 bodies.<ref>{{safesubst:Web citation|author=Pablo Ordaz|title=Policías y forenses españoles no hallan pruebas de genocidio al norte de Kosovo|date=1999-09-23|url=https://elpais.com/diario/1999/09/23/internacional/938037612_850215.html|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20170916155311/https://elpais.com/diario/1999/09/23/internacional/938037612_850215.html|archivedate=2017-09-16}}</ref> ''[[Reuters]]'' confirmed in October 1999 that nobody found any corpses at the rumored grave site in Kosovo, and the ICTY’s speaker Kelly Moore said that after ICTY investigators had examined Trepča, ‘They found absolutely nothing.’<ref>{{safesubst:Web citation|title=No Bodies at Rumored Grave Site in Kosovo|date=1999-10-13
|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150527102031/http://www.nytimes.com/1999/10/13/world/no-bodies-at-rumored-grave-site-in-kosovo.html|archivedate=2015-05-27}}</ref> George Kenney, a now former foreign service officer of Washington’s State Department, remembers looking at various reports of atrocities in Kosovo and thinking that they were ‘complete nonsense’; basing his experience on Bosnia, he realized that the stories were at best inaccurate reports and at worst pure fiction.<ref>{{safesubst:Web citation|title=Milošević Trial: Corruption of International Justice|language=Dutch|url=https://invidious.snopyta.org/embed/p0wptqp1OSY}}</ref> Contrary to the capitalist media’s much higher estimates,<ref>{{safesubst:Citation|author=Edward Herman|last2=David Peterson|title=The Politics of Genocide|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=TTkUCgAAQBAJ|location=New York|publisher=Monthly Review Press|year=2010|page=50|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=TTkUCgAAQBAJ&pg=PA50|ISBN=978-1-58367-213-6|LCCN=2010004852}}</ref> investigators found only some four thousand bodies (including Serbs and military personnel) in Kosovo,<ref>{{safesubst:Web citation|author=Carla Del Ponte|title=Statement to the Press by Carla Del Ponte|publisher=International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia|date=2000-12-20|paragraph=16|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20070813073148/http://www.un.org/icty/pressreal/p550-e.htm|archivedate=2007-08-13}}</ref> and estimated that 2,047 were still missing as of 2007.<ref>{{safesubst:Web citation|author=International Committee of the Red Cross|title=Kosovo: ICRC publishes new edition of ‘Book of the Missing’|date=2007-08-29|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20090912223458/http://www.icrc.org/web/eng/siteeng0.nsf/htmlall/kosovo-news-290807?opendocument|archivedate=2009-09-12}}</ref> Capitalist outlets such as the ''[[The Guardian|Guardian]]'', the ''Wall Street Journal'', and ''USA Today'' eventually admitted that the NATO had grossly exaggerated the scale of the atrocities.<ref>{{safesubst:Citation|author=John Laughland|chapter=1|title=Travesty: The Trial of Slobodan Milošević and the Corruption of International Justice|location=London|publisher=Pluto Press|year=2007|pages=7–11|ISBN=978 0 7453 2636 8}}</ref>

When the former head of the FRY’s secret services, [[Radomir Marković]], attended the ICTY, Milošević asked if Belgrade authorities had menaced and bribed him into falsely confessing to a Yugoslav order for ethnic cleansing in Kosovo, to which he replied ‘Yes.’ Radomir Marković broke his agreement in Belgrade, confirming that the FRY never ordered an ethnic cleansing, in fact that the FRY was trying to prevent one,<ref>https://www.icty.org/x/cases/slobodan_milosevic/trans/en/020726IT.htm</ref> and for this the Belgrade authorities imprisoned him for seven years,<ref>{{safesubst:Web citation|title=Milošević Trial: Corruption of International Justice|language=Dutch|url=https://invidious.snopyta.org/embed/V-neyr99hHg}}</ref> even though torture, inciting somebody to false testimony, and inciting somebody to false accusations, are all illegal under European law.<ref>{{safesubst:Citation|author=John Laughland|chapter=8|title=Travesty: The Trial of Slobodan Milošević and the Corruption of International Justice|location=London|publisher=Pluto Press|year=2007|page=164|ISBN=978 0 7453 2636 8}}</ref> In 2016, the ICTY (unofficially) admitted that President Milošević was innocent of the crimes during the Bosnian War misattributed to him; crimes that his administration was, in fact, struggling to prevent.<ref>{{safesubst:Web citation|author=Andy Wilcoxson|title=Hague Tribunal Exonerates Slobodan Milosevic for Bosnia War Crimes Ten Years Too Late|url=http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/smorg-aw071816.htm|date=2016-07-18|accessdate=2020-04-14|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20200104205720/http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/smorg-aw071816.htm|archivedate=2020-01-04}}</ref><ref>{{safesubst:Web citation|author=Andy Wilcoxson|title=Milosevic Exoneration: Radio Free Europe's Clumsy Attempt at Damage Control|url=http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/smorg-aw080916.html|date=2016-08-09|accessdate=2020-04-19}}</ref> Another trial chamber in The Hague reconfirmed this in 2017.<ref>{{safesubst:Web citation|author=Andy Wilcoxson|title=Hague Tribunal Exonerates Slobodan Milosevic Again|url=http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/smorg_aw113017.htm|date=2017-11-30|accessdate=2020-04-14|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20200324012538/http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/smorg_aw113017.htm|archivedate=2020-03-24}}</ref>

In total, antisocialist forces in the former Yugoslavia have probably caused 107,000 deaths from the 1990s to the early 2000s,<ref name=Lucas>{{safesubst:Web citation|author=James A. Lucas|title=US Has Killed More Than 20 Million People in 37 “Victim Nations” Since World War II |archiveurl=https://wp.me/p2vCQD-n2Jt |archivedate=27-November-2015 |date=27-November-2015 |url=https://popularresistance.org/?p=78226}}</ref> which is almost identical to the original number of killings of which antisocialists had falsely accused the FRY.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=John Laughland|chapter=1|title=Travesty: The Trial of Slobodan Milošević and the Corruption of International Justice|location=London|publisher=Pluto Press|year=2007|pages=10–11|ISBN=978 0 7453 2636 8}}</ref>

Throughout the Yugoslav wars, the FRY never committed any expulsions.<ref name=MonthlyReview/>

=== Post-Milošević era ===
After the overthrow of Milošević, the FRY became a puppet state of the USA.<ref>{{Web citation|author=https://balkaninsight.com/2010/01/12/serbia-split-on-srebrenica-declaration/|newspaper=Balkan Insight|title=Serbia Split on Srebrenica Declaration|date=2010-01-12|url=https://balkaninsight.com/2010/01/12/serbia-split-on-srebrenica-declaration/}}</ref><ref>{{Web citation|newspaper=B92.net|title=Policy of peace Serbia's goal – Tadić|url=http://www.b92.net/eng/news/in_focus.php?id=251&start=0&nav_id=45847}}</ref><ref>{{Web citation|newspaper=592.net|title=Inzko: Break-up of Bosnia not option, published 19 Sept 2009, accessed same day|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110607154023/http://www.b92.net/eng/news/region-article.php?yyyy=2009&mm=09&dd=19&nav_id=61844|archive-date=2011-06-07}}</ref>

==Politics==

===Military===
The FRY’s military was relatively unsophisticated and low-budget, with some technologies dating back to the 1960s. However, they compensated by being very innovative in tactics, such as frequently relocating missile batteries and briefly activating a tracking radar strictly for the purpose of intercepting a passing aircraft. Because of the FRY’s tactics and techniques, anticommunist forces had to repeatedly fly through active SAM engagement zones, requiring a certain level of standoff and penetrating tactical jamming, but they exhausted nearly their entire inventory of terrestrial EA-6Bs throughout the entire air campaign of 1999.<ref>{{safesubst:Citation| publisher = United States Strategic Institute | title = Strategic Review| date = 2000| url = https://books.google.com/books?id=HwrfAAAAMAAJ&pg=RA3-PA43}}</ref> The FRY also made extensive use of cheap decoys in the forms of bridges, airfields, and military vehicles, which greatly taxed NATO’s resources and successfully deceived the pilots into thinking that they had decimated the FRY’s air force. Postwar research indicated that they had only struck a small fraction of legitimate military targets: NATO inflicted severe damage on numerous civilians and their structures, but the FRY’s forces in Kosovo survived the conflict largely unscathed. Consequently General Wesley Clark insisted on referring to an unscientific report instead.<ref>{{safesubst:Web citation|author=John Barry|title=The Kosovo Cover-Up|url=https://www.newsweek.com/node/160273|date=2000-05-14|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150404231749/http://www.newsweek.com/kosovo-cover-160273|archivedate=2015-04-04}}</ref> Afterwards, many [[Republic of Iraq|Iraqi]] intelligence officers visited Yugoslavia to study the military’s innovative techniques.<ref>{{safesubst:Web citation|title=NATO attack on Yugoslavia gave Iraq good lessons|url=http://www.globeandmail.com/servlet/ArticleNews/front/RTGAM/20021120/wless1120/Front/homeBN/breakingnews|date=2002-11-22|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20021122163917/http://www.globeandmail.com/servlet/ArticleNews/front/RTGAM/20021120/wless1120/Front/homeBN/breakingnews|archivedate=2002-11-22}}</ref>

==Economy==
During the 1990s, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was a [[semiplanned economy]] in which some of the laborers managed their own enterprises until the antisocialists bombed them.<ref>{{safesubst:Citation|author=Michael Parenti|chapter=15|title=To Kill a Nation: the Attack on Yugoslavia|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=qWbGftW07WoC|location=New York|publisher=Verso|year=2000|page=168|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=qWbGftW07WoC&pg=PA168|ISBN=1-85984-366-2}}</ref> Unlike the other former Yugoslav republics, the FRY refused to be an export colony. As late as 1999, 75% of industry was still public.<ref>{{Citation|author=[[Michael Parenti]]|year=2000|title=To Kill a Nation|page=22|chapter=Third Worldization|publisher=Verso|pdf=https://leftychan.net/edu/src/1614706295182-3.pdf}}</ref>

== Demographics ==
Because of the Western-backed ethnonationalist campaigns in Croatia, Bosnia, and Kosovo, Serbia was the most diverse society in former Yugoslavia. It contained 26 nationalities, including tens of thousands of Albanians and hundreds of thousands of Croats, [[Czech Republic|Czechs]], [[Hungary|Hungarians]], [[Judaism|Jews]], [[Romani people|Roma]], [[Romania|Romanians]], [[Slovak Republic|Slovaks]], and [[Republic of Türkiye|Turks]]. It was also the only country in the world to officially recognize the [[Rusyn]] people, 19,000 of whom lived in [[Vojvodina]]. Vojvodina provided primary and secondary education in the languages of all national minorities. Before NATO's war, it had 50 Albanian-language publications.<ref name=":02">{{Citation|author=[[Michael Parenti]]|year=2000|title=To Kill a Nation|chapter=Multiculturalism in Yugoslavia|page=187–189|pdf=https://leftychan.net/edu/src/1614706295182-3.pdf|publisher=Verso|quote=}}</ref>

== See also ==

* [[Serbia and Montenegro (2003-2006)|Serbia and Montenegro]]

==Further information==

=== Books ===

* ''[[Library:To kill a nation|To Kill a Nation]]''

=== Videos ===
* [https://invidio.us/embed/waEYQ46gH08 The Weight of Chains]

== References ==
[[Category:Countries targeted by imperialist aggression]]
<references />
[[Category:Anti-imperialist states]]

File:Tobacco policies in Austria during the Third Reich.pdf

2025-02-26T15:41:04Z

Anarcho-Bolshevik: BACKGROUND: The anti-smoking stance taken by Adolf Hitler, coupled with Nazi support for research on smoking and lung cancer and campaigns to discourage smoking, have encouraged pro-smoking groups to equate tobacco control activities with totalitarianism. Previous work has described the situation in Germany. OBJECTIVE: To examine the situation in Austria, also part of the Reich after 1938. DESIGN: Iterative analysis of documents and reports about the situation in Austria in the 1930s and 19...

== Summary ==
BACKGROUND: The anti-smoking stance taken by Adolf Hitler, coupled with Nazi support for research on smoking and lung cancer and campaigns to discourage smoking, have encouraged pro-smoking groups to equate tobacco control activities with totalitarianism. Previous work has described the situation in Germany.

OBJECTIVE: To examine the situation in Austria, also part of the Reich after 1938.

DESIGN: Iterative analysis of documents and reports about the situation in Austria in the 1930s and 1940s, supplemented by a review of Reich legal ordinances, party newspapers, health behaviour guidelines issued by Nazi party organisations and interviews with expert informants.

RESULTS: In contrast to the situation in Germany where, albeit to a much lesser degree than is commonly believed, some anti-smoking policies were adopted, the Nazi authorities in Austria made almost no attempt to discourage smoking and the Austrian tobacco company worked closely with the Nazi authorities to ensure that supplies were maintained.

CONCLUSION: Especially when looked at in the Austrian context, the much-cited link between anti-smoking policies and Nazism is a gross over-simplification. This purported link should not be used to justify the continued failure to act effectively against smoking in Germany and Austria.

Neocolonialism

2023-12-14T15:46:26Z

Anarcho-Bolshevik: Borrowing from https://web.archive.org/web/20201002064627/https://leftypedia.org/wiki/Neoimperialism

'''Neocolonialism''', alternatively spelled '''neo-colonialism''' and also known as '''[[colonialism]] without colonies''', '''informal empire''' or '''neoimperialism''' (itself alternatively spelled '''neo-imperialism''') is the control of another country through economic means. This typically involves giving loans and such to a country in need, in exchange for things such as cuts to social services as well as forcing them to open their markets. Then, the debt from the loan is leveraged to maintain control over the country, forcing it to bend to the will of an [[Imperialism|imperialist]] power.

This is mostly how modern imperialism is done; institutions such as the [[International Monetary Fund]] and the [[The World Bank|World Bank]] are prominent examples of this method. Although countries have been recolonized in the past (as in the case of [[Arab Republic of Egypt|Egypt]] in 1922), this became unfeasible after the post-war [[Anti-colonialism|anti-colonial]] upsurge. Imperialism needed to conceal itself further and needed the façade of self-government to be maintained. Unlike territorial imperialism, neoimperialism does not directly colonize countries, instead trapping them in a relation that makes them economically dependent on the neoimperialist state.<ref name="fifteen">{{Citation|chapter=1|author=Michael Parenti|title=Against Empire|publisher=City Light Books|year=1995|page=15}}</ref> <ref name="Blunden">{{Citation|title=Marxists Internet Archive Encyclopedia|title-url=https://www.marxists.org/glossary/terms/n/e.htm#neocolonialism}}</ref>

Simply put, a bourgeois state grants the trappings of sovereignty to a weaker country while finance capital retains control over most of its profitable resources. Under neoimperialism, a neocolony will have pretensions to independence, such as an otherwise native government administering and paying for the affairs at home, but in practice the supreme authority with regards to policies, wealth, and other resources is the neoimperialist state.<ref name="sixteen">{{Citation|chapter=1|author=Michael Parenti|title=Against Empire|publisher=City Light Books|year=1995|page=16}}</ref> The neoimperialists do not rely on violence for either imposing a colonial government or excluding other imperial powers, but merely to secure the conditions for domination. [[Money]] is the neoimperialists’ first resort for dominating others, and failing that they rely on violence,<ref name="Blunden"/> usually channeled through native rebels, but sometimes they still channel it through direct invasion as well, only with the goal of installing an allied capitalist régime rather than just annexation.

In the 1963 document "Apologists Of Neo-Colonialism" by the Editorial Departments of [[People's Daily]] and [[Red Flag]], the authors explain the post-[[Second World War|WWII]] international situation and the mechanisms of neocolonialism and stress that it is even more "pernicious and sinister" than the older form of colonial rule:<blockquote>The facts are clear. After World War II the imperialists have certainly not given up colonialism, but have merely adopted a new form, neo-colonialism. An important characteristic of such neo-colonialism is that the imperialists have been forced to change their old style of direct colonial rule in some areas and to adopt a new style of colonial rule and exploitation by relying on the agents they have selected and trained. The imperialists headed by the [[United States of America|United States]] enslave or control the colonial countries and countries which have already declared their independence by organizing military blocs, setting up military bases, establishing “federations” or “communities”, and fostering puppet regimes. By means of economic “aid” or other forms, they retain these countries as markets for their goods, sources of raw material and outlets for their export of capital, plunder the riches and suck the blood of the people of these countries. Moreover, they use the [[United Nations]] as an important tool for interfering in the internal affairs of such countries and for subjecting them to military, economic and cultural aggression. When they are unable to continue their rule over these countries by “peaceful” means, they engineer military coups d’etat, carry out subversion or even resort to direct armed intervention and aggression.<ref>[https://www.marxists.org/subject/china/documents/polemic/neocolon.htm “Apologists of Neo-Colonialism.”] Editorial Departments of ''Renmin Ribao (People’s Daily)'' and ''Hongqi (Red Flag)'', Foreign Languages Press, Peking 1963. Marxists.org. [https://web.archive.org/web/20220417224930/https://www.marxists.org/subject/china/documents/polemic/neocolon.htm Archived] 2022-04-17.</ref></blockquote>The authors of the piece point out that the [[United States of America|United States]] in particular is a notable promoter of neo-colonialism, with [[United States imperialism|U.S. imperialists]] "trying hard to grab the colonies and spheres of influence of other imperialists and to establish world domination." The authors also state that the peoples of [[Asia]] and [[Africa]] are "seriously menaced by the tentacles of neo-colonialism, represented by U. S. imperialism" and they quote the [[Second Havana Declaration]] as saying that "[[Latin America]] today is under a more ferocious imperialism, more powerful and ruthless than the [[Kingdom of Spain|Spanish colonial empire]]."

== History ==
The term neocolonialism has been in use since the 1950s, but the practice itself dates to the early 1900s, when the Cubans won their independence from Spain in the late 1890s only to transfer into the dominion of Imperial America for the next decade.<ref name="Blunden"/> While technically the Cubans now had their own government, constitution, currency, security force, and national symbols, the White House reserved the final say on foreign policy decisions as well as Cuban resources.<ref name="fifteen"/>

The American bourgeoisie further developed the practice of neoimperialism in 1913, promoting national independence from the Great Powers for colonies such as the Philippines, and the white bourgeoisie fully developed the practice by the [[Cold War]],<ref name="Blunden"/> in which the British, French, and Japanese bourgeoisies likewise adopted neoimperialism as a less costly and more politically expedient alternative to outright colonial rule.<ref name="sixteen"/> <ref name="Blunden"/>

Not all attempts at neocolonialism have been successful. For example, during the late 1940s the White House began a project called Operation Bloodstone, a plan designed to recruit disgruntled Easterners (ranging from social democrats to Fascists) and prepare them for forcibly reclaiming regions in the [[USSR]]<ref>{{citation|chapter=eight|author=Christopher Simpson|title=Blowback: America’s Recruitment of Nazis and Its Destructive Impact on Our Domestic and Foreign Policy|publisher=Open Road Media|year=2014|page=79}}</ref> while concealing and denying any Western culpability.<ref>{{citation|chapter=eight|author=Christopher Simpson|title=Blowback: America’s Recruitment of Nazis and Its Destructive Impact on Our Domestic and Foreign Policy|publisher=Open Road Media|year=2014|page=78}}</ref> But internal difficulties such as factional infighting,<ref>{{citation|chapter=eight|author=Christopher Simpson|title=Blowback: America’s Recruitment of Nazis and Its Destructive Impact on Our Domestic and Foreign Policy|publisher=Open Road Media|year=2014|page=102}}</ref> as well as the overwhelming strength of Soviet forces, made the operation a long‐term failure. Sometimes bourgeois states do succeed in establishing a neocolony for a while, but due to the lack of de facto independence the neocolony still carries the risk of natives replacing it, sometimes with the assistance of a new national leader who is or becomes patriotic or reformist rather than a comprador collaborator.<ref>{{Citation|chapter=1|author=Michael Parenti|title=Against Empire|publisher=City Light Books|year=1995|page=17}}</ref> One example of this is Manuel Antonio Noriega, who started his rulership in [[Panama]] as a [[CIA]] asset but gradually became less and less compliant with the neoimperialists over time, resulting in Imperial America directly invading Panama in 1989 and leaving it with a more compliant neocolonial régime in 1990.<ref>{{citation|title=The Panama Deception|title-url=https://yewtu.be/watch?v=Zo6yVNWcGCo|year=1992}}</ref>

== References ==
<references />
[[Category:Imperialism]]
[[Category:Marxist terminology]]
[[Category:Pages to be protected]]

Kingdom of Italy (1861–1946)

2023-06-11T12:57:18Z

Anarcho-Bolshevik: From 1940 to mid-1943 Fascist Italy was the primary Axis power in both Africa and the Balkans.

{{Infobox country|name=Kingdom of Italy|native_name=Regno d'Italia|image_flag=Kingdom of Italy flag.png|image_coat=Fascist Italy coast of arms.png|capital=[[Rome]]|mode_of_production=[[Capitalism]] (decaying)|government_type=Unitary parliamentary monarchy (1861–1922) Unitary [[bourgeois democracy]] under [[fascist]] influence (1922–1925) Unitary fascist state (1925–1943)|leader_title1=Monarch|leader_name1=Victor Emmanuel III|leader_title2=Duce|leader_name2=[[Benito Mussolini]]|life_span=1861–1946|image_flag2=NFP flag.png|flag_caption=Flags of Italy and the [[National Fascist Party]]|motto=Credere, obbedire, combattere (Motto of the [[National Fascist Party]])|image_map=Kingdom of Italy map.png|religion=Roman Catholicism|legislature=Parliament|established_event2=[[March on Rome]]|established_date2=31 October 1922|established_event3=Second Italo-Abyssinian War|established_date3=1935-1936|established_event4=Conquest of Albania|established_date4=April 7–12, 1939|established_event5=Intervention into the [[Second World War]]|established_date5=10 June 1940|established_event6=Deposition of Mussolini|established_date6=25 July 1943|area_km2=3,798,000|population_estimate=42,993,602|population_estimate_year=1936|currency=Italian Lira}}

The '''Kingdom of Italy''' was a state in southern Europe. From the [[March on Rome]] in 1922 until 1943, it was under the rule of the first [[fascist]] state in history, in a historical period commonly known as '''Fascist Italy'''. While in the years from 1922–1925, the régime still maintained a [[Liberalism|liberal]] façade, after 1925, it soon fully formed into a militantly [[Anti-communism|anti-communist]] dictatorship headed by [[Benito Mussolini]].<ref>{{News citation|newspaper=Swansea University|title=What was the impact of Fascist rule upon Italy from 1922 to 1945?|url=https://www.swansea.ac.uk/history/history-study-guides/what-was-the-impact-of-fascist-rule-upon-italy-from-1922-to-1945/|retrieved=2022-7-19|quote=Mussolini’s appointment as prime minister in October 1922 did not see the immediate institution of dictatorial rule. Characteristic of the means the Fascists had employed to come to power, Blackshirt squad violence helped to reduce the influence of parliamentary opposition without outlawing it altogether. From the start of 1925, a fascist parliamentary majority (elected in April 1924 partly thanks to fascist intimidation) was able to pass a series of laws which dismantled the institutions of liberal democracy. Denoting a decline in squad power, the regular police forces together with the OVRA secret police (created in 1927) were now entrusted with the task of rooting out political opposition and controlling the population, with the assistance of Fascist Party organizations (including the Militia).}}</ref>

Under the [[reactionary]] and despotic government, [[Communist party|socialist and communist organizations]], [[Trade union|trade unions]], and other organs of the [[working class]] saw massive repression and deprivation, with the economy being organized in accordance to the betterment of the [[Bourgeoisie|wealthy]], at the large expense of the workers. The Fascist régime also implemented the first modern privatization programs, as well as the mass cutting of social programs, in history.<ref>{{Citation|author=Germa Bel|year=2011|title=The first privatisation: selling SOEs and privatising public monopolies in Fascist Italy (1922–1925)|title-url=https://academic.oup.com/cje/article-abstract/35/5/937/1695860|quote=Italy's first Fascist government applied a large-scale privatisation policy between 1922 and 1925. The government privatised the State monopoly of match sale, eliminated the State monopoly on life insurances, sold most of the State-owned telephone networks and services to private firms, reprivatised the largest metal machinery producer, and awarded concessions to private firms to build and operate motorways. These interventions represent one of the earliest and most decisive privatisation episodes in the Western world. While ideological considerations may have had a certain influence, privatisation was used mainly as a political tool to build confidence among industrialists and to increase support for the government and the Partito Nazionale Fascista. Privatisation also contributed to balancing the budget, which was the core objective of Fascist economic policy in its first phase.|publisher=Cambridge Journal of Economics|doi=https://doi.org/10.1093/cje/beq051|volume=35|trans-lang=English}}</ref> Fascist Italy occupied [[Ethiopian Empire (1270–1974)|Ethiopia]] in addition to its earlier colonies of [[Somalia]] and [[Eritrea]].<ref>{{Citation|author=Stephen Gowans|year=2018|title=Patriots, Traitors and Empires: The Story of Korea’s Struggle for Freedom|chapter=Imperialism|page=58–59|pdf=https://ipfs.io/ipfs/bafykbzaced4iiga4ngtxusr2civjxewbili5jne2sbpefbx2s3im2kphattzc?filename=Stephen%20Gowans%20-%20Patriots%2C%20Traitors%20and%20Empires_%20The%20Story%20of%20Korea%E2%80%99s%20Struggle%20for%20Freedom-Baraka%20Books%20%282018%29.pdf|city=Montreal|publisher=Baraka Books|isbn=9781771861427|lg=https://libgen.rs/book/index.php?md5=8435F6FF91279531705764823FDC2A7F}}</ref>

Fascist Italy allied itself with another [[Far-right politics|extreme right]] [[capitalist]] régime, the [[German Reich (1933–1945)|German Reich]], and joined into the [[Second World War]] after Italian forces invaded the [[French Republic]], during the final days of the main German invasion of that nation. From 1940 to mid-1943 Fascist Italy was the primary Axis power in both Africa and the Balkans.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Simon Gonsalves|title=The Italian Army in the Second World War: A Historiographical Analysis|title-url=https://scholar.uwindsor.ca/gljuh/vol5/iss1/2|date=10-9-2017}}</ref> While seeing some territorial gains in Southern Europe in the initial part of the war, Fascist Italy would eventually prove itself to be an inadequate military force, particularly in regards to the military events in [[Africa]] and [[Sicily]].

By 1943, after the [[World War II|Allies]] had invaded mainland Italy, the long-time dictator, Benito Mussolini, was removed from power after a soft-coup. However, the Third Reich later returned him to power to lead a puppet state, known as the [[Italian Social Republic]].

[[Fascism]] in Italy ended in 1945, after Mussolini was killed, and his puppet state fell. The Kingdom of Italy itself was replaced by the modern [[Italian Republic|Republic of Italy]] after a referendum was held.<ref>{{News citation|newspaper=historians.org|title=The Rise and Fall of Fascism|url=https://www.historians.org/about-aha-and-membership/aha-history-and-archives/gi-roundtable-series/pamphlets/em-18-what-is-the-future-of-italy-(1945)/the-rise-and-fall-of-fascism|retrieved=2022-7-19|quote=The final collapse of fascism, though set off when Mussolini’s frightened lieutenants threw him overboard, was brought about by allied military victories plus the open rebellion of the people. Among the latter the strikes of industrial workers in Nazi-controlled northern Italy led the way. Nothing of this sort happened in Germany.}}</ref>

== History ==

=== Background ===
After 1821, the French [[bourgeoisie]] had a significant influence on the Italian peninsula, particularly through liberalism and nationalism. A national upsurge, headed by commercial enterprisers, bureaucrats, and privileged intellectuals, unified numerous states on the peninsula, and major European foreign offices facilitated this process. North Italy’s emerging business community would profit immensely from this upsurge. The lower classes, however, generally acted passively throughout this transformation even though they constituted three fourths of the population, but captains and orators were useful in manufacturing consent.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=I|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=4–5}}</ref>

Italy experienced an incomplete [[bourgeois revolution]] following the [[French Revolution]]. The French overthrew the old Italian monarchies and installed liberal republican governments, which came under the rule of the Bonaparte family after [[Napoleon Bonaparte|Napoleon]]'s rise to power. Absolute monarchist rule returned in 1814 but could not restore [[feudalism]]. Italy remained divided and dominated by foreign powers despite attempted revolutions in 1820, 1831, and 1848. The [[aristocracy]] and Catholic Church largely excluded the bourgeoisie from power.<ref name=":0222">{{Citation|author=Neil Faulkner|year=2013|title=A Marxist History of the World: From Neanderthals to Neoliberals|chapter=The Age of Blood and Iron|page=152–154|pdf=https://cloudflare-ipfs.com/ipfs/bafykbzacedljwr5izotdclz23o3c5p4di4t3ero3ncbfytip55slhiz4otuls?filename=Neil%20Faulkner%20-%20A%20Marxist%20History%20of%20the%20World_%20From%20Neanderthals%20to%20Neoliberals-Pluto%20Press%20%282013%29.pdf|publisher=Pluto Press|isbn=9781849648639|lg=https://libgen.rs/book/index.php?md5=91CA6C708BFE15444FE27899217FBA8E}}</ref>

=== Unification ===
The [[Kingdom of Sardinia|Kingdom of Piedmont]] under [[Victor Emanuel]] formed an alliance with [[Second French Empire|France]] and defeated [[Austrian Empire (1804–1867)|Austria]] in northern Italy in 1859. It quickly defeated the Austrian-backed monarchs of minor Italian states, and the new liberal governments of Lombardy, Parma, Modena, Emilia, Romagna, and Tuscany voted to unify with Piedmont. In May 1860, [[Giuseppe Garibaldi]] landed in Sicily and overthrew the [[Kingdom of the Two Sicilies]], unifying it with the rest of Italy. Piedmont took control of Venice with [[Kingdom of Prussia|Prussian]] support in 1866 after defeating Austria in the Austro-Prussian War. Italy annexed the [[State of the Church|Papal States]] in 1870 after [[Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte|Louis-Napoleon]]'s defeat, which removed the Pope's main protector.

The Italian unification helped the country industrialize but did not improve life for the [[Peasantry|peasants]]. Garibaldi's troops killed rebellious peasants to gain support from southern [[Landlord|landlords]], who relied on mercenaries who would later become the mafia to prevent land redistribution.<ref name=":0222" />

As small and large businesses suffered during the 1910s and early 1920s, many wealthy antisocialists supported the Fascists for their counterrevolutionary violence,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Roy Domenico|chapter=2|title=Remaking Italy in the Twentieth Century|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Nj8DV_s8ZaYC|location=Lanham|publisher=Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.|year=2002|page=36–53|ISBN=0-8476-9637-5}}</ref> including the MI5, a British intelligence agency that wanted the Italians to stay in [[WWI]].<ref name=Guardian2009-10-13>{{safesubst:citation|author=Kington Tom|date=13 October 2009|title=Recruited by MI5: the name's Mussolini. Benito Mussolini documents reveal Italian dictator got start in politics in 1917 with help of £100 weekly wage from MI5|title-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160210105414/https://amp.theguardian.com/world/2009/oct/13/benito-mussolini-recruited-mi5-italy|website=www.TheGuardian.com|publisher=[[The Guardian]]|location=London}}</ref>

===Fascism===
In their bid for political power, the Fascists killed over 3,000 other Italians from 1919 to 1922.<ref name=pg330>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc.|year=2017|page=330|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref> After the March on Rome, the aristocracy appointed Mussolini as the head of state on October 28, 1922. Under the excuse of removing ‘government waste’, he removed the federal government from the Kingdom of Italy’s remote areas, thereby depriving peasants and other rural workers of protections from big business’s abuses.<ref>https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1922/11/03/99094169.html</ref> The bourgeois state also passed a law on December 3, 1922, intended to reduce the size and function of the government, reform tax laws, and reduce spending. In January 1923, the bourgeois state eliminated rent-control laws under the excuse that they prevented landlords from building new housing; now landlords were allowed to increase their profit and holdings. After tenants protested this, the bourgeois state eliminated their unions, inflating Rome’s rent, and depriving many families of their homes, some of whom chose to live in caves as substitutes.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Mussolini Forbids Tenants’ Meeting|title-url=https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1923/02/10/issue.html|date=1923-02-10|publisher=New York Times Company}}</ref>

In July 1933, the Kingdom of Italy signed the Four-Power Pact with [[France]], the [[Third Reich]], and the [[United Kingdom]]. It also agreed to a non-aggression pact with the [[Soviet Union]] on September 2, 1933, but entered the [[Anti-Comintern Pact]] regardless on November 1937, and provided military assistance to Iberian anticommunists during the [[Spanish Civil War]]. In 1935, it reinvaded the [[Ethiopian Empire]], disturbing other Western powers, and massacred dozens of thousands of Ethiopians,<ref name=pg355>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc.|year=2017|page=355|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref> 18,000–19,000 of whom were in Addis Ababa alone.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Adeyinka Makinde|title=History: Italy’s 1937 Ethiopian Massacre Finally Comes to Light|title-url=https://wp.me/p2vCQD-nFGH|date=2018-05-25}}</ref> In total, the anticommunists probably massacred over 276,000 people in the Horn of Africa from 1924 to 1940, and 100,000 Libyans from 1923 to 1932.<ref name=pg355/> The Kingdom of Italy signed the Pact of Steel with the Third Reich in May 1939, and invaded Albania during the same year, massacring 160 Albanians.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Owen Pearson|title=Albania and King Zog: Independence, Republic and Monarchy, 1908–1939|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=3_Sh3y9IMZAC|publisher=Bloomsbury Academic|year=2004|page=445|ISBN=9781845110130}}</ref> The Kingdom of Italy cofounded the [[Axis]] with the Third Reich in 1940, and in 1941 the non-aggression pact with the Soviets expired and it participated in [[Operation Barbarossa]], massacring millions of Soviets.

==Politics==
With a few brief exceptions, the lower classes were passive in the Kingdom of Italy’s politics. Even after the electoral reform of 1882, most people were without franchise, and universal suffrage remained unavailable to men until 1912. The base of political power always rested with a minority of upper-class men, regardless of who exactly was heading the state.<ref name=pg7>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=I|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=7–8|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp#page/n22/mode/1up}}</ref> The parliamentary system resisted even the most modest of reforms, and the political system left the lower classes and some privileged intellectuals dissatisfied.<ref name=pg10>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=I|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=10|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp#page/n25/mode/1up}}</ref>

==Economy==
The lower classes lived meagerly at best and desperately poor at worst; an official enquiry indicated that their living conditions could hardly have been worse at any point during the previous two millennia. Many peasants owned no more than two tiny strips of land, if any, and had to get the rest of their income by working for the rural [[bourgeoisie]]. By the early 1910s, two-thirds of the farm land belonged to proprietors. The remaining farm land was divided in small-holdings among nearly five million peasants, and millions of other workers simply had no land at all. The bourgeoisie dominated the North’s fertile regions; most Italian land consisted of mountains, parched tablelands, swampy moors, and other areas unsuitable for agriculture. Consequently, the Kingdom of Italy had relatively little to offer in terms of natural resources.<ref name=pg6>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=I|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=6|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp#page/n21/mode/1up}}</ref> Unclean shelter, excessive taxes, tariffs, poverty, and other detrimental phenomena dominated the lower classes, especially those in the rural regions, and the proprietors did nothing to ameliorate their situation.<ref name=pg7/>

===Fascism===
{{quote|One contributor to a Shinseikai publication put it bluntly, charging that, for all its nationalistic boasting, Italian Fascism had failed to come to terms with finance capitalism—indeed, Fascism was but the “naked figure of capitalism.”|Reto Hofmann|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Reto Hofmann|chapter=3|title=The Fascist Effect: Japan and Italy, 1915–1952|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ|location=Ithaca and London|publisher=Cornell University Press|year=2015|page=79|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA79|ISBN=978-0-8014-5341-0}}</ref>}}

Contrary to whatever the party programme suggested, the dictatorship of the Fascist bourgeoisie soon implemented history’s first modern privatization programme from 1922 to 1925. Phenomena such as tolled motorways, monopolies on match sales and life insurances, Italy’s telephone sector, and Italy’s largest machinery producer, were all transferred to the private sector.<ref name=Bel>{{safesubst:citation|author=Germà Bel|title=The First Privatization: Selling SOEs and Privatizing Public Monopolies in Fascist Italy (1922–1925)|title-url=http://www.ub.edu/graap/bel_Italy_fascist.pdf|location=Barcelona|publisher=Universitat de Barcelona (GiM-IREA) & Barcelona Graduate School of Economics|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20120905202251/http://www.ub.edu/graap/bel_Italy_fascist.pdf|archivedate=2012-09-05|accessdate=2020-01-29}}</ref> It is true that after 1925 the bourgeois state committed more direct intervention in economic affairs, but it intended these regulations strictly for big business:

{{quote|Beyond the frontiers there has been a misunderstanding of the meaning of one of Mussolini’s phrases to the effect that three-quarters of the Italian economic system, both industrial and agricultural, is under State supervision. Almost all the medium-sized and little firms and the great majority of slightly larger firms, with the exception of a few categories, are completely outside the sphere of the State’s healing activity.|Signor Pirelli|<ref name>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=VI|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=131|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp#page/n146/mode/1up}}</ref>}}

The anticommunists did not institute regulations to protect the proletariat, nor to micromanage businesses, but simply to assist the pursuit of capital.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=VI|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=133–4}}</ref> Powerful authorities looked upon the Corporations as useful auxiliaries to the going order:

{{quote|[O]ne must first and foremost exclude the State or any public body such as a syndicate, or more important still a Corporation, from taking upon itself the management of businesses and thus eliminating private enterprise or placing it in a thoroughly subordinate position. This would be in contradiction to the Charter of Labor.|Gino Arias|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=VI|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=132–3}}</ref>}}

The anticommunists replaced the syndicates and unions with pseudodemocratic organizations that could neither support strikes, nor negotiate wages, nor negotiate working conditions, and normally sided in favor of the capitalists<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=IV|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|edition=|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=76–79, 93–94}}</ref> (rendering them ‘unions’ in name only).<ref name=Quigley>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carrol Quigley|chapter=IX|title=Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time|title-url=https://ia903105.us.archive.org/30/items/CarrollQuigleyTragedyAndHope_201805/Carroll%20Quigley%20-%20Tragedy%20and%20Hope%20-%201974.pdf|location=Los Angeles|publisher=Angriff Press|year=1974|page=450–452|isbn=-0913022-14-4|oclc=}}</ref> Consequently, real wages stagnated.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Labor Conditions in Fascist Italy|title-url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/41817276|journal=Monthly Labor Review|year=1943|month=November|volume=57|number=5|page=911–931}}</ref>

===Liberal Phase===
In the liberal phase, the first privatizations were carried out, taxes were lowered, administrative reforms were carried out and the rent laws were changed considerably, which also abolished rent controls. In the beginning, the main aim was to please the wealthy classes. The finance minister was the liberal politician [[Alberto De Stefani]], who lowered market regulations and privatized state corporations during this brief, economically liberal phase. During this period there has been significant economic growth and unemployment has been reduced by 77 percent.<ref name=Powell>{{safesubst:citation|author=Jim Powell|title=The Economic Leadership Secrets of Benito Mussolin|title-url=https://www.forbes.com/sites/jimpowell/2012/02/22/the-economic-leadership-secrets-of-benito-mussolini/?sh=82cc3ae68e6c|date=2012-02-22|accessdate=2021-11-96}}</ref> It was not until the beginning of the Great Depression that the fascist regime abolished the laissez-faire regulations and sought the first initiatives for more self-sufficiency and protectionism. During the Great Depression, the fascist government followed a Keynesian fiscal policy.<ref name="Williams and Norgate">{{citation|title=Universal Aspects of Fascism|year=1928|author=James Strachey Barnes|publisher=De Gruyter Mouton|page=113-144}}</ref>

{{quote|To-day we can affirm that the capitalistic method of production is out of date. So is the doctrine of laissez-faire, the theoretical basis of capitalism… To-day we are taking a new and decisive step in the path of revolution. A revolution, in order to be great, must be a social revolution.|Benito Mussolini|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=James Strachey Barnest|chapter= |title=Universal Aspects of Fascism|title-url= |location=London|publisher=Williams and Norgate|year=1928|isbn= |page=113-114}}</ref>}}

{{quote|Fascism entirely agrees with Mr. Maynard Keynes, despite the latter's prominent position as a Liberal. In fact, Mr. Keynes' excellent little book, The End of Laissez-Faire (1926) might, so far as it goes, serve as a useful introduction to fascist economics. There is scarcely anything to object to in it and there is much to applaud.|Benito Mussolini|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Gaetano Salvemini|chapter= |title=Under the Axe of Fascism|title-url= |location=London|publisher=Victor Gollancz Ltd.|year=1936|isbn= |page=131}}</ref>}}

===Corporatist Phase===
The corporatist phase was mainly accompanied by labor reforms. The best-known example is the Carta del Lavoro (Labor Charter) which was introduced in 1927. The Charter hereby officially declares that it considers private initiatives to be economically effective, thereby preserving the right to private property..<ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20110722063713/http://www.historia.unimi.it/sezione/fonti/codificazione/cartalavoro.pdf Labour Charter in italian]</ref> Although the charter promises to only take state interventions "where private initiative is lacking or is insufficient", the state nevertheless began to play a more statist role economically from the Great Depression through the Institute for Industrial Reconstruction (IRI).
The IRI was initially intended to rescue companies during the Depression, but the measures ensured that, for example, the Bank of Italy was transformed from a private to a public central bank through the banking law<ref>[https://www.bancaditalia.it/chi-siamo/storia/istituzione/index.html Dall'istituzione della Banca d'Italia alla legge bancaria del 1936]</ref> and also in other economic areas the state became a shareholder of large companies. In this way, the IRI - and with it the Italian state - became the owner of around 20% of the national share capital and large entrepreneurs (e.g. with Italsider in the steel and shipbuilding sector, and with Alfa Romeo in the automotive sectors) in the Italian banking sector.<ref name="Editori Laterza">{{citation|title=Storia dell'Iri|year=2012|author=Velerio Castronovo|publisher=Editori Laterza|page=27}}</ref> In this way the fascist state, willingly or not, became the owner of a large part of the economy. This phase was also characterized by Mussolini himself as state capitalism.

{{quote|Three-fourths of the Italian economy, industrial and agricultural, is in the hands of the state. And if I dare to introduce to Italy state capitalism or state socialism, which is the reverse side of the medal, I will have the necessary subjective and objective conditions to do it.|Benito Mussolini|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Gianni Toniolo|chapter= |title=The Oxford Handbook of the Italian Economy Since Unification|title-url= |location=London|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=2013|isbn= |page=59}}</ref>}}

The corporate phase represents less of a holistic economic order, but more of a regulation of the mode of production. With the syndical laws, the Italian state initially created 12 corporations, which in turn were divided into employer and employee unions. The aim was to create cooperation between the classes, whereby large companies have repeatedly hindered this cooperation between the classes, whereby only a few successes could be achieved with the corporate system (see also: social policy).

===Socialization Laws===
Shortly after his dismissal by the Fascist Grand Council, Mussolini was arrested and later freed by German troops. Later, parts of the Wehrmacht, SS and fascist militias (later called the Black Brigades) constructed the Italian Social Republic.<ref name="Falanga, 2008, p. 229">{{citation|title=Mussolinis Vorposten in Hitlers Reich. Italiens Politik in Berlin 1933–1945|year=2008|author=Gianluca Falanga|publisher=Links Christoph Verlag|page=229}}</ref> The social republic again represented a phase in which the original radicalism of fascism was ''reawakened''. This was followed by the Verona Congress in Italy, in which, among other things, the ''socialization of the economy'' was established. The Socialization law<ref>[Decreto Legislativo del Duce 12 febbraio 1944, n. 375]</ref> included the expropriation of large enterprises which employ equity of more than one million lire or over a hundred workers. All state-owned corporations were also included in the socialization process. The law also regulated the secret election of employee representatives, who were elected by the employees, manufacturers, technicians and administrative employees. Only employees who are over 25 years old and have been employed in the company for five years would have been eligible to vote.
In the draft constitution for the Italian Social Republic<ref>[https://it.wikisource.org/wiki/Italia,_Repubblica_Sociale_-_Progetto_di_Costituzione Progetto di Costituzione]</ref>, a parliament was also planned, the members of which would represent the respective syndicates (e.g. the syndicate of steel workers, craftsmen, artisans, farmers, etc.) and these syndicates would fill parliament instead of parties. Social groups such as mothers, veterans, the youth (through the youth organization of the fascist republican party) or people hindered by the war would have been allowed to vote for their respective representative groups in parliament. Mussolini hoped to regain the confidence of the working classes with these laws. The socialization laws were partially implemented. The actual expropriation also took place, e.g. B. the expropriation of FIAT.<ref>[https://digilander.libero.it/rsi_analisi/9.htm Socializzazione della “Fiat” Società per azioni con sede in Torino</ref> However, due to the war, socialization in the Social Republic was not implemented too intensely and after the war the efforts to socialize the economy were no longer taken into account by the new Italian republic.

===Social policies===
During the Fascist era there were some curtailments of social laws, as well as the abolition of a luxury tax. Nevertheless, some social policy laws were able to prevail in Fascist Italy, such as the occupational health protection for women and children,<ref>[Regio Decreto no. 653 04/26/1923]</ref> medical health insurance for people with low incomes,<ref>[Regio Decreto no. 2841 30/12/1923]</ref> the introduction of a public unemployment insurance,<ref>[Regio Decreto no. 3158 30/12/1923]</ref> the introduction of old-age and disability insurance,<ref>[Regio Decreto no. 3184 12/30/1923]</ref> compulsory employment insurance,<ref>[Regio Decreto no. 928 13/05/1929]</ref> a compulsory tuberculosis insurance,<ref>[Regio Decreto no. 2055 27/10/1927]</ref> the reduction of working hours to 40 hours a week (but including Wage cuts),<ref>[Regio Decreto no. 1768 05/29/1937]</ref> as well as the introduction of credit unions, whose borrowing was intended for farmers and artisans.<ref>[Regio Decreto no. 1706 08/26/1937]</ref>

===Consumerism===
The Fascists understood the power of advertising and actually established laboratories in Milan and Turin to study the responses of people subjected to publicity images.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Karen Pinkus|chapter=1|title=Bodily Regimes: Italian Advertising under Fascism|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=5FCIHjGLiYUC|location=Minnesota|publisher=University of Minnesota Press|year=1995|page=10|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=5FCIHjGLiYUC&pg=PA10|ISBN=0-8166-2562-X}}</ref> The Duce himself often assisted businesses by officially endorsing their products, though he preferred to portray himself as a producer rather than a consumer. At one point he exclaimed ‘I say, and I authorize you to repeat it: your chocolate is really exquisite!’ when visiting the Perugina chocolate plant in 1923, which lead capitalists to circulate his exclamation as an endorsement of a particular brand name, but eventually Fascist officers forced Perugina to withdraw the slogan; it was directly conflicting with the mechanisms of Fascism’s market-driven competition.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Karen Pinkus|chapter=1|title=Bodily Regimes: Italian Advertising under Fascism|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=5FCIHjGLiYUC|location=Minnesota|publisher=University of Minnesota Press|year=1995|page=17|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=5FCIHjGLiYUC&pg=PA17|ISBN=0-8166-2562-X}}</ref>

The revaluation of the lira, the higher import taxes on raw materials like sugar, and other economic factors, strained the confectionery industry during the 1930s. To overcome this, Perugina-Buitoni launched a campaign to promote consumer interest in their chocolates: including cheap figurines based on the various characters from the Four Musketeers radio programme. The campaign proved massively successful, to the point where the chocolates themselves were only secondary for collectors, and generated what was effectively another stock market: people often traded the figurines through newspapers, counterfeited them, stole them, trafficked them, and held contests involving them. Eventually, the Ministry of Finance severely restricted these contests in 1938, officially with the justification that they harmed the contestants and detracted from the value of labor itself, but the actual motive may have been to concentrate Fascist capital into the bourgeois state rather than between consumers.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Karen Pinkus|chapter=1|title=Bodily Regimes: Italian Advertising under Fascism|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=5FCIHjGLiYUC|location=Minnesota|publisher=University of Minnesota Press|year=1995|page=18–19|ISBN=0-8166-2562-X}}</ref>

==Infrastructure==
The railway system was in poor shape during World War I, but shortly after 1918 the proletariat steadily restored it in working order,<ref name=Mikkelson>{{safesubst:citation|author=David Mikkelson|title=Mussolini and On Time Trains|title-url=https://www.snopes.com/?p=24755|date=2007-09-29|accessdate=2020-03-11}}</ref> perhaps in part because nobody managed to successfully privatize the railsways.<ref name=Bel/> Nonetheless, the much hyped adherence to timetables was probably quite average in reality.<ref name=Mikkelson/>

===Healthcare===
Illnesses such as malaria, tuberculosis, and pellagra were common among the lower classes.<ref name=pg7/> Nonetheless, death and morbidity rates were on the decline, even after the triumph of Fascism.<ref name=pg89>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=IV|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=89|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp#page/n104/mode/1up}}</ref>

In March 1933, the Fascist authorities selected the town of Gruaro to experiment with a newly developed diphtheria vaccine,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title-url=http://www.laruotagruaro.it/download/ar_gruaro_pagg-234-235-236.pdf|title=Gruaro - Venti secoli di storia|page=234–236}}</ref> and 253 children aged between thirteen months and eight years were recruited in this prophylactic operation despite the village doctor’s opposition. Immediately after the vaccine’s administration, however, the patients began to experience symptoms of varying severity; they were promptly admitted to the hospital of Portogruaro and the pediatric hospital run by Prof. Gino Frontali in Padua where, despite the implementation of emergency measures, twenty-eight of the children died. Later it was discovered that a container of serum, prepared in a laboratory of the National Serum Therapy Institute of Naples, had been improperly boiled, thus exposing the patients to the still active and unattenuated bacterium. The Fascists let the incident go unpublished and no judicial inquiry was opened into it.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title-url=https://www.ilgazzettino.it/nordest/venezia/bambini_cavie_vaccino_sperimentale_gruaro_venezia_1933_fascismo-224003.html|title=Bimbi usati come cavie: sparito il fascicolo sulla strage di Gruaro|date=2013-12-03}}</ref><ref>{{safesubst:citation|title-url=http://www.veneziatoday.it/cronaca/strage-gruaro-2933-bambini-morti-vaccino.html|title="Noi, bambini scelti come cavie". La verità sulla strage di Gruaro del '33}}</ref><ref>{{safesubst:citation|title-url=https://www.ilgazzettino.it/nordest/venezia/dottor_sergio_borellini_strage_gruaro_vaccini_anti_difterite_medico_salv_ograve_bimbi_1933_portogruaro_venezia-413307.html|title=Quel dottore che salvò migliaia di bimbi rifiutandosi di vaccinarli|date=2014-05-13}}</ref>

===Education===
Illiteracy was common among the lower classes, and shrunk at a slow rate.<ref name=pg7/> Worker’s unions increased literacy,<ref name=pg16>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=I|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=16|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp#page/n31/mode/1up}}</ref> which the anticommunists later appropriated. The Fascist bourgeoisie spent more money on urban schools, but literacy increased only steadily, and schooling in rural communities remained very inadequate.<ref name=pg89/>

==Culture==
The Italian Fascists frequently referred to the Roman Empire as a source of inspiration, and sought to create a new sort of Roman Empire for the future. Nonetheless, they also referred to medieval elements as well. The National Fascist Party’s official anthem ''Giovinezza'', for example, referred to Dante Alighieri’s ‘vision’, specifically his marking of Italian borders on the Quarnaro River, thus including the province of Istria, a territory given to the Kingdom of Italy after World War I. Entertainment also served an important rôle for Fascism: the Fascist state supported some free concerts, sporting events and public works projects (designed to evoke civic pride) to appease the masses.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Michael Parenti|chapter=one|title=Blackshirts & Reds: Rational Fascism & the Overthrow of Communism|title-url=https://cartiparenti.files.wordpress.com/2016/08/blackshirts-and-reds-by-michael-parenti.pdf|location=San Francisco|publisher=City Light Books|year=1997|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20190828235152/https://cartiparenti.files.wordpress.com/2016/08/blackshirts-and-reds-by-michael-parenti.pdf|archivedate=2019-08-28|page=7|ISBN=0-87288-330-1}}</ref> It also promoted cinema, probably to compensate for the prevalence of illiteracy.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Alex Schmidt|coauthors=Ruth Ben-Ghiat & Adam Tod Brown|title=What Fascist Italy Reveals About Modern America|title-url=https://www.cracked.com/podcast/what-fascist-italy-reveals-about-modern-america|date=2019-04-22|accessdate=2020-04-24}}</ref> A particular medieval work that saw renewed interest, especially for the reinvasion of Ethiopia, was Petrarch’s Neo-Latin epic of the Second Punic War, ''Africa'', which inspired the famous fascist film ''Scipione l’Africano''.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Samuel Asad Abijuwa Agbamu|title=The Reception of Petrarch’s Africa in Fascist Italy|journal=International Journal of the Classical Tradition|date=05/February/2021|DOI=10.1007/s12138-020-00584-x}}</ref>

===Language===
With reunification in the 1860s the bourgeois state proceeded to standarize the Italian language and impose it where it had previously been rare. For example, the predominant languages in Aosta Valley had long been French and to a less extent Arpitan, but in the 1880s the state introduced Italian in tribunal and other official documents and Italian grew in further influence with the introduction of railways and industrialisation in general, slowly turning Italian into the common language among Aosta’s lower classes. However, the Fascist state of the 1920s began an aggressive campaign to eliminate all ‘foreign’ languages and dialects in national territory despite the objections of thousands. In 1923 the bourgeois state declared the suppression of certain schools and prohibited education of students in any language other than Italian. The state forcibly converted dozens of French toponyms into Italian ones.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Histoire linguistique du Val d'Aoste, territoire francophone|title-url=http://sociolangue.canalblog.com/archives/2012/03/30/23889717.html|date=2012-03-30}}</ref> Even languages closely related to Italian (often called ‘dialects’), such as Emilian, Friulan,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=James Minahan|title=One Europe, Many Nations: A Historical Dictionary of European National Groups|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NwvoM-ZFoAgC|location=Westport, Connecticut|publisher=Greenwood Press|year=2000|page=270|ISBN=0-313-30984-1}}</ref> Ladin<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=James Minahan|title=One Europe, Many Nations: A Historical Dictionary of European National Groups|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NwvoM-ZFoAgC|location=Westport, Connecticut|publisher=Greenwood Press|year=2000|page=394|ISBN=0-313-30984-1}}</ref>, Lombard, Ligurian, Neapolian<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Pasquale Verdicchio|title=Bound by Distance: Rethinking Nationalism Through the Italian Diaspora|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=C5cyVqhHFLUC|location=Cranbury, New Jersey|publisher=Fairleigh Dickinson University Press|year=1997|page=57|ISBN=0-8386-3683-7}}</ref> , Piedmontese, Romagnolo, Sardinian, Sicilian, Venetian<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=James B. Minahan|title=Encyclopedia of Stateless Nations: Ethnic and National Groups around the World|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=pGClDAAAQBAJ|location=Santa Barbara, California|publisher=Greenwood|year=2016|page=448|ISBN=978-1-61069-953-2}}</ref> and elsewhat, were all suppressed. The one notable exception to this homogenization was the promotion of Latin, which witnessed a new age of poetry, literature, journalism, inscriptions, prose competitions, and vocabulary, frequently with Fascist themes, as a result both of state and extrastate actors.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Lamers|first1=Han|last2=Reitz-Joosse|first2=Bettina|title=Lingua Lictoria: The Latin Literature of Italian Fascism|journal=Classical Receptions Journal|publisher=Oxford University Press|volume=8|issue=2|year=2015|page=216–252|DOI=10.1093/crj/clv001}}</ref>

Sardinian culture had only continued to decline in the 1860s and later,<ref>"In 1861 Victor Emmanuel II was proclaimed king of Italy, and the island became part of the unified Italian state. Sardinia's distinct language and culture as well as its geographic isolation from the Italian mainland, made it something of a forgotten province, however." {{citation|title-url=https://www.britannica.com/place/Sardinia-island-Italy/Aragonese-domination#ref333582|title=Sardinia, History, People and Points of Interest. Sardinia in a united Italy|publisher=Britannica}}</ref> but the process of forced Italianization had only intensified during Fascism;<ref>"Il ventennio fascista – come ha affermato Manlio Brigaglia ‒ segnò il definitivo ingresso della Sardegna nel “sistema" nazionale. L’isola fu colonialisticamente integrata nella cultura nazionale: modi di vita, costumi, visioni generali, parole d’ordine politiche furono imposte sia attraverso la scuola, dalla quale partì un’azione repressiva nei confronti dell’uso della lingua sarda, sia attraverso le organizzazione del partito..." Garroni, M. (2010). [https://art.torvergata.it/retrieve/handle/2108/1380/6630/capitolo%201.pdf ''La Sardegna durante il ventennio fascista''], art.torvergata.it</ref> the bourgeois state repressed local cultural expressions, including Sardinian mask festivals<ref>Deidda, Giancarlo (1990). ''Folk festivals in Sardinia'', Janus, p. 7</ref> and improvised poetry competitions,<ref>L. Marroccu, ''Il ventennio fascista''</ref><ref>M. Farinelli, ''The Invisible Motherland? The Catalan-Speaking Minority in Sardinia and Catalan Nationalism'', p. 15</ref><ref>{{citation|title-url=http://www.manifestosardo.org/quando-a-scuola-si-insegnava-la-lingua-sarda/|title=Quando a scuola si insegnava la lingua sarda|work=Il Manifesto Sardo}}</ref><ref name="Remundu">[http://www.sardegnacultura.it/j/v/253?s=23661&v=2&c=2767&c1=2797&t=1 ''Remundu Piras'', Sardegna Cultura]</ref><ref>Massimo Pittau, ''Grammatica del sardo illustre'', Nuoro, [http://www.pittau.it/Sardo/sardoillustre.html Premessa]</ref><ref>Salvi, Sergio (1974). ''Le lingue tagliate'', Rizzoli, p. 191</ref> and a large number of Sardinian surnames were forcibly ‘Italianized’. After an argument between the Sardinian poet Antioco Casula and the fascist journalist Gino Anchisi, who claimed that ‘once the region is moribund or dead, so will the dialect [''sic'']’, the Fascists managed to prohibit Sardinian from the printing press as well.<ref>{{citation|title-url=https://dialnet.unirioja.es/descarga/articulo/3400254.pdf|title=Casula, Francesco. ''Sa chistione de sa limba in Montanaru e oe''}}</ref><ref>{{citation|title-url=http://www.regione.sardegna.it/messaggero/1982_dicembre_21.pdf|title=Masala, Francesco. ''Est torradu Montanaru'', Messaggero, 1982}}</ref> Antioco Casula tied the significance of Sardinian to the practices of cultural resistance of an indigenous ethnic group,<ref>{{citation|title-url=https://www.manifestosardo.org/montanaru-e-la-lingua-sarda/|title=Montanaru e la lingua sarda|year=2019|website=Il Manifesto Sardo}}</ref><ref group=note>Casula's reply to Anchisi, arguing in favour of Sardinian as the only means through which the island’s cultural reawakening could be pursued, was never published in the newspaper ''L'Unione Sarda'', whose editorial staff properly censored it in accordance with the ruling class’s directives. The newspaper then justified itself in the following way, in a personal letter addressed to Casula on 12 September: ‘Your article could not be published because part of it clearly exalts the region too much. This is absolutely forbidden by the current provisions of the Head of Government’s press office, which specifically state: ‘In no way and for no reason does the region exist.’ We are very sorry. However, we would ask you to redo the article by simply talking about your poetry in dialect [''sic''] without touching on this dangerous subject!’ {{citation|title-url=https://dialnet.unirioja.es/descarga/articulo/3400254.pdf|author=Francesco Casula|title=Sa chistione de sa limba in Montanaru e oe|page=66}}</ref> whose linguistic repertoire had to be introduced in school to regain a lost dignity.<ref>«Il diffondere l’uso della lingua sarda in tutte le scuole di ogni ordine e grado non è per gli educatori sardi soltanto una necessità psicologica alla quale nessuno può sottrarsi, ma è il solo modo di essere Sardi, di essere cioè quello che veramente siamo per conservare e difendere la personalità del nostro popolo. E se tutti fossimo in questa disposizione di idee e di propositi ci faremmo rispettare più di quanto non-ci rispettino.» {{citation|author=Antioco Casula|title=Poesie scelte|publisher=Edizioni 3T|place=Cagliari|year=1982|page=35}}</ref>

Another famed poet from Sardinia, Salvatore (''Bore'') Poddighe, fell into a severe depression and took his own life a few years after Cagliari’s police commissioner seized his masterwork (''Sa Mundana Cummedia''). When the bourgeois state officially prohibited the use of Sardinian in schools as part of its 1934 national educational plan against the alloglot ‘dialects’, the then Sardinian-speaking children were confronted with another means of communication that was supposed to be their own from then onwards too.<ref>Bolognesi, Roberto. ''The Phonology of Campidanian Sardinian: A Unitary Account of a Self-organizing Structure'', 1998, 6</ref> Overall, this period in Sardinian history was the most aggressive cultural assimilation effort by the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie,<ref name="gruyter">De Gruyter Mouton, ed. by Lubello, Sergio (2016). ''Manuale di linguistica italiana'', Manuals of Romance Linguistics 13, Lingue di minoranza, comunità alloglotte (Paul Videsott), Le singole lingue di minoranza e comunità alloglotte, 3.11: Sardo</ref><ref name="Lubello">Lubello, Sergio (2016). ''Manuale Di Linguistica Italiana'', De Gruyter, Manuals of Romance linguistics, p. 499</ref> which led to an even further sociolinguistic degradation of Sardinian.<ref name="degruyter.com">{{citation|title=Manuale di linguistica sarda|year=2017|author=Eduardo Blasco Ferrer, Peter Koch, Daniela Marzo|publisher=De Gruyter Mouton|page=36}}</ref> A minor exception to the repression was the Sardinian Anthem of the once Piedmontese Kingdom: being a royal tradition granted it immunity to prohibition.

After Austro-Hungary’s dissolution in the late 1910s, the Kingdom of Italy also annexed Austrian Littoral and proceeded to shut down hundreds of Slavic organizations, including cultural, educational, sporting, youth, social, professional, literary, political, journalist, co-operative, and financial ones, and specifically so with the Law on Associations in 1925, the Law on Public Demonstrations in 1926, and the Law on Public Order in the same year.<ref name="Cresciani_ClashOfCivilisations">{{safesubst:citation|author=Gianfranco Cresciani|title=Clash of civilisations|title-url=|journal=Italian Historical Society Journal|year=2004|volume=12|number=2|page=4}}</ref> Since April 13, 1920, the Fascists instigated riots against Triestine Slovenes, said to be retaliations for the assault that a Croatian population perpetrated against Italian troops occupying its territory in Split. Fascists destroyed numerous Slovene-owned shops and other buildings, culminating in one particular arson, directed by Francesco Giunta, against the ''Narodni dom'' or community hall for Triestine Slovenes.<ref name="Primorski90let2010">{{citation|title=90 let od požiga Narodnega doma v Trstu: Požig Narodnega doma ali šentjernejska noč tržaških Slovencev in Slovanov |trans-title=90 Years From the Arson of the National Hall in Trieste: Arson of the National Hall or the St. Bartholomew's Night of the Triestine Slovenes and Slavs|title-url=http://www.primorski.eu/dossiers/dossier/10/31/130144|newspaper=Primorski dnevnik |trans-newspaper=The Littoral Daily |language=Slovenian|year=2010 |page=14–15|access-date=28 February 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20181010095839/http://www.primorski.eu/dossiers/dossier/10/31/130144|archive-date=10 October 2018}}</ref> Benito Mussolini praised this action as a ‘masterpiece of the Triestine fascism’,<ref name="Sestani2012-02">{{citation |title-url=https://docs.google.com/open?id=1kDBSJkZ2klBX9k8mY80C9HZZ-kO5iydHY7_t9DiV5xdZWSNt_CPas-GkxGX8 |title=Gli esuli istriani, dalmati e fiumani a Lucca |language=Italian|trans-title=The Istrian, Dalmatian and Rijeka Refugees in Lucca |publisher=Instituto storico della Resistenca e dell'Età Contemporanea in Provincia di Lucca |chapter=Il confine orientale: una terra, molti esodi |trans-chapter=The Eastern Border: One Land, Multiple Exoduses |date=10 February 2012 |editor=Sestani, Armando |page=12–13}}</ref> and in September 1920 he said:

{{quote|When dealing with such a race as Slavic — inferior and barbaric — we must not pursue the carrot, but the stick policy. We should not be afraid of new victims. The Italian border should run across the Brenner Pass, Monte Nevoso and the Dinaric Alps. I would say we can easily sacrifice 500,000 barbaric Slavs for 50,000 Italians.|Benito Mussolini|<ref>{{citation|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=HyVMfMQoSCYC |title=Aut aut |year=2011 |isbn=9788865761069 |author=Marta Verginella |chapter=Antislavismo, razzismo di frontiera?|page=40–1|language=Italian}}</ref>}}
[[File:Fascist Italianization.jpg|right|thumb|A leaflet from the Fascist era prohibiting singing or speaking in the ‘Slavic language’ in the streets and public places of Dignano (now Vodnjan, Croatia). Signed by the ''[[Squadrismo|Squadristi]]'', and threatening the use of ‘persuasive methods’ in enforcement.]]
This reflected a common Fascist opinion against the Croatian and Slovene minorities in the Julian March.<ref name="Sestani2012-02"/> After March 1923, the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie officially prohibited these languages in administration, and after October 1925 in law courts as well. In 1923, in the context of the school reform prepared by the anticommunist [[Giovanni Gentile]], teaching in languages other than Italian was disallowed, although the Istro-Rumanian language in Šušnjevica was a minor exception.<ref name="PUŞCARIU">PUŞCARIU, Sextil. Studii istroromâne. Vol. II, București: 1926</ref> Some five hundred Slovene teachers, nearly half of all the Slovene teachers in the Littoral region, were moved by the Fascists to the interior of Italy, while Italian teachers were sent to teach Slovene children Italian.<ref name=":0">{{citation|title-url=https://www.dlib.si/details/URN:NBN:SI:DOC-JQ6XF18D|title=dLib.si – Izseljevanje iz Primorske med obema vojnama|website=www.dlib.si|access-date=2020-04-08}}</ref>

===Demography===
Initially most Italian Fascists tolerated Jews, gladly allowing antisocialist ones in their ranks, and oversaw the growth of a Zionist variety of fascism called Revisionist Maximalism. Until 1936, most Fascists were committed to [[Zionism]] and inspired some influential Zionists such as Vladimir Jabotinsky.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Baroud|first1=Ramzy|last2=Rubeo|first2=Romana|title=The Mussolini-Jabotinsky Connection: The Hidden Roots of Israel Fascist Past|title-url=https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/?p=382910|date=2020-01-27}}</ref> One of the quarrels that Mussolini initially had with the German Fascists was that they were too anti-Semitic. However, the overwhelming popularity and dominance of the German Reich in the late 1930s eventually compelled the Kingdom of Italy to officially adopt anti-Semitism in 1938.<ref name=Bauerkämper>{{safesubst:citation|author=Arnd Bauerkämper|title=Transnational Fascism: Cross-Border Relations between Regimes and Movements in Europe, 1922–1939*|journal=East Central Europe|volume=37|location=Leiden|publisher=Koninklijke Brill|year=2010|page=214–246|DOI=10.1163/187633010X534469}}</ref> Some otherwise staunch Fascists, such as Giorgio Perlasca,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Frank Mazzaglia|title=Commentary: Giorgio Perlasca: 'A Truly Magnificent Impostor'|title-url=https://www.metrowestdailynews.com/opinion/20191217/commentary-giorgio-perlasca-a-truly-magnificent-impostor|date=2019-12-17}}</ref> subsequently renounced their loyalty to the Duce because of this.

===Cuisine===
With the encouragement of a radical art group called the Futurists, the Fascist state prohibited pasta under the official excuse that it made men ‘weak’,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Kantha Shelke|title=Pasta and Noodles: A Global History|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=G5qRDQAAQBAJ|location=London|publisher=Reaktion Books Ltd|year=2016|page=23|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=G5qRDQAAQBAJ&pg=PT23|ISBN=9781780236971}}</ref> but the unofficial explanation is that the state did it to reduce imports for purposes of [[autarky]]. The Po Valley was an abundant supply of rice — in fact, Europe's largest rice-producing region, and Mussolini sought to use this as a base for Italy's food self-sufficiency. He declared in 1927 for November 1 to be "national rice day".<ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20160229020645/https://www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/art/3579746/A-plateful-of-revolution.html A plateful of revolution]</ref><ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20200129144535/http://content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,731118,00.html Foreign News: National Rice Day]</ref>

==See also==

*[[German Reich (1933–1945)|German Reich (1933–945)]]
*[[Spanish State (1939–1975)]]
*[[Empire of Japan (1868–1947)|Empire of Japan (1931–1947)]]

==Notes==
{{reflist|group=note}}

==References==
[[Category:Fascist countries]]
[[Category:Imperialist countries]]

<references />

Kingdom of Italy (1861–1946)

2023-06-11T12:37:58Z

Anarcho-Bolshevik: One additional citation.

{{Infobox country|name=Kingdom of Italy|native_name=Regno d'Italia|image_flag=Kingdom of Italy flag.png|image_coat=Fascist Italy coast of arms.png|capital=[[Rome]]|mode_of_production=[[Capitalism]] (decaying)|government_type=Unitary parliamentary monarchy (1861–1922) Unitary [[bourgeois democracy]] under [[fascist]] influence (1922–1925) Unitary fascist state (1925–1943)|leader_title1=Monarch|leader_name1=Victor Emmanuel III|leader_title2=Duce|leader_name2=[[Benito Mussolini]]|life_span=1861–1943|image_flag2=NFP flag.png|flag_caption=Flags of Italy and the [[National Fascist Party]]|motto=Credere, obbedire, combattere (Motto of the [[National Fascist Party]])|image_map=Kingdom of Italy map.png|religion=Roman Catholicism|legislature=Parliament|established_event2=[[March on Rome]]|established_date2=31 October 1922|established_event3=Second Italo-Abyssinian War|established_date3=1935-1936|established_event4=Conquest of Albania|established_date4=April 7–12, 1939|established_event5=Intervention into the [[Second World War]]|established_date5=10 June 1940|established_event6=Deposition of Mussolini|established_date6=25 July 1943|area_km2=3,798,000|population_estimate=42,993,602|population_estimate_year=1936|currency=Italian Lira}}

The '''Kingdom of Italy''' was a state in southern Europe. From the [[March on Rome]] in 1922 until 1943, it was under the rule of the first [[fascist]] state in history, in a historical period commonly known as '''Fascist Italy'''. While in the years from 1922–1925, the regime still maintained a [[Liberalism|liberal]] façade, after 1925, it soon fully formed into a militantly [[Anti-communism|anti-communist]] dictatorship headed by [[Benito Mussolini]].<ref>{{News citation|newspaper=Swansea University|title=What was the impact of Fascist rule upon Italy from 1922 to 1945?|url=https://www.swansea.ac.uk/history/history-study-guides/what-was-the-impact-of-fascist-rule-upon-italy-from-1922-to-1945/|retrieved=2022-7-19|quote=Mussolini’s appointment as prime minister in October 1922 did not see the immediate institution of dictatorial rule. Characteristic of the means the Fascists had employed to come to power, Blackshirt squad violence helped to reduce the influence of parliamentary opposition without outlawing it altogether. From the start of 1925, a fascist parliamentary majority (elected in April 1924 partly thanks to fascist intimidation) was able to pass a series of laws which dismantled the institutions of liberal democracy. Denoting a decline in squad power, the regular police forces together with the OVRA secret police (created in 1927) were now entrusted with the task of rooting out political opposition and controlling the population, with the assistance of Fascist Party organizations (including the Militia).}}</ref>

Under the [[reactionary]] and despotic government, [[Communist party|socialist and communist organizations]], [[Trade union|trade unions]], and other organs of the [[working class]] saw massive repression and deprivation, with the economy being organized in accordance to the betterment of the [[Bourgeoisie|wealthy]], at the large expense of the workers. The fascist regime also implemented the first modern privatization programs, as well as the mass cutting of social programs, in history.<ref>{{Citation|author=Germa Bel|year=2011|title=The first privatisation: selling SOEs and privatising public monopolies in Fascist Italy (1922–1925)|title-url=https://academic.oup.com/cje/article-abstract/35/5/937/1695860|quote=Italy's first Fascist government applied a large-scale privatisation policy between 1922 and 1925. The government privatised the State monopoly of match sale, eliminated the State monopoly on life insurances, sold most of the State-owned telephone networks and services to private firms, reprivatised the largest metal machinery producer, and awarded concessions to private firms to build and operate motorways. These interventions represent one of the earliest and most decisive privatisation episodes in the Western world. While ideological considerations may have had a certain influence, privatisation was used mainly as a political tool to build confidence among industrialists and to increase support for the government and the Partito Nazionale Fascista. Privatisation also contributed to balancing the budget, which was the core objective of Fascist economic policy in its first phase.|publisher=Cambridge Journal of Economics|doi=https://doi.org/10.1093/cje/beq051|volume=35|trans-lang=English}}</ref> Fascist Italy occupied [[Ethiopian Empire (1270–1974)|Ethiopia]] in addition to its earlier colonies of [[Somalia]] and [[Eritrea]].<ref>{{Citation|author=Stephen Gowans|year=2018|title=Patriots, Traitors and Empires: The Story of Korea’s Struggle for Freedom|chapter=Imperialism|page=58–59|pdf=https://ipfs.io/ipfs/bafykbzaced4iiga4ngtxusr2civjxewbili5jne2sbpefbx2s3im2kphattzc?filename=Stephen%20Gowans%20-%20Patriots%2C%20Traitors%20and%20Empires_%20The%20Story%20of%20Korea%E2%80%99s%20Struggle%20for%20Freedom-Baraka%20Books%20%282018%29.pdf|city=Montreal|publisher=Baraka Books|isbn=9781771861427|lg=https://libgen.rs/book/index.php?md5=8435F6FF91279531705764823FDC2A7F}}</ref>

Fascist Italy allied itself with another [[Far-right politics|extreme right]] [[capitalist]] regime, the [[German Reich (1933–1945)|German Reich]], and joined into the [[Second World War]] after Italian forces invaded the [[French Republic]], during the final days of the main German invasion of that nation. While seeing some territorial gains in Southern Europe in the initial part of the war, Fascist Italy would later prove itself to be an ineffectual military force, particularly in regards to the military events in [[Africa]] and [[Sicily]].

By 1943, after the [[World War II|Allies]] had invaded mainland Italy, the long-time dictator, Benito Mussolini, was removed from power after a soft-coup. However, the Germans later returned him to power to lead a puppet state, known as the [[Italian Social Republic]].

[[Fascism]] in Italy ended in 1945, after Mussolini was killed, and his puppet state fell. The Kingdom of Italy itself was replaced by the modern [[Italian Republic|Republic of Italy]] after a referendum was held.<ref>{{News citation|newspaper=historians.org|title=The Rise and Fall of Fascism|url=https://www.historians.org/about-aha-and-membership/aha-history-and-archives/gi-roundtable-series/pamphlets/em-18-what-is-the-future-of-italy-(1945)/the-rise-and-fall-of-fascism|retrieved=2022-7-19|quote=The final collapse of fascism, though set off when Mussolini’s frightened lieutenants threw him overboard, was brought about by allied military victories plus the open rebellion of the people. Among the latter the strikes of industrial workers in Nazi-controlled northern Italy led the way. Nothing of this sort happened in Germany.}}</ref>

== History ==

=== Background ===
After 1821, the French [[bourgeoisie]] had a significant influence on the Italian peninsula, particularly through liberalism and nationalism. A national upsurge, headed by commercial enterprisers, bureaucrats, and privileged intellectuals, unified numerous states on the peninsula, and major European foreign offices facilitated this process. North Italy’s emerging business community would profit immensely from this upsurge. The lower classes, however, generally acted passively throughout this transformation even though they constituted three fourths of the population, but captains and orators were useful in manufacturing consent.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=I|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=4–5}}</ref>

Italy experienced an incomplete [[bourgeois revolution]] following the [[French Revolution]]. The French overthrew the old Italian monarchies and installed liberal republican governments, which came under the rule of the Bonaparte family after [[Napoleon Bonaparte|Napoleon]]'s rise to power. Absolute monarchist rule returned in 1814 but could not restore [[feudalism]]. Italy remained divided and dominated by foreign powers despite attempted revolutions in 1820, 1831, and 1848. The [[aristocracy]] and Catholic Church largely excluded the bourgeoisie from power.<ref name=":0222">{{Citation|author=Neil Faulkner|year=2013|title=A Marxist History of the World: From Neanderthals to Neoliberals|chapter=The Age of Blood and Iron|page=152–154|pdf=https://cloudflare-ipfs.com/ipfs/bafykbzacedljwr5izotdclz23o3c5p4di4t3ero3ncbfytip55slhiz4otuls?filename=Neil%20Faulkner%20-%20A%20Marxist%20History%20of%20the%20World_%20From%20Neanderthals%20to%20Neoliberals-Pluto%20Press%20%282013%29.pdf|publisher=Pluto Press|isbn=9781849648639|lg=https://libgen.rs/book/index.php?md5=91CA6C708BFE15444FE27899217FBA8E}}</ref>

=== Unification ===
The [[Kingdom of Sardinia|Kingdom of Piedmont]] under [[Victor Emanuel]] formed an alliance with [[Second French Empire|France]] and defeated [[Austrian Empire (1804–1867)|Austria]] in northern Italy in 1859. It quickly defeated the Austrian-backed monarchs of minor Italian states, and the new liberal governments of Lombardy, Parma, Modena, Emilia, Romagna, and Tuscany voted to unify with Piedmont. In May 1860, [[Giuseppe Garibaldi]] landed in Sicily and overthrew the [[Kingdom of the Two Sicilies]], unifying it with the rest of Italy. Piedmont took control of Venice with [[Kingdom of Prussia|Prussian]] support in 1866 after defeating Austria in the Austro-Prussian War. Italy annexed the [[State of the Church|Papal States]] in 1870 after [[Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte|Louis-Napoleon]]'s defeat, which removed the Pope's main protector.

The Italian unification helped the country industrialize but did not improve life for the [[Peasantry|peasants]]. Garibaldi's troops killed rebellious peasants to gain support from southern [[Landlord|landlords]], who relied on mercenaries who would later become the mafia to prevent land redistribution.<ref name=":0222" />

As small and large businesses suffered during the 1910s and early 1920s, many wealthy antisocialists supported the Fascists for their counterrevolutionary violence,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Roy Domenico|chapter=2|title=Remaking Italy in the Twentieth Century|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Nj8DV_s8ZaYC|location=Lanham|publisher=Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.|year=2002|page=36–53|ISBN=0-8476-9637-5}}</ref> including the MI5, a British intelligence agency that wanted the Italians to stay in [[WWI]].<ref name=Guardian2009-10-13>{{safesubst:citation|author=Kington Tom|date=13 October 2009|title=Recruited by MI5: the name's Mussolini. Benito Mussolini documents reveal Italian dictator got start in politics in 1917 with help of £100 weekly wage from MI5|title-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160210105414/https://amp.theguardian.com/world/2009/oct/13/benito-mussolini-recruited-mi5-italy|website=www.TheGuardian.com|publisher=[[The Guardian]]|location=London}}</ref>

===Fascism===
In their bid for political power, the Fascists killed over 3,000 other Italians from 1919 to 1922.<ref name=pg330>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc.|year=2017|page=330|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref> After the March on Rome, the aristocracy appointed Mussolini as the head of state on October 28, 1922. Under the excuse of removing ‘government waste’, he removed the federal government from the Kingdom of Italy’s remote areas, thereby depriving peasants and other rural workers of protections from big business’s abuses.<ref>https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1922/11/03/99094169.html</ref> The bourgeois state also passed a law on December 3, 1922, intended to reduce the size and function of the government, reform tax laws, and reduce spending. In January 1923, the bourgeois state eliminated rent-control laws under the excuse that they prevented landlords from building new housing; now landlords were allowed to increase their profit and holdings. After tenants protested this, the bourgeois state eliminated their unions, inflating Rome’s rent, and depriving many families of their homes, some of whom chose to live in caves as substitutes.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Mussolini Forbids Tenants’ Meeting|title-url=https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1923/02/10/issue.html|date=1923-02-10|publisher=New York Times Company}}</ref>

In July 1933, the Kingdom of Italy signed the Four-Power Pact with [[France]], the [[Third Reich]], and the [[United Kingdom]]. It also agreed to a non-aggression pact with the [[Soviet Union]] on September 2, 1933, but entered the [[Anti-Comintern Pact]] regardless on November 1937, and provided military assistance to Iberian anticommunists during the [[Spanish Civil War]]. In 1935, it reinvaded the [[Ethiopian Empire]], disturbing other Western powers, and massacred dozens of thousands of Ethiopians,<ref name=pg355>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc.|year=2017|page=355|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref> 18,000–19,000 of whom were in Addis Ababa alone.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Adeyinka Makinde|title=History: Italy’s 1937 Ethiopian Massacre Finally Comes to Light|title-url=https://wp.me/p2vCQD-nFGH|date=2018-05-25}}</ref> In total, the anticommunists probably massacred over 276,000 people in the Horn of Africa from 1924 to 1940, and 100,000 Libyans from 1923 to 1932.<ref name=pg355/> The Kingdom of Italy signed the Pact of Steel with the Third Reich in May 1939, and invaded Albania during the same year, massacring 160 Albanians.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Owen Pearson|title=Albania and King Zog: Independence, Republic and Monarchy, 1908–1939|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=3_Sh3y9IMZAC|publisher=Bloomsbury Academic|year=2004|page=445|ISBN=9781845110130}}</ref> The Kingdom of Italy cofounded the [[Axis]] with the Third Reich in 1940, and in 1941 the non-aggression pact with the Soviets expired and it participated in [[Operation Barbarossa]], massacring millions of Soviets.

==Politics==
With a few brief exceptions, the lower classes were passive in the Kingdom of Italy’s politics. Even after the electoral reform of 1882, most people were without franchise, and universal suffrage remained unavailable to men until 1912. The base of political power always rested with a minority of upper-class men, regardless of who exactly was heading the state.<ref name=pg7>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=I|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=7–8|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp#page/n22/mode/1up}}</ref> The parliamentary system resisted even the most modest of reforms, and the political system left the lower classes and some privileged intellectuals dissatisfied.<ref name=pg10>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=I|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=10|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp#page/n25/mode/1up}}</ref>

==Economy==
The lower classes lived meagerly at best and desperately poor at worst; an official enquiry indicated that their living conditions could hardly have been worse at any point during the previous two millennia. Many peasants owned no more than two tiny strips of land, if any, and had to get the rest of their income by working for the rural [[bourgeoisie]]. By the early 1910s, two-thirds of the farm land belonged to proprietors. The remaining farm land was divided in small-holdings among nearly five million peasants, and millions of other workers simply had no land at all. The bourgeoisie dominated the North’s fertile regions; most Italian land consisted of mountains, parched tablelands, swampy moors, and other areas unsuitable for agriculture. Consequently, the Kingdom of Italy had relatively little to offer in terms of natural resources.<ref name=pg6>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=I|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=6|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp#page/n21/mode/1up}}</ref> Unclean shelter, excessive taxes, tariffs, poverty, and other detrimental phenomena dominated the lower classes, especially those in the rural regions, and the proprietors did nothing to ameliorate their situation.<ref name=pg7/>

===Fascism===
{{quote|One contributor to a Shinseikai publication put it bluntly, charging that, for all its nationalistic boasting, Italian Fascism had failed to come to terms with finance capitalism—indeed, Fascism was but the “naked figure of capitalism.”|Reto Hofmann|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Reto Hofmann|chapter=3|title=The Fascist Effect: Japan and Italy, 1915–1952|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ|location=Ithaca and London|publisher=Cornell University Press|year=2015|page=79|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA79|ISBN=978-0-8014-5341-0}}</ref>}}

Contrary to whatever the party programme suggested, the dictatorship of the Fascist bourgeoisie soon implemented history’s first modern privatization programme from 1922 to 1925. Phenomena such as tolled motorways, monopolies on match sales and life insurances, Italy’s telephone sector, and Italy’s largest machinery producer, were all transferred to the private sector.<ref name=Bel>{{safesubst:citation|author=Germà Bel|title=The First Privatization: Selling SOEs and Privatizing Public Monopolies in Fascist Italy (1922–1925)|title-url=http://www.ub.edu/graap/bel_Italy_fascist.pdf|location=Barcelona|publisher=Universitat de Barcelona (GiM-IREA) & Barcelona Graduate School of Economics|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20120905202251/http://www.ub.edu/graap/bel_Italy_fascist.pdf|archivedate=2012-09-05|accessdate=2020-01-29}}</ref> It is true that after 1925 the bourgeois state committed more direct intervention in economic affairs, but it intended these regulations strictly for big business:

{{quote|Beyond the frontiers there has been a misunderstanding of the meaning of one of Mussolini’s phrases to the effect that three-quarters of the Italian economic system, both industrial and agricultural, is under State supervision. Almost all the medium-sized and little firms and the great majority of slightly larger firms, with the exception of a few categories, are completely outside the sphere of the State’s healing activity.|Signor Pirelli|<ref name>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=VI|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=131|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp#page/n146/mode/1up}}</ref>}}

The anticommunists did not institute regulations to protect the proletariat, nor to micromanage businesses, but simply to assist the pursuit of capital.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=VI|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=133–4}}</ref> Powerful authorities looked upon the Corporations as useful auxiliaries to the going order:

{{quote|[O]ne must first and foremost exclude the State or any public body such as a syndicate, or more important still a Corporation, from taking upon itself the management of businesses and thus eliminating private enterprise or placing it in a thoroughly subordinate position. This would be in contradiction to the Charter of Labor.|Gino Arias|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=VI|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=132–3}}</ref>}}

The anticommunists replaced the syndicates and unions with pseudodemocratic organizations that could neither support strikes, nor negotiate wages, nor negotiate working conditions, and normally sided in favor of the capitalists<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=IV|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|edition=|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=76–79, 93–94}}</ref> (rendering them ‘unions’ in name only).<ref name=Quigley>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carrol Quigley|chapter=IX|title=Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time|title-url=https://ia903105.us.archive.org/30/items/CarrollQuigleyTragedyAndHope_201805/Carroll%20Quigley%20-%20Tragedy%20and%20Hope%20-%201974.pdf|location=Los Angeles|publisher=Angriff Press|year=1974|page=450–452|isbn=-0913022-14-4|oclc=}}</ref> Consequently, real wages stagnated.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Labor Conditions in Fascist Italy|title-url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/41817276|journal=Monthly Labor Review|year=1943|month=November|volume=57|number=5|page=911–931}}</ref>

===Liberal Phase===
In the liberal phase, the first privatizations were carried out, taxes were lowered, administrative reforms were carried out and the rent laws were changed considerably, which also abolished rent controls. In the beginning, the main aim was to please the wealthy classes. The finance minister was the liberal politician [[Alberto De Stefani]], who lowered market regulations and privatized state corporations during this brief, economically liberal phase. During this period there has been significant economic growth and unemployment has been reduced by 77 percent.<ref name=Powell>{{safesubst:citation|author=Jim Powell|title=The Economic Leadership Secrets of Benito Mussolin|title-url=https://www.forbes.com/sites/jimpowell/2012/02/22/the-economic-leadership-secrets-of-benito-mussolini/?sh=82cc3ae68e6c|date=2012-02-22|accessdate=2021-11-96}}</ref> It was not until the beginning of the Great Depression that the fascist regime abolished the laissez-faire regulations and sought the first initiatives for more self-sufficiency and protectionism. During the Great Depression, the fascist government followed a Keynesian fiscal policy.<ref name="Williams and Norgate">{{citation|title=Universal Aspects of Fascism|year=1928|author=James Strachey Barnes|publisher=De Gruyter Mouton|page=113-144}}</ref>

{{quote|To-day we can affirm that the capitalistic method of production is out of date. So is the doctrine of laissez-faire, the theoretical basis of capitalism… To-day we are taking a new and decisive step in the path of revolution. A revolution, in order to be great, must be a social revolution.|Benito Mussolini|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=James Strachey Barnest|chapter= |title=Universal Aspects of Fascism|title-url= |location=London|publisher=Williams and Norgate|year=1928|isbn= |page=113-114}}</ref>}}

{{quote|Fascism entirely agrees with Mr. Maynard Keynes, despite the latter's prominent position as a Liberal. In fact, Mr. Keynes' excellent little book, The End of Laissez-Faire (1926) might, so far as it goes, serve as a useful introduction to fascist economics. There is scarcely anything to object to in it and there is much to applaud.|Benito Mussolini|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Gaetano Salvemini|chapter= |title=Under the Axe of Fascism|title-url= |location=London|publisher=Victor Gollancz Ltd.|year=1936|isbn= |page=131}}</ref>}}

===Corporatist Phase===
The corporatist phase was mainly accompanied by labor reforms. The best-known example is the Carta del Lavoro (Labor Charter) which was introduced in 1927. The Charter hereby officially declares that it considers private initiatives to be economically effective, thereby preserving the right to private property..<ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20110722063713/http://www.historia.unimi.it/sezione/fonti/codificazione/cartalavoro.pdf Labour Charter in italian]</ref> Although the charter promises to only take state interventions "where private initiative is lacking or is insufficient", the state nevertheless began to play a more statist role economically from the Great Depression through the Institute for Industrial Reconstruction (IRI).
The IRI was initially intended to rescue companies during the Depression, but the measures ensured that, for example, the Bank of Italy was transformed from a private to a public central bank through the banking law<ref>[https://www.bancaditalia.it/chi-siamo/storia/istituzione/index.html Dall'istituzione della Banca d'Italia alla legge bancaria del 1936]</ref> and also in other economic areas the state became a shareholder of large companies. In this way, the IRI - and with it the Italian state - became the owner of around 20% of the national share capital and large entrepreneurs (e.g. with Italsider in the steel and shipbuilding sector, and with Alfa Romeo in the automotive sectors) in the Italian banking sector.<ref name="Editori Laterza">{{citation|title=Storia dell'Iri|year=2012|author=Velerio Castronovo|publisher=Editori Laterza|page=27}}</ref> In this way the fascist state, willingly or not, became the owner of a large part of the economy. This phase was also characterized by Mussolini himself as state capitalism.

{{quote|Three-fourths of the Italian economy, industrial and agricultural, is in the hands of the state. And if I dare to introduce to Italy state capitalism or state socialism, which is the reverse side of the medal, I will have the necessary subjective and objective conditions to do it.|Benito Mussolini|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Gianni Toniolo|chapter= |title=The Oxford Handbook of the Italian Economy Since Unification|title-url= |location=London|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=2013|isbn= |page=59}}</ref>}}

The corporate phase represents less of a holistic economic order, but more of a regulation of the mode of production. With the syndical laws, the Italian state initially created 12 corporations, which in turn were divided into employer and employee unions. The aim was to create cooperation between the classes, whereby large companies have repeatedly hindered this cooperation between the classes, whereby only a few successes could be achieved with the corporate system (see also: social policy).

===Socialization Laws===
Shortly after his dismissal by the Fascist Grand Council, Mussolini was arrested and later freed by German troops. Later, parts of the Wehrmacht, SS and fascist militias (later called the Black Brigades) constructed the Italian Social Republic.<ref name="Falanga, 2008, p. 229">{{citation|title=Mussolinis Vorposten in Hitlers Reich. Italiens Politik in Berlin 1933–1945|year=2008|author=Gianluca Falanga|publisher=Links Christoph Verlag|page=229}}</ref> The social republic again represented a phase in which the original radicalism of fascism was ''reawakened''. This was followed by the Verona Congress in Italy, in which, among other things, the ''socialization of the economy'' was established. The Socialization law<ref>[Decreto Legislativo del Duce 12 febbraio 1944, n. 375]</ref> included the expropriation of large enterprises which employ equity of more than one million lire or over a hundred workers. All state-owned corporations were also included in the socialization process. The law also regulated the secret election of employee representatives, who were elected by the employees, manufacturers, technicians and administrative employees. Only employees who are over 25 years old and have been employed in the company for five years would have been eligible to vote.
In the draft constitution for the Italian Social Republic<ref>[https://it.wikisource.org/wiki/Italia,_Repubblica_Sociale_-_Progetto_di_Costituzione Progetto di Costituzione]</ref>, a parliament was also planned, the members of which would represent the respective syndicates (e.g. the syndicate of steel workers, craftsmen, artisans, farmers, etc.) and these syndicates would fill parliament instead of parties. Social groups such as mothers, veterans, the youth (through the youth organization of the fascist republican party) or people hindered by the war would have been allowed to vote for their respective representative groups in parliament. Mussolini hoped to regain the confidence of the working classes with these laws. The socialization laws were partially implemented. The actual expropriation also took place, e.g. B. the expropriation of FIAT.<ref>[https://digilander.libero.it/rsi_analisi/9.htm Socializzazione della “Fiat” Società per azioni con sede in Torino</ref> However, due to the war, socialization in the Social Republic was not implemented too intensely and after the war the efforts to socialize the economy were no longer taken into account by the new Italian republic.

===Social policies===
During the Fascist era there were some curtailments of social laws, as well as the abolition of a luxury tax. Nevertheless, some social policy laws were able to prevail in Fascist Italy, such as the occupational health protection for women and children,<ref>[Regio Decreto no. 653 04/26/1923]</ref> medical health insurance for people with low incomes,<ref>[Regio Decreto no. 2841 30/12/1923]</ref> the introduction of a public unemployment insurance,<ref>[Regio Decreto no. 3158 30/12/1923]</ref> the introduction of old-age and disability insurance,<ref>[Regio Decreto no. 3184 12/30/1923]</ref> compulsory employment insurance,<ref>[Regio Decreto no. 928 13/05/1929]</ref> a compulsory tuberculosis insurance,<ref>[Regio Decreto no. 2055 27/10/1927]</ref> the reduction of working hours to 40 hours a week (but including Wage cuts),<ref>[Regio Decreto no. 1768 05/29/1937]</ref> as well as the introduction of credit unions, whose borrowing was intended for farmers and artisans.<ref>[Regio Decreto no. 1706 08/26/1937]</ref>

===Consumerism===
The Fascists understood the power of advertising and actually established laboratories in Milan and Turin to study the responses of people subjected to publicity images.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Karen Pinkus|chapter=1|title=Bodily Regimes: Italian Advertising under Fascism|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=5FCIHjGLiYUC|location=Minnesota|publisher=University of Minnesota Press|year=1995|page=10|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=5FCIHjGLiYUC&pg=PA10|ISBN=0-8166-2562-X}}</ref> The Duce himself often assisted businesses by officially endorsing their products, though he preferred to portray himself as a producer rather than a consumer. At one point he exclaimed ‘I say, and I authorize you to repeat it: your chocolate is really exquisite!’ when visiting the Perugina chocolate plant in 1923, which lead capitalists to circulate his exclamation as an endorsement of a particular brand name, but eventually Fascist officers forced Perugina to withdraw the slogan; it was directly conflicting with the mechanisms of Fascism’s market-driven competition.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Karen Pinkus|chapter=1|title=Bodily Regimes: Italian Advertising under Fascism|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=5FCIHjGLiYUC|location=Minnesota|publisher=University of Minnesota Press|year=1995|page=17|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=5FCIHjGLiYUC&pg=PA17|ISBN=0-8166-2562-X}}</ref>

The revaluation of the lira, the higher import taxes on raw materials like sugar, and other economic factors, strained the confectionery industry during the 1930s. To overcome this, Perugina-Buitoni launched a campaign to promote consumer interest in their chocolates: including cheap figurines based on the various characters from the Four Musketeers radio programme. The campaign proved massively successful, to the point where the chocolates themselves were only secondary for collectors, and generated what was effectively another stock market: people often traded the figurines through newspapers, counterfeited them, stole them, trafficked them, and held contests involving them. Eventually, the Ministry of Finance severely restricted these contests in 1938, officially with the justification that they harmed the contestants and detracted from the value of labor itself, but the actual motive may have been to concentrate Fascist capital into the bourgeois state rather than between consumers.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Karen Pinkus|chapter=1|title=Bodily Regimes: Italian Advertising under Fascism|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=5FCIHjGLiYUC|location=Minnesota|publisher=University of Minnesota Press|year=1995|page=18–19|ISBN=0-8166-2562-X}}</ref>

==Infrastructure==
The railway system was in poor shape during World War I, but shortly after 1918 the proletariat steadily restored it in working order,<ref name=Mikkelson>{{safesubst:citation|author=David Mikkelson|title=Mussolini and On Time Trains|title-url=https://www.snopes.com/?p=24755|date=2007-09-29|accessdate=2020-03-11}}</ref> perhaps in part because nobody managed to successfully privatize the railsways.<ref name=Bel/> Nonetheless, the much hyped adherence to timetables was probably quite average in reality.<ref name=Mikkelson/>

===Healthcare===
Illnesses such as malaria, tuberculosis, and pellagra were common among the lower classes.<ref name=pg7/> Nonetheless, death and morbidity rates were on the decline, even after the triumph of Fascism.<ref name=pg89>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=IV|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=89|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp#page/n104/mode/1up}}</ref>

In March 1933, the Fascist authorities selected the town of Gruaro to experiment with a newly developed diphtheria vaccine,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title-url=http://www.laruotagruaro.it/download/ar_gruaro_pagg-234-235-236.pdf|title=Gruaro - Venti secoli di storia|page=234–236}}</ref> and 253 children aged between thirteen months and eight years were recruited in this prophylactic operation despite the village doctor’s opposition. Immediately after the vaccine’s administration, however, the patients began to experience symptoms of varying severity; they were promptly admitted to the hospital of Portogruaro and the pediatric hospital run by Prof. Gino Frontali in Padua where, despite the implementation of emergency measures, twenty-eight of the children died. Later it was discovered that a container of serum, prepared in a laboratory of the National Serum Therapy Institute of Naples, had been improperly boiled, thus exposing the patients to the still active and unattenuated bacterium. The Fascists let the incident go unpublished and no judicial inquiry was opened into it.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title-url=https://www.ilgazzettino.it/nordest/venezia/bambini_cavie_vaccino_sperimentale_gruaro_venezia_1933_fascismo-224003.html|title=Bimbi usati come cavie: sparito il fascicolo sulla strage di Gruaro|date=2013-12-03}}</ref><ref>{{safesubst:citation|title-url=http://www.veneziatoday.it/cronaca/strage-gruaro-2933-bambini-morti-vaccino.html|title="Noi, bambini scelti come cavie". La verità sulla strage di Gruaro del '33}}</ref><ref>{{safesubst:citation|title-url=https://www.ilgazzettino.it/nordest/venezia/dottor_sergio_borellini_strage_gruaro_vaccini_anti_difterite_medico_salv_ograve_bimbi_1933_portogruaro_venezia-413307.html|title=Quel dottore che salvò migliaia di bimbi rifiutandosi di vaccinarli|date=2014-05-13}}</ref>

===Education===
Illiteracy was common among the lower classes, and shrunk at a slow rate.<ref name=pg7/> Worker’s unions increased literacy,<ref name=pg16>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=I|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=16|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp#page/n31/mode/1up}}</ref> which the anticommunists later appropriated. The Fascist bourgeoisie spent more money on urban schools, but literacy increased only steadily, and schooling in rural communities remained very inadequate.<ref name=pg89/>

==Culture==
The Italian Fascists frequently referred to the Roman Empire as a source of inspiration, and sought to create a new sort of Roman Empire for the future. Nonetheless, they also referred to medieval elements as well. The National Fascist Party’s official anthem ''Giovinezza'', for example, referred to Dante Alighieri’s ‘vision’, specifically his marking of Italian borders on the Quarnaro River, thus including the province of Istria, a territory given to the Kingdom of Italy after World War I. Entertainment also served an important rôle for Fascism: the Fascist state supported some free concerts, sporting events and public works projects (designed to evoke civic pride) to appease the masses.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Michael Parenti|chapter=one|title=Blackshirts & Reds: Rational Fascism & the Overthrow of Communism|title-url=https://cartiparenti.files.wordpress.com/2016/08/blackshirts-and-reds-by-michael-parenti.pdf|location=San Francisco|publisher=City Light Books|year=1997|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20190828235152/https://cartiparenti.files.wordpress.com/2016/08/blackshirts-and-reds-by-michael-parenti.pdf|archivedate=2019-08-28|page=7|ISBN=0-87288-330-1}}</ref> It also promoted cinema, probably to compensate for the prevalence of illiteracy.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Alex Schmidt|coauthors=Ruth Ben-Ghiat & Adam Tod Brown|title=What Fascist Italy Reveals About Modern America|title-url=https://www.cracked.com/podcast/what-fascist-italy-reveals-about-modern-america|date=2019-04-22|accessdate=2020-04-24}}</ref> A particular medieval work that saw renewed interest, especially for the reinvasion of Ethiopia, was Petrarch’s Neo-Latin epic of the Second Punic War, ''Africa'', which inspired the famous fascist film ''Scipione l’Africano''.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Samuel Asad Abijuwa Agbamu|title=The Reception of Petrarch’s Africa in Fascist Italy|journal=International Journal of the Classical Tradition|date=05/February/2021|DOI=10.1007/s12138-020-00584-x}}</ref>

===Language===
With reunification in the 1860s the bourgeois state proceeded to standarize the Italian language and impose it where it had previously been rare. For example, the predominant languages in Aosta Valley had long been French and to a less extent Arpitan, but in the 1880s the state introduced Italian in tribunal and other official documents and Italian grew in further influence with the introduction of railways and industrialisation in general, slowly turning Italian into the common language among Aosta’s lower classes. However, the Fascist state of the 1920s began an aggressive campaign to eliminate all ‘foreign’ languages and dialects in national territory despite the objections of thousands. In 1923 the bourgeois state declared the suppression of certain schools and prohibited education of students in any language other than Italian. The state forcibly converted dozens of French toponyms into Italian ones.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Histoire linguistique du Val d'Aoste, territoire francophone|title-url=http://sociolangue.canalblog.com/archives/2012/03/30/23889717.html|date=2012-03-30}}</ref> Even languages closely related to Italian (often called ‘dialects’), such as Emilian, Friulan,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=James Minahan|title=One Europe, Many Nations: A Historical Dictionary of European National Groups|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NwvoM-ZFoAgC|location=Westport, Connecticut|publisher=Greenwood Press|year=2000|page=270|ISBN=0-313-30984-1}}</ref> Ladin<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=James Minahan|title=One Europe, Many Nations: A Historical Dictionary of European National Groups|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NwvoM-ZFoAgC|location=Westport, Connecticut|publisher=Greenwood Press|year=2000|page=394|ISBN=0-313-30984-1}}</ref>, Lombard, Ligurian, Neapolian<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Pasquale Verdicchio|title=Bound by Distance: Rethinking Nationalism Through the Italian Diaspora|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=C5cyVqhHFLUC|location=Cranbury, New Jersey|publisher=Fairleigh Dickinson University Press|year=1997|page=57|ISBN=0-8386-3683-7}}</ref> , Piedmontese, Romagnolo, Sardinian, Sicilian, Venetian<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=James B. Minahan|title=Encyclopedia of Stateless Nations: Ethnic and National Groups around the World|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=pGClDAAAQBAJ|location=Santa Barbara, California|publisher=Greenwood|year=2016|page=448|ISBN=978-1-61069-953-2}}</ref> and elsewhat, were all suppressed. The one notable exception to this homogenization was the promotion of Latin, which witnessed a new age of poetry, literature, journalism, inscriptions, prose competitions, and vocabulary, frequently with Fascist themes, as a result both of state and extrastate actors.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Lamers|first1=Han|last2=Reitz-Joosse|first2=Bettina|title=Lingua Lictoria: The Latin Literature of Italian Fascism|journal=Classical Receptions Journal|publisher=Oxford University Press|volume=8|issue=2|year=2015|page=216–252|DOI=10.1093/crj/clv001}}</ref>

Sardinian culture had only continued to decline in the 1860s and later,<ref>"In 1861 Victor Emmanuel II was proclaimed king of Italy, and the island became part of the unified Italian state. Sardinia's distinct language and culture as well as its geographic isolation from the Italian mainland, made it something of a forgotten province, however." {{citation|title-url=https://www.britannica.com/place/Sardinia-island-Italy/Aragonese-domination#ref333582|title=Sardinia, History, People and Points of Interest. Sardinia in a united Italy|publisher=Britannica}}</ref> but the process of forced Italianization had only intensified during Fascism;<ref>"Il ventennio fascista – come ha affermato Manlio Brigaglia ‒ segnò il definitivo ingresso della Sardegna nel “sistema" nazionale. L’isola fu colonialisticamente integrata nella cultura nazionale: modi di vita, costumi, visioni generali, parole d’ordine politiche furono imposte sia attraverso la scuola, dalla quale partì un’azione repressiva nei confronti dell’uso della lingua sarda, sia attraverso le organizzazione del partito..." Garroni, M. (2010). [https://art.torvergata.it/retrieve/handle/2108/1380/6630/capitolo%201.pdf ''La Sardegna durante il ventennio fascista''], art.torvergata.it</ref> the bourgeois state repressed local cultural expressions, including Sardinian mask festivals<ref>Deidda, Giancarlo (1990). ''Folk festivals in Sardinia'', Janus, p. 7</ref> and improvised poetry competitions,<ref>L. Marroccu, ''Il ventennio fascista''</ref><ref>M. Farinelli, ''The Invisible Motherland? The Catalan-Speaking Minority in Sardinia and Catalan Nationalism'', p. 15</ref><ref>{{citation|title-url=http://www.manifestosardo.org/quando-a-scuola-si-insegnava-la-lingua-sarda/|title=Quando a scuola si insegnava la lingua sarda|work=Il Manifesto Sardo}}</ref><ref name="Remundu">[http://www.sardegnacultura.it/j/v/253?s=23661&v=2&c=2767&c1=2797&t=1 ''Remundu Piras'', Sardegna Cultura]</ref><ref>Massimo Pittau, ''Grammatica del sardo illustre'', Nuoro, [http://www.pittau.it/Sardo/sardoillustre.html Premessa]</ref><ref>Salvi, Sergio (1974). ''Le lingue tagliate'', Rizzoli, p. 191</ref> and a large number of Sardinian surnames were forcibly ‘Italianized’. After an argument between the Sardinian poet Antioco Casula and the fascist journalist Gino Anchisi, who claimed that ‘once the region is moribund or dead, so will the dialect [''sic'']’, the Fascists managed to prohibit Sardinian from the printing press as well.<ref>{{citation|title-url=https://dialnet.unirioja.es/descarga/articulo/3400254.pdf|title=Casula, Francesco. ''Sa chistione de sa limba in Montanaru e oe''}}</ref><ref>{{citation|title-url=http://www.regione.sardegna.it/messaggero/1982_dicembre_21.pdf|title=Masala, Francesco. ''Est torradu Montanaru'', Messaggero, 1982}}</ref> Antioco Casula tied the significance of Sardinian to the practices of cultural resistance of an indigenous ethnic group,<ref>{{citation|title-url=https://www.manifestosardo.org/montanaru-e-la-lingua-sarda/|title=Montanaru e la lingua sarda|year=2019|website=Il Manifesto Sardo}}</ref><ref group=note>Casula's reply to Anchisi, arguing in favour of Sardinian as the only means through which the island’s cultural reawakening could be pursued, was never published in the newspaper ''L'Unione Sarda'', whose editorial staff properly censored it in accordance with the ruling class’s directives. The newspaper then justified itself in the following way, in a personal letter addressed to Casula on 12 September: ‘Your article could not be published because part of it clearly exalts the region too much. This is absolutely forbidden by the current provisions of the Head of Government’s press office, which specifically state: ‘In no way and for no reason does the region exist.’ We are very sorry. However, we would ask you to redo the article by simply talking about your poetry in dialect [''sic''] without touching on this dangerous subject!’ {{citation|title-url=https://dialnet.unirioja.es/descarga/articulo/3400254.pdf|author=Francesco Casula|title=Sa chistione de sa limba in Montanaru e oe|page=66}}</ref> whose linguistic repertoire had to be introduced in school to regain a lost dignity.<ref>«Il diffondere l’uso della lingua sarda in tutte le scuole di ogni ordine e grado non è per gli educatori sardi soltanto una necessità psicologica alla quale nessuno può sottrarsi, ma è il solo modo di essere Sardi, di essere cioè quello che veramente siamo per conservare e difendere la personalità del nostro popolo. E se tutti fossimo in questa disposizione di idee e di propositi ci faremmo rispettare più di quanto non-ci rispettino.» {{citation|author=Antioco Casula|title=Poesie scelte|publisher=Edizioni 3T|place=Cagliari|year=1982|page=35}}</ref>

Another famed poet from Sardinia, Salvatore (''Bore'') Poddighe, fell into a severe depression and took his own life a few years after Cagliari’s police commissioner seized his masterwork (''Sa Mundana Cummedia''). When the bourgeois state officially prohibited the use of Sardinian in schools as part of its 1934 national educational plan against the alloglot ‘dialects’, the then Sardinian-speaking children were confronted with another means of communication that was supposed to be their own from then onwards too.<ref>Bolognesi, Roberto. ''The Phonology of Campidanian Sardinian: A Unitary Account of a Self-organizing Structure'', 1998, 6</ref> Overall, this period in Sardinian history was the most aggressive cultural assimilation effort by the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie,<ref name="gruyter">De Gruyter Mouton, ed. by Lubello, Sergio (2016). ''Manuale di linguistica italiana'', Manuals of Romance Linguistics 13, Lingue di minoranza, comunità alloglotte (Paul Videsott), Le singole lingue di minoranza e comunità alloglotte, 3.11: Sardo</ref><ref name="Lubello">Lubello, Sergio (2016). ''Manuale Di Linguistica Italiana'', De Gruyter, Manuals of Romance linguistics, p. 499</ref> which led to an even further sociolinguistic degradation of Sardinian.<ref name="degruyter.com">{{citation|title=Manuale di linguistica sarda|year=2017|author=Eduardo Blasco Ferrer, Peter Koch, Daniela Marzo|publisher=De Gruyter Mouton|page=36}}</ref> A minor exception to the repression was the Sardinian Anthem of the once Piedmontese Kingdom: being a royal tradition granted it immunity to prohibition.

After Austro-Hungary’s dissolution in the late 1910s, the Kingdom of Italy also annexed Austrian Littoral and proceeded to shut down hundreds of Slavic organizations, including cultural, educational, sporting, youth, social, professional, literary, political, journalist, co-operative, and financial ones, and specifically so with the Law on Associations in 1925, the Law on Public Demonstrations in 1926, and the Law on Public Order in the same year.<ref name="Cresciani_ClashOfCivilisations">{{safesubst:citation|author=Gianfranco Cresciani|title=Clash of civilisations|title-url=|journal=Italian Historical Society Journal|year=2004|volume=12|number=2|page=4}}</ref> Since April 13, 1920, the Fascists instigated riots against Triestine Slovenes, said to be retaliations for the assault that a Croatian population perpetrated against Italian troops occupying its territory in Split. Fascists destroyed numerous Slovene-owned shops and other buildings, culminating in one particular arson, directed by Francesco Giunta, against the ''Narodni dom'' or community hall for Triestine Slovenes.<ref name="Primorski90let2010">{{citation|title=90 let od požiga Narodnega doma v Trstu: Požig Narodnega doma ali šentjernejska noč tržaških Slovencev in Slovanov |trans-title=90 Years From the Arson of the National Hall in Trieste: Arson of the National Hall or the St. Bartholomew's Night of the Triestine Slovenes and Slavs|title-url=http://www.primorski.eu/dossiers/dossier/10/31/130144|newspaper=Primorski dnevnik |trans-newspaper=The Littoral Daily |language=Slovenian|year=2010 |page=14–15|access-date=28 February 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20181010095839/http://www.primorski.eu/dossiers/dossier/10/31/130144|archive-date=10 October 2018}}</ref> Benito Mussolini praised this action as a ‘masterpiece of the Triestine fascism’,<ref name="Sestani2012-02">{{citation |title-url=https://docs.google.com/open?id=1kDBSJkZ2klBX9k8mY80C9HZZ-kO5iydHY7_t9DiV5xdZWSNt_CPas-GkxGX8 |title=Gli esuli istriani, dalmati e fiumani a Lucca |language=Italian|trans-title=The Istrian, Dalmatian and Rijeka Refugees in Lucca |publisher=Instituto storico della Resistenca e dell'Età Contemporanea in Provincia di Lucca |chapter=Il confine orientale: una terra, molti esodi |trans-chapter=The Eastern Border: One Land, Multiple Exoduses |date=10 February 2012 |editor=Sestani, Armando |page=12–13}}</ref> and in September 1920 he said:

{{quote|When dealing with such a race as Slavic — inferior and barbaric — we must not pursue the carrot, but the stick policy. We should not be afraid of new victims. The Italian border should run across the Brenner Pass, Monte Nevoso and the Dinaric Alps. I would say we can easily sacrifice 500,000 barbaric Slavs for 50,000 Italians.|Benito Mussolini|<ref>{{citation|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=HyVMfMQoSCYC |title=Aut aut |year=2011 |isbn=9788865761069 |author=Marta Verginella |chapter=Antislavismo, razzismo di frontiera?|page=40–1|language=Italian}}</ref>}}
[[File:Fascist Italianization.jpg|right|thumb|A leaflet from the Fascist era prohibiting singing or speaking in the ‘Slavic language’ in the streets and public places of Dignano (now Vodnjan, Croatia). Signed by the ''[[Squadrismo|Squadristi]]'', and threatening the use of ‘persuasive methods’ in enforcement.]]
This reflected a common Fascist opinion against the Croatian and Slovene minorities in the Julian March.<ref name="Sestani2012-02"/> After March 1923, the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie officially prohibited these languages in administration, and after October 1925 in law courts as well. In 1923, in the context of the school reform prepared by the anticommunist [[Giovanni Gentile]], teaching in languages other than Italian was disallowed, although the Istro-Rumanian language in Šušnjevica was a minor exception.<ref name="PUŞCARIU">PUŞCARIU, Sextil. Studii istroromâne. Vol. II, București: 1926</ref> Some five hundred Slovene teachers, nearly half of all the Slovene teachers in the Littoral region, were moved by the Fascists to the interior of Italy, while Italian teachers were sent to teach Slovene children Italian.<ref name=":0">{{citation|title-url=https://www.dlib.si/details/URN:NBN:SI:DOC-JQ6XF18D|title=dLib.si – Izseljevanje iz Primorske med obema vojnama|website=www.dlib.si|access-date=2020-04-08}}</ref>

===Demography===
Initially most Italian Fascists tolerated Jews, gladly allowing antisocialist ones in their ranks, and oversaw the growth of a Zionist variety of fascism called Revisionist Maximalism. Until 1936, most Fascists were committed to [[Zionism]] and inspired some influential Zionists such as Vladimir Jabotinsky.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Baroud|first1=Ramzy|last2=Rubeo|first2=Romana|title=The Mussolini-Jabotinsky Connection: The Hidden Roots of Israel Fascist Past|title-url=https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/?p=382910|date=2020-01-27}}</ref> One of the quarrels that Mussolini initially had with the German Fascists was that they were too anti-Semitic. However, the overwhelming popularity and dominance of the German Reich in the late 1930s eventually compelled the Kingdom of Italy to officially adopt anti-Semitism in 1938.<ref name=Bauerkämper>{{safesubst:citation|author=Arnd Bauerkämper|title=Transnational Fascism: Cross-Border Relations between Regimes and Movements in Europe, 1922–1939*|journal=East Central Europe|volume=37|location=Leiden|publisher=Koninklijke Brill|year=2010|page=214–246|DOI=10.1163/187633010X534469}}</ref> Some otherwise staunch Fascists, such as Giorgio Perlasca,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Frank Mazzaglia|title=Commentary: Giorgio Perlasca: 'A Truly Magnificent Impostor'|title-url=https://www.metrowestdailynews.com/opinion/20191217/commentary-giorgio-perlasca-a-truly-magnificent-impostor|date=2019-12-17}}</ref> subsequently renounced their loyalty to the Duce because of this.

===Cuisine===
With the encouragement of a radical art group called the Futurists, the Fascist state prohibited pasta under the official excuse that it made men ‘weak’,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Kantha Shelke|title=Pasta and Noodles: A Global History|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=G5qRDQAAQBAJ|location=London|publisher=Reaktion Books Ltd|year=2016|page=23|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=G5qRDQAAQBAJ&pg=PT23|ISBN=9781780236971}}</ref> but the unofficial explanation is that the state did it to reduce imports for purposes of [[autarky]]. The Po Valley was an abundant supply of rice — in fact, Europe's largest rice-producing region, and Mussolini sought to use this as a base for Italy's food self-sufficiency. He declared in 1927 for November 1 to be "national rice day".<ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20160229020645/https://www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/art/3579746/A-plateful-of-revolution.html A plateful of revolution]</ref><ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20200129144535/http://content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,731118,00.html Foreign News: National Rice Day]</ref>

==See also==

*[[German Reich (1933–1945)|German Reich (1933–945)]]
*[[Spanish State (1939–1975)]]
*[[Empire of Japan (1868–1947)|Empire of Japan (1931–1947)]]

==Notes==
{{reflist|group=note}}

==References==
[[Category:Fascist countries]]
[[Category:Imperialist countries]]

<references />

Kingdom of Italy (1861–1946)

2023-06-11T12:08:32Z

Anarcho-Bolshevik: Added the massacre of Gruaro youths.

{{Infobox country|name=Kingdom of Italy|native_name=Regno d'Italia|image_flag=Kingdom of Italy flag.png|image_coat=Fascist Italy coast of arms.png|capital=[[Rome]]|mode_of_production=[[Capitalism]] (decaying)|government_type=Unitary parliamentary monarchy (1861–1922) Unitary [[bourgeois democracy]] under [[fascist]] influence (1922–1925) Unitary fascist state (1925–1943)|leader_title1=Monarch|leader_name1=Victor Emmanuel III|leader_title2=Duce|leader_name2=[[Benito Mussolini]]|life_span=1861–1943|image_flag2=NFP flag.png|flag_caption=Flags of Italy and the [[National Fascist Party]]|motto=Credere, obbedire, combattere (Motto of the [[National Fascist Party]])|image_map=Kingdom of Italy map.png|religion=Roman Catholicism|legislature=Parliament|established_event2=[[March on Rome]]|established_date2=31 October 1922|established_event3=Second Italo-Abyssinian War|established_date3=1935-1936|established_event4=Conquest of Albania|established_date4=April 7–12, 1939|established_event5=Intervention into the [[Second World War]]|established_date5=10 June 1940|established_event6=Deposition of Mussolini|established_date6=25 July 1943|area_km2=3,798,000|population_estimate=42,993,602|population_estimate_year=1936|currency=Italian Lira}}

The '''Kingdom of Italy''' was a state in southern Europe. From the [[March on Rome]] in 1922 until 1943, it was under the rule of the first [[fascist]] state in history, in a historical period commonly known as '''Fascist Italy'''. While in the years from 1922–1925, the regime still maintained a [[Liberalism|liberal]] façade, after 1925, it soon fully formed into a militantly [[Anti-communism|anti-communist]] dictatorship headed by [[Benito Mussolini]].<ref>{{News citation|newspaper=Swansea University|title=What was the impact of Fascist rule upon Italy from 1922 to 1945?|url=https://www.swansea.ac.uk/history/history-study-guides/what-was-the-impact-of-fascist-rule-upon-italy-from-1922-to-1945/|retrieved=2022-7-19|quote=Mussolini’s appointment as prime minister in October 1922 did not see the immediate institution of dictatorial rule. Characteristic of the means the Fascists had employed to come to power, Blackshirt squad violence helped to reduce the influence of parliamentary opposition without outlawing it altogether. From the start of 1925, a fascist parliamentary majority (elected in April 1924 partly thanks to fascist intimidation) was able to pass a series of laws which dismantled the institutions of liberal democracy. Denoting a decline in squad power, the regular police forces together with the OVRA secret police (created in 1927) were now entrusted with the task of rooting out political opposition and controlling the population, with the assistance of Fascist Party organizations (including the Militia).}}</ref>

Under the [[reactionary]] and despotic government, [[Communist party|socialist and communist organizations]], [[Trade union|trade unions]], and other organs of the [[working class]] saw massive repression and deprivation, with the economy being organized in accordance to the betterment of the [[Bourgeoisie|wealthy]], at the large expense of the workers. The fascist regime also implemented the first modern privatization programs, as well as the mass cutting of social programs, in history.<ref>{{Citation|author=Germa Bel|year=2011|title=The first privatisation: selling SOEs and privatising public monopolies in Fascist Italy (1922–1925)|title-url=https://academic.oup.com/cje/article-abstract/35/5/937/1695860|quote=Italy's first Fascist government applied a large-scale privatisation policy between 1922 and 1925. The government privatised the State monopoly of match sale, eliminated the State monopoly on life insurances, sold most of the State-owned telephone networks and services to private firms, reprivatised the largest metal machinery producer, and awarded concessions to private firms to build and operate motorways. These interventions represent one of the earliest and most decisive privatisation episodes in the Western world. While ideological considerations may have had a certain influence, privatisation was used mainly as a political tool to build confidence among industrialists and to increase support for the government and the Partito Nazionale Fascista. Privatisation also contributed to balancing the budget, which was the core objective of Fascist economic policy in its first phase.|publisher=Cambridge Journal of Economics|doi=https://doi.org/10.1093/cje/beq051|volume=35|trans-lang=English}}</ref> Fascist Italy occupied [[Ethiopian Empire (1270–1974)|Ethiopia]] in addition to its earlier colonies of [[Somalia]] and [[Eritrea]].<ref>{{Citation|author=Stephen Gowans|year=2018|title=Patriots, Traitors and Empires: The Story of Korea’s Struggle for Freedom|chapter=Imperialism|page=58–59|pdf=https://ipfs.io/ipfs/bafykbzaced4iiga4ngtxusr2civjxewbili5jne2sbpefbx2s3im2kphattzc?filename=Stephen%20Gowans%20-%20Patriots%2C%20Traitors%20and%20Empires_%20The%20Story%20of%20Korea%E2%80%99s%20Struggle%20for%20Freedom-Baraka%20Books%20%282018%29.pdf|city=Montreal|publisher=Baraka Books|isbn=9781771861427|lg=https://libgen.rs/book/index.php?md5=8435F6FF91279531705764823FDC2A7F}}</ref>

Fascist Italy allied itself with another [[Far-right politics|extreme right]] [[capitalist]] regime, the [[German Reich (1933–1945)|German Reich]], and joined into the [[Second World War]] after Italian forces invaded the [[French Republic]], during the final days of the main German invasion of that nation. While seeing some territorial gains in Southern Europe in the initial part of the war, Fascist Italy would later prove itself to be an ineffectual military force, particularly in regards to the military events in [[Africa]] and [[Sicily]].

By 1943, after the [[World War II|Allies]] had invaded mainland Italy, the long-time dictator, Benito Mussolini, was removed from power after a soft-coup. However, the Germans later returned him to power to lead a puppet state, known as the [[Italian Social Republic]].

[[Fascism]] in Italy ended in 1945, after Mussolini was killed, and his puppet state fell. The Kingdom of Italy itself was replaced by the modern [[Italian Republic|Republic of Italy]] after a referendum was held.<ref>{{News citation|newspaper=historians.org|title=The Rise and Fall of Fascism|url=https://www.historians.org/about-aha-and-membership/aha-history-and-archives/gi-roundtable-series/pamphlets/em-18-what-is-the-future-of-italy-(1945)/the-rise-and-fall-of-fascism|retrieved=2022-7-19|quote=The final collapse of fascism, though set off when Mussolini’s frightened lieutenants threw him overboard, was brought about by allied military victories plus the open rebellion of the people. Among the latter the strikes of industrial workers in Nazi-controlled northern Italy led the way. Nothing of this sort happened in Germany.}}</ref>

== History ==

=== Background ===
After 1821, the French [[bourgeoisie]] had a significant influence on the Italian peninsula, particularly through liberalism and nationalism. A national upsurge, headed by commercial enterprisers, bureaucrats, and privileged intellectuals, unified numerous states on the peninsula, and major European foreign offices facilitated this process. North Italy’s emerging business community would profit immensely from this upsurge. The lower classes, however, generally acted passively throughout this transformation even though they constituted three fourths of the population, but captains and orators were useful in manufacturing consent.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=I|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=4–5}}</ref>

Italy experienced an incomplete [[bourgeois revolution]] following the [[French Revolution]]. The French overthrew the old Italian monarchies and installed liberal republican governments, which came under the rule of the Bonaparte family after [[Napoleon Bonaparte|Napoleon]]'s rise to power. Absolute monarchist rule returned in 1814 but could not restore [[feudalism]]. Italy remained divided and dominated by foreign powers despite attempted revolutions in 1820, 1831, and 1848. The [[aristocracy]] and Catholic Church largely excluded the bourgeoisie from power.<ref name=":0222">{{Citation|author=Neil Faulkner|year=2013|title=A Marxist History of the World: From Neanderthals to Neoliberals|chapter=The Age of Blood and Iron|page=152–154|pdf=https://cloudflare-ipfs.com/ipfs/bafykbzacedljwr5izotdclz23o3c5p4di4t3ero3ncbfytip55slhiz4otuls?filename=Neil%20Faulkner%20-%20A%20Marxist%20History%20of%20the%20World_%20From%20Neanderthals%20to%20Neoliberals-Pluto%20Press%20%282013%29.pdf|publisher=Pluto Press|isbn=9781849648639|lg=https://libgen.rs/book/index.php?md5=91CA6C708BFE15444FE27899217FBA8E}}</ref>

=== Unification ===
The [[Kingdom of Sardinia|Kingdom of Piedmont]] under [[Victor Emanuel]] formed an alliance with [[Second French Empire|France]] and defeated [[Austrian Empire (1804–1867)|Austria]] in northern Italy in 1859. It quickly defeated the Austrian-backed monarchs of minor Italian states, and the new liberal governments of Lombardy, Parma, Modena, Emilia, Romagna, and Tuscany voted to unify with Piedmont. In May 1860, [[Giuseppe Garibaldi]] landed in Sicily and overthrew the [[Kingdom of the Two Sicilies]], unifying it with the rest of Italy. Piedmont took control of Venice with [[Kingdom of Prussia|Prussian]] support in 1866 after defeating Austria in the Austro-Prussian War. Italy annexed the [[State of the Church|Papal States]] in 1870 after [[Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte|Louis-Napoleon]]'s defeat, which removed the Pope's main protector.

The Italian unification helped the country industrialize but did not improve life for the [[Peasantry|peasants]]. Garibaldi's troops killed rebellious peasants to gain support from southern [[Landlord|landlords]], who relied on mercenaries who would later become the mafia to prevent land redistribution.<ref name=":0222" />

As small and large businesses suffered during the 1910s and early 1920s, many wealthy antisocialists supported the Fascists for their counterrevolutionary violence,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Roy Domenico|chapter=2|title=Remaking Italy in the Twentieth Century|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Nj8DV_s8ZaYC|location=Lanham|publisher=Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.|year=2002|page=36–53|ISBN=0-8476-9637-5}}</ref> including the MI5, a British intelligence agency that wanted the Italians to stay in [[WWI]].<ref name=Guardian2009-10-13>{{safesubst:citation|author=Kington Tom|date=13 October 2009|title=Recruited by MI5: the name's Mussolini. Benito Mussolini documents reveal Italian dictator got start in politics in 1917 with help of £100 weekly wage from MI5|title-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160210105414/https://amp.theguardian.com/world/2009/oct/13/benito-mussolini-recruited-mi5-italy|website=www.TheGuardian.com|publisher=[[The Guardian]]|location=London}}</ref>

===Fascism===
In their bid for political power, the Fascists killed over 3,000 other Italians from 1919 to 1922.<ref name=pg330>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc.|year=2017|page=330|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref> After the March on Rome, the aristocracy appointed Mussolini as the head of state on October 28, 1922. Under the excuse of removing ‘government waste’, he removed the federal government from the Kingdom of Italy’s remote areas, thereby depriving peasants and other rural workers of protections from big business’s abuses.<ref>https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1922/11/03/99094169.html</ref> The bourgeois state also passed a law on December 3, 1922, intended to reduce the size and function of the government, reform tax laws, and reduce spending. In January 1923, the bourgeois state eliminated rent-control laws under the excuse that they prevented landlords from building new housing; now landlords were allowed to increase their profit and holdings. After tenants protested this, the bourgeois state eliminated their unions, inflating Rome’s rent, and depriving many families of their homes, some of whom chose to live in caves as substitutes.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Mussolini Forbids Tenants’ Meeting|title-url=https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1923/02/10/issue.html|date=1923-02-10|publisher=New York Times Company}}</ref>

In July 1933, the Kingdom of Italy signed the Four-Power Pact with [[France]], the [[Third Reich]], and the [[United Kingdom]]. It also agreed to a non-aggression pact with the [[Soviet Union]] on September 2, 1933, but entered the [[Anti-Comintern Pact]] regardless on November 1937, and provided military assistance to Iberian anticommunists during the [[Spanish Civil War]]. In 1935, it reinvaded the [[Ethiopian Empire]], disturbing other Western powers, and massacred dozens of thousands of Ethiopians,<ref name=pg355>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc.|year=2017|page=355|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref> 18,000–19,000 of whom were in Addis Ababa alone.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Adeyinka Makinde|title=History: Italy’s 1937 Ethiopian Massacre Finally Comes to Light|title-url=https://wp.me/p2vCQD-nFGH|date=2018-05-25}}</ref> In total, the anticommunists probably massacred over 276,000 people in the Horn of Africa from 1924 to 1940, and 100,000 Libyans from 1923 to 1932.<ref name=pg355/> The Kingdom of Italy signed the Pact of Steel with the Third Reich in May 1939, and invaded Albania during the same year, massacring 160 Albanians.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Owen Pearson|title=Albania and King Zog: Independence, Republic and Monarchy, 1908–1939|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=3_Sh3y9IMZAC|publisher=Bloomsbury Academic|year=2004|page=445|ISBN=9781845110130}}</ref> The Kingdom of Italy cofounded the [[Axis]] with the Third Reich in 1940, and in 1941 the non-aggression pact with the Soviets expired and it participated in [[Operation Barbarossa]], massacring millions of Soviets.

==Politics==
With a few brief exceptions, the lower classes were passive in the Kingdom of Italy’s politics. Even after the electoral reform of 1882, most people were without franchise, and universal suffrage remained unavailable to men until 1912. The base of political power always rested with a minority of upper-class men, regardless of who exactly was heading the state.<ref name=pg7>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=I|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=7–8|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp#page/n22/mode/1up}}</ref> The parliamentary system resisted even the most modest of reforms, and the political system left the lower classes and some privileged intellectuals dissatisfied.<ref name=pg10>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=I|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=10|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp#page/n25/mode/1up}}</ref>

==Economy==
The lower classes lived meagerly at best and desperately poor at worst; an official enquiry indicated that their living conditions could hardly have been worse at any point during the previous two millennia. Many peasants owned no more than two tiny strips of land, if any, and had to get the rest of their income by working for the rural [[bourgeoisie]]. By the early 1910s, two-thirds of the farm land belonged to proprietors. The remaining farm land was divided in small-holdings among nearly five million peasants, and millions of other workers simply had no land at all. The bourgeoisie dominated the North’s fertile regions; most Italian land consisted of mountains, parched tablelands, swampy moors, and other areas unsuitable for agriculture. Consequently, the Kingdom of Italy had relatively little to offer in terms of natural resources.<ref name=pg6>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=I|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=6|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp#page/n21/mode/1up}}</ref> Unclean shelter, excessive taxes, tariffs, poverty, and other detrimental phenomena dominated the lower classes, especially those in the rural regions, and the proprietors did nothing to ameliorate their situation.<ref name=pg7/>

===Fascism===
{{quote|One contributor to a Shinseikai publication put it bluntly, charging that, for all its nationalistic boasting, Italian Fascism had failed to come to terms with finance capitalism—indeed, Fascism was but the “naked figure of capitalism.”|Reto Hofmann|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Reto Hofmann|chapter=3|title=The Fascist Effect: Japan and Italy, 1915–1952|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ|location=Ithaca and London|publisher=Cornell University Press|year=2015|page=79|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA79|ISBN=978-0-8014-5341-0}}</ref>}}

Contrary to whatever the party programme suggested, the dictatorship of the Fascist bourgeoisie soon implemented history’s first modern privatization programme from 1922 to 1925. Phenomena such as tolled motorways, monopolies on match sales and life insurances, Italy’s telephone sector, and Italy’s largest machinery producer, were all transferred to the private sector.<ref name=Bel>{{safesubst:citation|author=Germà Bel|title=The First Privatization: Selling SOEs and Privatizing Public Monopolies in Fascist Italy (1922–1925)|title-url=http://www.ub.edu/graap/bel_Italy_fascist.pdf|location=Barcelona|publisher=Universitat de Barcelona (GiM-IREA) & Barcelona Graduate School of Economics|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20120905202251/http://www.ub.edu/graap/bel_Italy_fascist.pdf|archivedate=2012-09-05|accessdate=2020-01-29}}</ref> It is true that after 1925 the bourgeois state committed more direct intervention in economic affairs, but it intended these regulations strictly for big business:

{{quote|Beyond the frontiers there has been a misunderstanding of the meaning of one of Mussolini’s phrases to the effect that three-quarters of the Italian economic system, both industrial and agricultural, is under State supervision. Almost all the medium-sized and little firms and the great majority of slightly larger firms, with the exception of a few categories, are completely outside the sphere of the State’s healing activity.|Signor Pirelli|<ref name>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=VI|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=131|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp#page/n146/mode/1up}}</ref>}}

The anticommunists did not institute regulations to protect the proletariat, nor to micromanage businesses, but simply to assist the pursuit of capital.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=VI|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=133–4}}</ref> Powerful authorities looked upon the Corporations as useful auxiliaries to the going order:

{{quote|[O]ne must first and foremost exclude the State or any public body such as a syndicate, or more important still a Corporation, from taking upon itself the management of businesses and thus eliminating private enterprise or placing it in a thoroughly subordinate position. This would be in contradiction to the Charter of Labor.|Gino Arias|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=VI|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=132–3}}</ref>}}

The anticommunists replaced the syndicates and unions with pseudodemocratic organizations that could neither support strikes, nor negotiate wages, nor negotiate working conditions, and normally sided in favor of the capitalists<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=IV|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|edition=|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=76–79, 93–94}}</ref> (rendering them ‘unions’ in name only).<ref name=Quigley>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carrol Quigley|chapter=IX|title=Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time|title-url=https://ia903105.us.archive.org/30/items/CarrollQuigleyTragedyAndHope_201805/Carroll%20Quigley%20-%20Tragedy%20and%20Hope%20-%201974.pdf|location=Los Angeles|publisher=Angriff Press|year=1974|page=450–452|isbn=-0913022-14-4|oclc=}}</ref> Consequently, real wages stagnated.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Labor Conditions in Fascist Italy|title-url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/41817276|journal=Monthly Labor Review|year=1943|month=November|volume=57|number=5|page=911–931}}</ref>

===Liberal Phase===
In the liberal phase, the first privatizations were carried out, taxes were lowered, administrative reforms were carried out and the rent laws were changed considerably, which also abolished rent controls. In the beginning, the main aim was to please the wealthy classes. The finance minister was the liberal politician [[Alberto De Stefani]], who lowered market regulations and privatized state corporations during this brief, economically liberal phase. During this period there has been significant economic growth and unemployment has been reduced by 77 percent.<ref name=Powell>{{safesubst:citation|author=Jim Powell|title=The Economic Leadership Secrets of Benito Mussolin|title-url=https://www.forbes.com/sites/jimpowell/2012/02/22/the-economic-leadership-secrets-of-benito-mussolini/?sh=82cc3ae68e6c|date=2012-02-22|accessdate=2021-11-96}}</ref> It was not until the beginning of the Great Depression that the fascist regime abolished the laissez-faire regulations and sought the first initiatives for more self-sufficiency and protectionism. During the Great Depression, the fascist government followed a Keynesian fiscal policy.<ref name="Williams and Norgate">{{citation|title=Universal Aspects of Fascism|year=1928|author=James Strachey Barnes|publisher=De Gruyter Mouton|page=113-144}}</ref>

{{quote|To-day we can affirm that the capitalistic method of production is out of date. So is the doctrine of laissez-faire, the theoretical basis of capitalism… To-day we are taking a new and decisive step in the path of revolution. A revolution, in order to be great, must be a social revolution.|Benito Mussolini|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=James Strachey Barnest|chapter= |title=Universal Aspects of Fascism|title-url= |location=London|publisher=Williams and Norgate|year=1928|isbn= |page=113-114}}</ref>}}

{{quote|Fascism entirely agrees with Mr. Maynard Keynes, despite the latter's prominent position as a Liberal. In fact, Mr. Keynes' excellent little book, The End of Laissez-Faire (1926) might, so far as it goes, serve as a useful introduction to fascist economics. There is scarcely anything to object to in it and there is much to applaud.|Benito Mussolini|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Gaetano Salvemini|chapter= |title=Under the Axe of Fascism|title-url= |location=London|publisher=Victor Gollancz Ltd.|year=1936|isbn= |page=131}}</ref>}}

===Corporatist Phase===
The corporatist phase was mainly accompanied by labor reforms. The best-known example is the Carta del Lavoro (Labor Charter) which was introduced in 1927. The Charter hereby officially declares that it considers private initiatives to be economically effective, thereby preserving the right to private property..<ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20110722063713/http://www.historia.unimi.it/sezione/fonti/codificazione/cartalavoro.pdf Labour Charter in italian]</ref> Although the charter promises to only take state interventions "where private initiative is lacking or is insufficient", the state nevertheless began to play a more statist role economically from the Great Depression through the Institute for Industrial Reconstruction (IRI).
The IRI was initially intended to rescue companies during the Depression, but the measures ensured that, for example, the Bank of Italy was transformed from a private to a public central bank through the banking law<ref>[https://www.bancaditalia.it/chi-siamo/storia/istituzione/index.html Dall'istituzione della Banca d'Italia alla legge bancaria del 1936]</ref> and also in other economic areas the state became a shareholder of large companies. In this way, the IRI - and with it the Italian state - became the owner of around 20% of the national share capital and large entrepreneurs (e.g. with Italsider in the steel and shipbuilding sector, and with Alfa Romeo in the automotive sectors) in the Italian banking sector.<ref name="Editori Laterza">{{citation|title=Storia dell'Iri|year=2012|author=Velerio Castronovo|publisher=Editori Laterza|page=27}}</ref> In this way the fascist state, willingly or not, became the owner of a large part of the economy. This phase was also characterized by Mussolini himself as state capitalism.

{{quote|Three-fourths of the Italian economy, industrial and agricultural, is in the hands of the state. And if I dare to introduce to Italy state capitalism or state socialism, which is the reverse side of the medal, I will have the necessary subjective and objective conditions to do it.|Benito Mussolini|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Gianni Toniolo|chapter= |title=The Oxford Handbook of the Italian Economy Since Unification|title-url= |location=London|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=2013|isbn= |page=59}}</ref>}}

The corporate phase represents less of a holistic economic order, but more of a regulation of the mode of production. With the syndical laws, the Italian state initially created 12 corporations, which in turn were divided into employer and employee unions. The aim was to create cooperation between the classes, whereby large companies have repeatedly hindered this cooperation between the classes, whereby only a few successes could be achieved with the corporate system (see also: social policy).

===Socialization Laws===
Shortly after his dismissal by the Fascist Grand Council, Mussolini was arrested and later freed by German troops. Later, parts of the Wehrmacht, SS and fascist militias (later called the Black Brigades) constructed the Italian Social Republic.<ref name="Falanga, 2008, p. 229">{{citation|title=Mussolinis Vorposten in Hitlers Reich. Italiens Politik in Berlin 1933–1945|year=2008|author=Gianluca Falanga|publisher=Links Christoph Verlag|page=229}}</ref> The social republic again represented a phase in which the original radicalism of fascism was ''reawakened''. This was followed by the Verona Congress in Italy, in which, among other things, the ''socialization of the economy'' was established. The Socialization law<ref>[Decreto Legislativo del Duce 12 febbraio 1944, n. 375]</ref> included the expropriation of large enterprises which employ equity of more than one million lire or over a hundred workers. All state-owned corporations were also included in the socialization process. The law also regulated the secret election of employee representatives, who were elected by the employees, manufacturers, technicians and administrative employees. Only employees who are over 25 years old and have been employed in the company for five years would have been eligible to vote.
In the draft constitution for the Italian Social Republic<ref>[https://it.wikisource.org/wiki/Italia,_Repubblica_Sociale_-_Progetto_di_Costituzione Progetto di Costituzione]</ref>, a parliament was also planned, the members of which would represent the respective syndicates (e.g. the syndicate of steel workers, craftsmen, artisans, farmers, etc.) and these syndicates would fill parliament instead of parties. Social groups such as mothers, veterans, the youth (through the youth organization of the fascist republican party) or people hindered by the war would have been allowed to vote for their respective representative groups in parliament. Mussolini hoped to regain the confidence of the working classes with these laws. The socialization laws were partially implemented. The actual expropriation also took place, e.g. B. the expropriation of FIAT.<ref>[https://digilander.libero.it/rsi_analisi/9.htm Socializzazione della “Fiat” Società per azioni con sede in Torino</ref> However, due to the war, socialization in the Social Republic was not implemented too intensely and after the war the efforts to socialize the economy were no longer taken into account by the new Italian republic.

===Social policies===
During the Fascist era there were some curtailments of social laws, as well as the abolition of a luxury tax. Nevertheless, some social policy laws were able to prevail in Fascist Italy, such as the occupational health protection for women and children,<ref>[Regio Decreto no. 653 04/26/1923]</ref> medical health insurance for people with low incomes,<ref>[Regio Decreto no. 2841 30/12/1923]</ref> the introduction of a public unemployment insurance,<ref>[Regio Decreto no. 3158 30/12/1923]</ref> the introduction of old-age and disability insurance,<ref>[Regio Decreto no. 3184 12/30/1923]</ref> compulsory employment insurance,<ref>[Regio Decreto no. 928 13/05/1929]</ref> a compulsory tuberculosis insurance,<ref>[Regio Decreto no. 2055 27/10/1927]</ref> the reduction of working hours to 40 hours a week (but including Wage cuts),<ref>[Regio Decreto no. 1768 05/29/1937]</ref> as well as the introduction of credit unions, whose borrowing was intended for farmers and artisans.<ref>[Regio Decreto no. 1706 08/26/1937]</ref>

===Consumerism===
The Fascists understood the power of advertising and actually established laboratories in Milan and Turin to study the responses of people subjected to publicity images.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Karen Pinkus|chapter=1|title=Bodily Regimes: Italian Advertising under Fascism|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=5FCIHjGLiYUC|location=Minnesota|publisher=University of Minnesota Press|year=1995|page=10|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=5FCIHjGLiYUC&pg=PA10|ISBN=0-8166-2562-X}}</ref> The Duce himself often assisted businesses by officially endorsing their products, though he preferred to portray himself as a producer rather than a consumer. At one point he exclaimed ‘I say, and I authorize you to repeat it: your chocolate is really exquisite!’ when visiting the Perugina chocolate plant in 1923, which lead capitalists to circulate his exclamation as an endorsement of a particular brand name, but eventually Fascist officers forced Perugina to withdraw the slogan; it was directly conflicting with the mechanisms of Fascism’s market-driven competition.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Karen Pinkus|chapter=1|title=Bodily Regimes: Italian Advertising under Fascism|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=5FCIHjGLiYUC|location=Minnesota|publisher=University of Minnesota Press|year=1995|page=17|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=5FCIHjGLiYUC&pg=PA17|ISBN=0-8166-2562-X}}</ref>

The revaluation of the lira, the higher import taxes on raw materials like sugar, and other economic factors, strained the confectionery industry during the 1930s. To overcome this, Perugina-Buitoni launched a campaign to promote consumer interest in their chocolates: including cheap figurines based on the various characters from the Four Musketeers radio programme. The campaign proved massively successful, to the point where the chocolates themselves were only secondary for collectors, and generated what was effectively another stock market: people often traded the figurines through newspapers, counterfeited them, stole them, trafficked them, and held contests involving them. Eventually, the Ministry of Finance severely restricted these contests in 1938, officially with the justification that they harmed the contestants and detracted from the value of labor itself, but the actual motive may have been to concentrate Fascist capital into the bourgeois state rather than between consumers.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Karen Pinkus|chapter=1|title=Bodily Regimes: Italian Advertising under Fascism|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=5FCIHjGLiYUC|location=Minnesota|publisher=University of Minnesota Press|year=1995|page=18–19|ISBN=0-8166-2562-X}}</ref>

==Infrastructure==
The railway system was in poor shape during World War I, but shortly after 1918 the proletariat steadily restored it in working order,<ref name=Mikkelson>{{safesubst:citation|author=David Mikkelson|title=Mussolini and On Time Trains|title-url=https://www.snopes.com/?p=24755|date=2007-09-29|accessdate=2020-03-11}}</ref> perhaps in part because nobody managed to successfully privatize the railsways.<ref name=Bel/> Nonetheless, the much hyped adherence to timetables was probably quite average in reality.<ref name=Mikkelson/>

===Healthcare===
Illnesses such as malaria, tuberculosis, and pellagra were common among the lower classes.<ref name=pg7/> Nonetheless, death and morbidity rates were on the decline, even after the triumph of Fascism.<ref name=pg89>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=IV|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=89|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp#page/n104/mode/1up}}</ref>

In March 1933, the Fascist authorities selected the town of Gruaro to experiment with a newly developed diphtheria vaccine,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title-url=http://www.laruotagruaro.it/download/ar_gruaro_pagg-234-235-236.pdf|title=Gruaro - Venti secoli di storia|page=234–236}}</ref> and 253 children aged between 13 months and eight years were recruited in this prophylactic operation despite the village doctor’s opposition. Immediately after the vaccine’s administration, however, the patients began to experience symptoms of varying severity; they were promptly admitted to the hospital of Portogruaro and the pediatric hospital run by Prof. Gino Frontali, in Padua where, despite the implementation of emergency measures, twenty-eight of the children died. Later it was discovered that a container of serum, prepared in a laboratory of the National Serum Therapy Institute of Naples, had been improperly boiled, thus exposing the patients to the still active and unattenuated bacterium. The Fascists let the incident go unpublished and no judicial inquiry was opened into it.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title-url=https://www.ilgazzettino.it/nordest/venezia/bambini_cavie_vaccino_sperimentale_gruaro_venezia_1933_fascismo-224003.html|title=Bimbi usati come cavie: sparito il fascicolo sulla strage di Gruaro|date=2013-12-03}}</ref><ref>{{safesubst:citation|title-url=http://www.veneziatoday.it/cronaca/strage-gruaro-2933-bambini-morti-vaccino.html|title="Noi, bambini scelti come cavie". La verità sulla strage di Gruaro del '33}}</ref><ref>{{safesubst:citation|title-url=https://www.ilgazzettino.it/nordest/venezia/dottor_sergio_borellini_strage_gruaro_vaccini_anti_difterite_medico_salv_ograve_bimbi_1933_portogruaro_venezia-413307.html|title=Quel dottore che salvò migliaia di bimbi rifiutandosi di vaccinarli|date=2014-05-13}}</ref>

===Education===
Illiteracy was common among the lower classes, and shrunk at a slow rate.<ref name=pg7/> Worker’s unions increased literacy,<ref name=pg16>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=I|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=16|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp#page/n31/mode/1up}}</ref> which the anticommunists later appropriated. The Fascist bourgeoisie spent more money on urban schools, but literacy increased only steadily, and schooling in rural communities remained very inadequate.<ref name=pg89/>

==Culture==
The Italian Fascists frequently referred to the Roman Empire as a source of inspiration, and sought to create a new sort of Roman Empire for the future. Nonetheless, they also referred to medieval elements as well. The National Fascist Party’s official anthem ''Giovinezza'', for example, referred to Dante Alighieri’s ‘vision’, specifically his marking of Italian borders on the Quarnaro River, thus including the province of Istria, a territory given to the Kingdom of Italy after World War I. Entertainment also served an important rôle for Fascism: the Fascist state supported some free concerts, sporting events and public works projects (designed to evoke civic pride) to appease the masses.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Michael Parenti|chapter=one|title=Blackshirts & Reds: Rational Fascism & the Overthrow of Communism|title-url=https://cartiparenti.files.wordpress.com/2016/08/blackshirts-and-reds-by-michael-parenti.pdf|location=San Francisco|publisher=City Light Books|year=1997|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20190828235152/https://cartiparenti.files.wordpress.com/2016/08/blackshirts-and-reds-by-michael-parenti.pdf|archivedate=2019-08-28|page=7|ISBN=0-87288-330-1}}</ref> It also promoted cinema, probably to compensate for the prevalence of illiteracy.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Alex Schmidt|coauthors=Ruth Ben-Ghiat & Adam Tod Brown|title=What Fascist Italy Reveals About Modern America|title-url=https://www.cracked.com/podcast/what-fascist-italy-reveals-about-modern-america|date=2019-04-22|accessdate=2020-04-24}}</ref> A particular medieval work that saw renewed interest, especially for the reinvasion of Ethiopia, was Petrarch’s Neo-Latin epic of the Second Punic War, ''Africa'', which inspired the famous fascist film ''Scipione l’Africano''.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Samuel Asad Abijuwa Agbamu|title=The Reception of Petrarch’s Africa in Fascist Italy|journal=International Journal of the Classical Tradition|date=05/February/2021|DOI=10.1007/s12138-020-00584-x}}</ref>

===Language===
With reunification in the 1860s the bourgeois state proceeded to standarize the Italian language and impose it where it had previously been rare. For example, the predominant languages in Aosta Valley had long been French and to a less extent Arpitan, but in the 1880s the state introduced Italian in tribunal and other official documents and Italian grew in further influence with the introduction of railways and industrialisation in general, slowly turning Italian into the common language among Aosta’s lower classes. However, the Fascist state of the 1920s began an aggressive campaign to eliminate all ‘foreign’ languages and dialects in national territory despite the objections of thousands. In 1923 the bourgeois state declared the suppression of certain schools and prohibited education of students in any language other than Italian. The state forcibly converted dozens of French toponyms into Italian ones.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Histoire linguistique du Val d'Aoste, territoire francophone|title-url=http://sociolangue.canalblog.com/archives/2012/03/30/23889717.html|date=2012-03-30}}</ref> Even languages closely related to Italian (often called ‘dialects’), such as Emilian, Friulan,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=James Minahan|title=One Europe, Many Nations: A Historical Dictionary of European National Groups|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NwvoM-ZFoAgC|location=Westport, Connecticut|publisher=Greenwood Press|year=2000|page=270|ISBN=0-313-30984-1}}</ref> Ladin<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=James Minahan|title=One Europe, Many Nations: A Historical Dictionary of European National Groups|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NwvoM-ZFoAgC|location=Westport, Connecticut|publisher=Greenwood Press|year=2000|page=394|ISBN=0-313-30984-1}}</ref>, Lombard, Ligurian, Neapolian, Piedmontese, Romagnolo, Sardinian, Sicilian, Venetian<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=James B. Minahan|title=Encyclopedia of Stateless Nations: Ethnic and National Groups around the World|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=pGClDAAAQBAJ|location=Santa Barbara, California|publisher=Greenwood|year=2016|page=448|ISBN=978-1-61069-953-2}}</ref> and elsewhat, were all suppressed. The one notable exception to this homogenization was the promotion of Latin, which witnessed a new age of poetry, literature, journalism, inscriptions, prose competitions, and vocabulary, frequently with Fascist themes, as a result both of state and extrastate actors.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Lamers|first1=Han|last2=Reitz-Joosse|first2=Bettina|title=Lingua Lictoria: The Latin Literature of Italian Fascism|journal=Classical Receptions Journal|publisher=Oxford University Press|volume=8|issue=2|year=2015|page=216–252|DOI=10.1093/crj/clv001}}</ref>

Sardinian culture had only continued to decline in the 1860s and later,<ref>"In 1861 Victor Emmanuel II was proclaimed king of Italy, and the island became part of the unified Italian state. Sardinia's distinct language and culture as well as its geographic isolation from the Italian mainland, made it something of a forgotten province, however." {{citation|title-url=https://www.britannica.com/place/Sardinia-island-Italy/Aragonese-domination#ref333582|title=Sardinia, History, People and Points of Interest. Sardinia in a united Italy|publisher=Britannica}}</ref> but the process of forced Italianization had only intensified during Fascism;<ref>"Il ventennio fascista – come ha affermato Manlio Brigaglia ‒ segnò il definitivo ingresso della Sardegna nel “sistema" nazionale. L’isola fu colonialisticamente integrata nella cultura nazionale: modi di vita, costumi, visioni generali, parole d’ordine politiche furono imposte sia attraverso la scuola, dalla quale partì un’azione repressiva nei confronti dell’uso della lingua sarda, sia attraverso le organizzazione del partito..." Garroni, M. (2010). [https://art.torvergata.it/retrieve/handle/2108/1380/6630/capitolo%201.pdf ''La Sardegna durante il ventennio fascista''], art.torvergata.it</ref> the bourgeois state repressed local cultural expressions, including Sardinian mask festivals<ref>Deidda, Giancarlo (1990). ''Folk festivals in Sardinia'', Janus, p. 7</ref> and improvised poetry competitions,<ref>L. Marroccu, ''Il ventennio fascista''</ref><ref>M. Farinelli, ''The Invisible Motherland? The Catalan-Speaking Minority in Sardinia and Catalan Nationalism'', p. 15</ref><ref>{{citation|title-url=http://www.manifestosardo.org/quando-a-scuola-si-insegnava-la-lingua-sarda/|title=Quando a scuola si insegnava la lingua sarda|work=Il Manifesto Sardo}}</ref><ref name="Remundu">[http://www.sardegnacultura.it/j/v/253?s=23661&v=2&c=2767&c1=2797&t=1 ''Remundu Piras'', Sardegna Cultura]</ref><ref>Massimo Pittau, ''Grammatica del sardo illustre'', Nuoro, [http://www.pittau.it/Sardo/sardoillustre.html Premessa]</ref><ref>Salvi, Sergio (1974). ''Le lingue tagliate'', Rizzoli, p. 191</ref> and a large number of Sardinian surnames were forcibly ‘Italianized’. After an argument between the Sardinian poet Antioco Casula and the fascist journalist Gino Anchisi, who claimed that ‘once the region is moribund or dead, so will the dialect [''sic'']’, the Fascists managed to prohibit Sardinian from the printing press as well.<ref>{{citation|title-url=https://dialnet.unirioja.es/descarga/articulo/3400254.pdf|title=Casula, Francesco. ''Sa chistione de sa limba in Montanaru e oe''}}</ref><ref>{{citation|title-url=http://www.regione.sardegna.it/messaggero/1982_dicembre_21.pdf|title=Masala, Francesco. ''Est torradu Montanaru'', Messaggero, 1982}}</ref> Antioco Casula tied the significance of Sardinian to the practices of cultural resistance of an indigenous ethnic group,<ref>{{citation|title-url=https://www.manifestosardo.org/montanaru-e-la-lingua-sarda/|title=Montanaru e la lingua sarda|year=2019|website=Il Manifesto Sardo}}</ref><ref group=note>Casula's reply to Anchisi, arguing in favour of Sardinian as the only means through which the island’s cultural reawakening could be pursued, was never published in the newspaper ''L'Unione Sarda'', whose editorial staff properly censored it in accordance with the ruling class’s directives. The newspaper then justified itself in the following way, in a personal letter addressed to Casula on 12 September: ‘Your article could not be published because part of it clearly exalts the region too much. This is absolutely forbidden by the current provisions of the Head of Government’s press office, which specifically state: ‘In no way and for no reason does the region exist.’ We are very sorry. However, we would ask you to redo the article by simply talking about your poetry in dialect [''sic''] without touching on this dangerous subject!’ {{citation|title-url=https://dialnet.unirioja.es/descarga/articulo/3400254.pdf|author=Francesco Casula|title=Sa chistione de sa limba in Montanaru e oe|page=66}}</ref> whose linguistic repertoire had to be introduced in school to regain a lost dignity.<ref>«Il diffondere l’uso della lingua sarda in tutte le scuole di ogni ordine e grado non è per gli educatori sardi soltanto una necessità psicologica alla quale nessuno può sottrarsi, ma è il solo modo di essere Sardi, di essere cioè quello che veramente siamo per conservare e difendere la personalità del nostro popolo. E se tutti fossimo in questa disposizione di idee e di propositi ci faremmo rispettare più di quanto non-ci rispettino.» {{citation|author=Antioco Casula|title=Poesie scelte|publisher=Edizioni 3T|place=Cagliari|year=1982|page=35}}</ref>

Another famed poet from Sardinia, Salvatore (''Bore'') Poddighe, fell into a severe depression and took his own life a few years after Cagliari’s police commissioner seized his masterwork (''Sa Mundana Cummedia''). When the bourgeois state officially prohibited the use of Sardinian in schools as part of its 1934 national educational plan against the alloglot ‘dialects’, the then Sardinian-speaking children were confronted with another means of communication that was supposed to be their own from then onwards too.<ref>Bolognesi, Roberto. ''The Phonology of Campidanian Sardinian: A Unitary Account of a Self-organizing Structure'', 1998, 6</ref> Overall, this period in Sardinian history was the most aggressive cultural assimilation effort by the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie,<ref name="gruyter">De Gruyter Mouton, ed. by Lubello, Sergio (2016). ''Manuale di linguistica italiana'', Manuals of Romance Linguistics 13, Lingue di minoranza, comunità alloglotte (Paul Videsott), Le singole lingue di minoranza e comunità alloglotte, 3.11: Sardo</ref><ref name="Lubello">Lubello, Sergio (2016). ''Manuale Di Linguistica Italiana'', De Gruyter, Manuals of Romance linguistics, p. 499</ref> which led to an even further sociolinguistic degradation of Sardinian.<ref name="degruyter.com">{{citation|title=Manuale di linguistica sarda|year=2017|author=Eduardo Blasco Ferrer, Peter Koch, Daniela Marzo|publisher=De Gruyter Mouton|page=36}}</ref> A minor exception to the repression was the Sardinian Anthem of the once Piedmontese Kingdom: being a royal tradition granted it immunity to prohibition.

After Austro-Hungary’s dissolution in the late 1910s, the Kingdom of Italy also annexed Austrian Littoral and proceeded to shut down hundreds of Slavic organizations, including cultural, educational, sporting, youth, social, professional, literary, political, journalist, co-operative, and financial ones, and specifically so with the Law on Associations in 1925, the Law on Public Demonstrations in 1926, and the Law on Public Order in the same year.<ref name="Cresciani_ClashOfCivilisations">{{safesubst:citation|author=Gianfranco Cresciani|title=Clash of civilisations|title-url=|journal=Italian Historical Society Journal|year=2004|volume=12|number=2|page=4}}</ref> Since April 13, 1920, the Fascists instigated riots against Triestine Slovenes, said to be retaliations for the assault that a Croatian population perpetrated against Italian troops occupying its territory in Split. Fascists destroyed numerous Slovene-owned shops and other buildings, culminating in one particular arson, directed by Francesco Giunta, against the ''Narodni dom'' or community hall for Triestine Slovenes.<ref name="Primorski90let2010">{{citation|title=90 let od požiga Narodnega doma v Trstu: Požig Narodnega doma ali šentjernejska noč tržaških Slovencev in Slovanov |trans-title=90 Years From the Arson of the National Hall in Trieste: Arson of the National Hall or the St. Bartholomew's Night of the Triestine Slovenes and Slavs|title-url=http://www.primorski.eu/dossiers/dossier/10/31/130144|newspaper=Primorski dnevnik |trans-newspaper=The Littoral Daily |language=Slovenian|year=2010 |page=14–15|access-date=28 February 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20181010095839/http://www.primorski.eu/dossiers/dossier/10/31/130144|archive-date=10 October 2018}}</ref> Benito Mussolini praised this action as a ‘masterpiece of the Triestine fascism’,<ref name="Sestani2012-02">{{citation |title-url=https://docs.google.com/open?id=1kDBSJkZ2klBX9k8mY80C9HZZ-kO5iydHY7_t9DiV5xdZWSNt_CPas-GkxGX8 |title=Gli esuli istriani, dalmati e fiumani a Lucca |language=Italian|trans-title=The Istrian, Dalmatian and Rijeka Refugees in Lucca |publisher=Instituto storico della Resistenca e dell'Età Contemporanea in Provincia di Lucca |chapter=Il confine orientale: una terra, molti esodi |trans-chapter=The Eastern Border: One Land, Multiple Exoduses |date=10 February 2012 |editor=Sestani, Armando |page=12–13}}</ref> and in September 1920 he said:

{{quote|When dealing with such a race as Slavic — inferior and barbaric — we must not pursue the carrot, but the stick policy. We should not be afraid of new victims. The Italian border should run across the Brenner Pass, Monte Nevoso and the Dinaric Alps. I would say we can easily sacrifice 500,000 barbaric Slavs for 50,000 Italians.|Benito Mussolini|<ref>{{citation|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=HyVMfMQoSCYC |title=Aut aut |year=2011 |isbn=9788865761069 |author=Marta Verginella |chapter=Antislavismo, razzismo di frontiera?|page=40–1|language=Italian}}</ref>}}
[[File:Fascist Italianization.jpg|right|thumb|A leaflet from the Fascist era prohibiting singing or speaking in the ‘Slavic language’ in the streets and public places of Dignano (now Vodnjan, Croatia). Signed by the ''[[Squadrismo|Squadristi]]'', and threatening the use of ‘persuasive methods’ in enforcement.]]
This reflected a common Fascist opinion against the Croatian and Slovene minorities in the Julian March.<ref name="Sestani2012-02"/> After March 1923, the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie officially prohibited these languages in administration, and after October 1925 in law courts as well. In 1923, in the context of the school reform prepared by the anticommunist [[Giovanni Gentile]], teaching in languages other than Italian was disallowed, although the Istro-Rumanian language in Šušnjevica was a minor exception.<ref name="PUŞCARIU">PUŞCARIU, Sextil. Studii istroromâne. Vol. II, București: 1926</ref> Some five hundred Slovene teachers, nearly half of all the Slovene teachers in the Littoral region, were moved by the Fascists to the interior of Italy, while Italian teachers were sent to teach Slovene children Italian.<ref name=":0">{{citation|title-url=https://www.dlib.si/details/URN:NBN:SI:DOC-JQ6XF18D|title=dLib.si – Izseljevanje iz Primorske med obema vojnama|website=www.dlib.si|access-date=2020-04-08}}</ref>

===Demography===
Initially most Italian Fascists tolerated Jews, gladly allowing antisocialist ones in their ranks, and oversaw the growth of a Zionist variety of fascism called Revisionist Maximalism. Until 1936, most Fascists were committed to [[Zionism]] and inspired some influential Zionists such as Vladimir Jabotinsky.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Baroud|first1=Ramzy|last2=Rubeo|first2=Romana|title=The Mussolini-Jabotinsky Connection: The Hidden Roots of Israel Fascist Past|title-url=https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/?p=382910|date=2020-01-27}}</ref> One of the quarrels that Mussolini initially had with the German Fascists was that they were too anti-Semitic. However, the overwhelming popularity and dominance of the German Reich in the late 1930s eventually compelled the Kingdom of Italy to officially adopt anti-Semitism in 1938.<ref name=Bauerkämper>{{safesubst:citation|author=Arnd Bauerkämper|title=Transnational Fascism: Cross-Border Relations between Regimes and Movements in Europe, 1922–1939*|journal=East Central Europe|volume=37|location=Leiden|publisher=Koninklijke Brill|year=2010|page=214–246|DOI=10.1163/187633010X534469}}</ref> Some otherwise staunch Fascists, such as Giorgio Perlasca,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Frank Mazzaglia|title=Commentary: Giorgio Perlasca: 'A Truly Magnificent Impostor'|title-url=https://www.metrowestdailynews.com/opinion/20191217/commentary-giorgio-perlasca-a-truly-magnificent-impostor|date=2019-12-17}}</ref> subsequently renounced their loyalty to the Duce because of this.

===Cuisine===
With the encouragement of a radical art group called the Futurists, the Fascist state prohibited pasta under the official excuse that it made men ‘weak’,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Kantha Shelke|title=Pasta and Noodles: A Global History|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=G5qRDQAAQBAJ|location=London|publisher=Reaktion Books Ltd|year=2016|page=23|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=G5qRDQAAQBAJ&pg=PT23|ISBN=9781780236971}}</ref> but the unofficial explanation is that the state did it to reduce imports for purposes of [[autarky]]. The Po Valley was an abundant supply of rice — in fact, Europe's largest rice-producing region, and Mussolini sought to use this as a base for Italy's food self-sufficiency. He declared in 1927 for November 1 to be "national rice day".<ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20160229020645/https://www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/art/3579746/A-plateful-of-revolution.html A plateful of revolution]</ref><ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20200129144535/http://content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,731118,00.html Foreign News: National Rice Day]</ref>

==See also==

*[[German Reich (1933–1945)|German Reich (1933–945)]]
*[[Spanish State (1939–1975)]]
*[[Empire of Japan (1868–1947)|Empire of Japan (1931–1947)]]

==Notes==
{{reflist|group=note}}

==References==
[[Category:Fascist countries]]
[[Category:Imperialist countries]]

<references />

File:Fascist Italianization.jpg

2023-03-15T06:20:41Z

Anarcho-Bolshevik: A leaflet from the period of Fascist Italianization of Slav minority in Italy made by Italian Fascists. Text: "''P.N.F.-Comando Squadristi-Dignano (present-day Vodnjan, Croatia). Attenzione! Si proibisce nel modo più assoluto che nei ritrovi pubblici e per le strade di Dignano si canti o si parli in lingua slava. Anche nei negozi di qualsiasi genere deve essere una buona volta adoperata solo la lingua italiana. Noi Squadristi, con metodi persuasivi, faremo rispettare il presente ordine. Gli S...

== Summary ==
A leaflet from the period of Fascist Italianization of Slav minority in Italy made by Italian Fascists. Text: "''P.N.F.-Comando Squadristi-Dignano (present-day Vodnjan, Croatia). Attenzione! Si proibisce nel modo più assoluto che nei ritrovi pubblici e per le strade di Dignano si canti o si parli in lingua slava. Anche nei negozi di qualsiasi genere deve essere una buona volta adoperata solo la lingua italiana. Noi Squadristi, con metodi persuasivi, faremo rispettare il presente ordine. Gli Squadristi.''" Translation: "P.N.D.-Squadrist Command-Dignano. Attention! In the public spaces and on the streets of Dignano (Vodnjan) it is strictly forbidden to sing or speak in Slavic language. In stores of all kinds, too, only the Italian language must finally be used. We Squadrists will enforce this order with persuasive methods. The Squadrists."

Courtesy of https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Fascist_italianization.jpg

Kingdom of Italy (1861–1946)

2023-03-15T06:17:46Z

Anarcho-Bolshevik: Copied content from https://wiki.leftypol.org/wiki/Kingdom_of_Italy

{{Infobox country|name=Kingdom of Italy|native_name=Regno d'Italia|image_flag=Kingdom of Italy flag.png|image_coat=Fascist Italy coast of arms.png|capital=[[Rome]]|mode_of_production=[[Capitalism]] (decaying)|government_type=Unitary parliamentary monarchy (1861–1922) Unitary [[bourgeois democracy]] under [[fascist]] influence (1922–1925) Unitary fascist state (1925–1943)|leader_title1=Monarch|leader_name1=Victor Emmanuel III|leader_title2=Duce|leader_name2=[[Benito Mussolini]]|life_span=1861–1943|image_flag2=NFP flag.png|flag_caption=Flags of Italy and the [[National Fascist Party]]|motto=Credere, obbedire, combattere (Motto of the [[National Fascist Party]])|image_map=Kingdom of Italy map.png|religion=Roman Catholicism|legislature=Parliament|established_event2=[[March on Rome]]|established_date2=31 October 1922|established_event3=Second Italo-Abyssinian War|established_date3=1935-1936|established_event4=Conquest of Albania|established_date4=April 7–12, 1939|established_event5=Intervention into the [[Second World War]]|established_date5=10 June 1940|established_event6=Deposition of Mussolini|established_date6=25 July 1943|area_km2=3,798,000|population_estimate=42,993,602|population_estimate_year=1936|currency=Italian Lira}}

The '''Kingdom of Italy''' was a state in southern Europe. From the [[March on Rome]] in 1922 until 1943, it was under the rule of the first [[fascist]] state in history, in a historical period commonly known as '''Fascist Italy'''. While in the years from 1922–1925, the regime still maintained a [[Liberalism|liberal]] façade, after 1925, it soon fully formed into a militantly [[Anti-communism|anti-communist]] dictatorship headed by [[Benito Mussolini]].<ref>{{News citation|newspaper=Swansea University|title=What was the impact of Fascist rule upon Italy from 1922 to 1945?|url=https://www.swansea.ac.uk/history/history-study-guides/what-was-the-impact-of-fascist-rule-upon-italy-from-1922-to-1945/|retrieved=2022-7-19|quote=Mussolini’s appointment as prime minister in October 1922 did not see the immediate institution of dictatorial rule. Characteristic of the means the Fascists had employed to come to power, Blackshirt squad violence helped to reduce the influence of parliamentary opposition without outlawing it altogether. From the start of 1925, a fascist parliamentary majority (elected in April 1924 partly thanks to fascist intimidation) was able to pass a series of laws which dismantled the institutions of liberal democracy. Denoting a decline in squad power, the regular police forces together with the OVRA secret police (created in 1927) were now entrusted with the task of rooting out political opposition and controlling the population, with the assistance of Fascist Party organizations (including the Militia).}}</ref>

Under the [[reactionary]] and despotic government, [[Communist party|socialist and communist organizations]], [[Trade union|trade unions]], and other organs of the [[working class]] saw massive repression and deprivation, with the economy being organized in accordance to the betterment of the [[Bourgeoisie|wealthy]], at the large expense of the workers. The fascist regime also implemented the first modern privatization programs, as well as the mass cutting of social programs, in history.<ref>{{Citation|author=Germa Bel|year=2011|title=The first privatisation: selling SOEs and privatising public monopolies in Fascist Italy (1922–1925)|title-url=https://academic.oup.com/cje/article-abstract/35/5/937/1695860|quote=Italy's first Fascist government applied a large-scale privatisation policy between 1922 and 1925. The government privatised the State monopoly of match sale, eliminated the State monopoly on life insurances, sold most of the State-owned telephone networks and services to private firms, reprivatised the largest metal machinery producer, and awarded concessions to private firms to build and operate motorways. These interventions represent one of the earliest and most decisive privatisation episodes in the Western world. While ideological considerations may have had a certain influence, privatisation was used mainly as a political tool to build confidence among industrialists and to increase support for the government and the Partito Nazionale Fascista. Privatisation also contributed to balancing the budget, which was the core objective of Fascist economic policy in its first phase.|publisher=Cambridge Journal of Economics|doi=https://doi.org/10.1093/cje/beq051|volume=35|trans-lang=English}}</ref> Fascist Italy occupied [[Ethiopian Empire (1270–1974)|Ethiopia]] in addition to its earlier colonies of [[Somalia]] and [[Eritrea]].<ref>{{Citation|author=Stephen Gowans|year=2018|title=Patriots, Traitors and Empires: The Story of Korea’s Struggle for Freedom|chapter=Imperialism|page=58–59|pdf=https://ipfs.io/ipfs/bafykbzaced4iiga4ngtxusr2civjxewbili5jne2sbpefbx2s3im2kphattzc?filename=Stephen%20Gowans%20-%20Patriots%2C%20Traitors%20and%20Empires_%20The%20Story%20of%20Korea%E2%80%99s%20Struggle%20for%20Freedom-Baraka%20Books%20%282018%29.pdf|city=Montreal|publisher=Baraka Books|isbn=9781771861427|lg=https://libgen.rs/book/index.php?md5=8435F6FF91279531705764823FDC2A7F}}</ref>

Fascist Italy allied itself with another [[Far-right politics|extreme right]] [[capitalist]] regime, the [[German Reich (1933–1945)|German Reich]], and joined into the [[Second World War]] after Italian forces invaded the [[French Republic]], during the final days of the main German invasion of that nation. While seeing some territorial gains in Southern Europe in the initial part of the war, Fascist Italy would later prove itself to be an ineffectual military force, particularly in regards to the military events in [[Africa]] and [[Sicily]].

By 1943, after the [[World War II|Allies]] had invaded mainland Italy, the long-time dictator, Benito Mussolini, was removed from power after a soft-coup. However, the Germans later returned him to power to lead a puppet state, known as the [[Italian Social Republic]].

[[Fascism]] in Italy ended in 1945, after Mussolini was killed, and his puppet state fell. The Kingdom of Italy itself was replaced by the modern [[Italian Republic|Republic of Italy]] after a referendum was held.<ref>{{News citation|newspaper=historians.org|title=The Rise and Fall of Fascism|url=https://www.historians.org/about-aha-and-membership/aha-history-and-archives/gi-roundtable-series/pamphlets/em-18-what-is-the-future-of-italy-(1945)/the-rise-and-fall-of-fascism|retrieved=2022-7-19|quote=The final collapse of fascism, though set off when Mussolini’s frightened lieutenants threw him overboard, was brought about by allied military victories plus the open rebellion of the people. Among the latter the strikes of industrial workers in Nazi-controlled northern Italy led the way. Nothing of this sort happened in Germany.}}</ref>

== History ==

=== Background ===
After 1821, the French [[bourgeoisie]] had a significant influence on the Italian peninsula, particularly through liberalism and nationalism. A national upsurge, headed by commercial enterprisers, bureaucrats, and privileged intellectuals, unified numerous states on the peninsula, and major European foreign offices facilitated this process. North Italy’s emerging business community would profit immensely from this upsurge. The lower classes, however, generally acted passively throughout this transformation even though they constituted three fourths of the population, but captains and orators were useful in manufacturing consent.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=I|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=4–5}}</ref>

Italy experienced an incomplete [[bourgeois revolution]] following the [[French Revolution]]. The French overthrew the old Italian monarchies and installed liberal republican governments, which came under the rule of the Bonaparte family after [[Napoleon Bonaparte|Napoleon]]'s rise to power. Absolute monarchist rule returned in 1814 but could not restore [[feudalism]]. Italy remained divided and dominated by foreign powers despite attempted revolutions in 1820, 1831, and 1848. The [[aristocracy]] and Catholic Church largely excluded the bourgeoisie from power.<ref name=":0222">{{Citation|author=Neil Faulkner|year=2013|title=A Marxist History of the World: From Neanderthals to Neoliberals|chapter=The Age of Blood and Iron|page=152–154|pdf=https://cloudflare-ipfs.com/ipfs/bafykbzacedljwr5izotdclz23o3c5p4di4t3ero3ncbfytip55slhiz4otuls?filename=Neil%20Faulkner%20-%20A%20Marxist%20History%20of%20the%20World_%20From%20Neanderthals%20to%20Neoliberals-Pluto%20Press%20%282013%29.pdf|publisher=Pluto Press|isbn=9781849648639|lg=https://libgen.rs/book/index.php?md5=91CA6C708BFE15444FE27899217FBA8E}}</ref>

=== Unification ===
The [[Kingdom of Sardinia|Kingdom of Piedmont]] under [[Victor Emanuel]] formed an alliance with [[Second French Empire|France]] and defeated [[Austrian Empire (1804–1867)|Austria]] in northern Italy in 1859. It quickly defeated the Austrian-backed monarchs of minor Italian states, and the new liberal governments of Lombardy, Parma, Modena, Emilia, Romagna, and Tuscany voted to unify with Piedmont. In May 1860, [[Giuseppe Garibaldi]] landed in Sicily and overthrew the [[Kingdom of the Two Sicilies]], unifying it with the rest of Italy. Piedmont took control of Venice with [[Kingdom of Prussia|Prussian]] support in 1866 after defeating Austria in the Austro-Prussian War. Italy annexed the [[State of the Church|Papal States]] in 1870 after [[Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte|Louis-Napoleon]]'s defeat, which removed the Pope's main protector.

The Italian unification helped the country industrialize but did not improve life for the [[Peasantry|peasants]]. Garibaldi's troops killed rebellious peasants to gain support from southern [[Landlord|landlords]], who relied on mercenaries who would later become the mafia to prevent land redistribution.<ref name=":0222" />

As small and large businesses suffered during the 1910s and early 1920s, many wealthy antisocialists supported the Fascists for their counterrevolutionary violence,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Roy Domenico|chapter=2|title=Remaking Italy in the Twentieth Century|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Nj8DV_s8ZaYC|location=Lanham|publisher=Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.|year=2002|page=36–53|ISBN=0-8476-9637-5}}</ref> including the MI5, a British intelligence agency that wanted the Italians to stay in [[WWI]].<ref name=Guardian2009-10-13>{{safesubst:citation|author=Kington Tom|date=13 October 2009|title=Recruited by MI5: the name's Mussolini. Benito Mussolini documents reveal Italian dictator got start in politics in 1917 with help of £100 weekly wage from MI5|title-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160210105414/https://amp.theguardian.com/world/2009/oct/13/benito-mussolini-recruited-mi5-italy|website=www.TheGuardian.com|publisher=[[The Guardian]]|location=London}}</ref>

===Fascism===
In their bid for political power, the Fascists killed over 3,000 other Italians from 1919 to 1922.<ref name=pg330>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures |title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc.|year=2017|page=330|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref> After the March on Rome, the aristocracy appointed Mussolini as the head of state on October 28, 1922. Under the excuse of removing ‘government waste’, he removed the federal government from the Kingdom of Italy’s remote areas, thereby depriving peasants and other rural workers of protections from big business’s abuses.<ref>https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1922/11/03/99094169.html</ref> The bourgeois state also passed a law on December 3, 1922, intended to reduce the size and function of the government, reform tax laws, and reduce spending. In January 1923, the bourgeois state eliminated rent-control laws under the excuse that they prevented landlords from building new housing; now landlords were allowed to increase their profit and holdings. After tenants protested this, the bourgeois state eliminated their unions, inflating Rome’s rent, and depriving many families of their homes, some of whom chose to live in caves as substitutes.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Mussolini Forbids Tenants’ Meeting|title-url=https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1923/02/10/issue.html|date=1923-02-10|publisher=New York Times Company}}</ref>

In July 1933, the Kingdom of Italy signed the Four-Power Pact with [[France]], the [[Third Reich]], and the [[United Kingdom]]. It also agreed to a non-aggression pact with the [[Soviet Union]] on September 2, 1933, but entered the [[Anti-Comintern Pact]] regardless on November 1937, and provided military assistance to Iberian anticommunists during the [[Spanish Civil War]]. In 1935, it reinvaded the [[Ethiopian Empire]], disturbing other Western powers, and massacred dozens of thousands of Ethiopians,<ref name=pg355>{{safesubst:citation|author=Micheal Clodfelter|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kNzCDgAAQBAJ |edition=fourth |location= Jefferson, North Carolina |publisher=McFarland & Company, Inc.|year=2017|page=355|isbn=978-0-7864-7470-7}}</ref> 18,000–19,000 of whom were in Addis Ababa alone.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Adeyinka Makinde|title=History: Italy’s 1937 Ethiopian Massacre Finally Comes to Light|title-url=https://wp.me/p2vCQD-nFGH|date=2018-05-25}}</ref> In total, the anticommunists probably massacred over 276,000 people in the Horn of Africa from 1924 to 1940, and 100,000 Libyans from 1923 to 1932.<ref name=pg355/> The Kingdom of Italy signed the Pact of Steel with the Third Reich in May 1939, and invaded Albania during the same year, massacring 160 Albanians.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Owen Pearson|title=Albania and King Zog: Independence, Republic and Monarchy, 1908–1939|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=3_Sh3y9IMZAC|publisher=Bloomsbury Academic|year=2004|page=445|ISBN=9781845110130}}</ref> The Kingdom of Italy cofounded the [[Axis]] with the Third Reich in 1940, and in 1941 the non-aggression pact with the Soviets expired and it participated in [[Operation Barbarossa]], massacring millions of Soviets.

==Politics==
With a few brief exceptions, the lower classes were passive in the Kingdom of Italy’s politics. Even after the electoral reform of 1882, most people were without franchise, and universal suffrage remained unavailable to men until 1912. The base of political power always rested with a minority of upper-class men, regardless of who exactly was heading the state.<ref name=pg7>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=I|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=7–8|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp#page/n22/mode/1up}}</ref> The parliamentary system resisted even the modestest of reforms, and the political system left the lower classes and some privileged intellectuals dissatisfied.<ref name=pg10>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=I|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=10|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp#page/n25/mode/1up}}</ref>

==Economy==
The lower classes lived meagerly at best and desperately poor at worst; an official enquiry indicated that their living conditions could hardly have been worse at any point during the previous two millennia. Many peasants owned no more than two tiny strips of land, if any, and had to get the rest of their income by working for the rural [[bourgeoisie]]. By the early 1910s, two-thirds of the farm land belonged to proprietors. The remaining farm land was divided in small-holdings among nearly five million peasants, and millions of other workers simply had no land at all. The bourgeoisie dominated the North’s fertile regions; most Italian land consisted of mountains, parched tablelands, swampy moors, and other areas unsuitable for agriculture. Consequently, the Kingdom of Italy had relatively little to offer in terms of natural resources.<ref name=pg6>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=I|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=6|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp#page/n21/mode/1up}}</ref> Unclean shelter, excessive taxes, tariffs, poverty, and other detrimental phenomena dominated the lower classes, especially those in the rural regions, and the proprietors did nothing to ameliorate their situation.<ref name=pg7/>

===Fascism===
{{quote|One contributor to a Shinseikai publication put it bluntly, charging that, for all its nationalistic boasting, Italian Fascism had failed to come to terms with finance capitalism—indeed, Fascism was but the “naked figure of capitalism.”|Reto Hofmann|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Reto Hofmann|chapter=3|title=The Fascist Effect: Japan and Italy, 1915–1952|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ|location=Ithaca and London|publisher=Cornell University Press|year=2015|page=79|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA79|ISBN=978-0-8014-5341-0}}</ref>}}

Contrary to whatever the party programme suggested, the dictatorship of the Fascist bourgeoisie soon implemented history’s first modern privatization programme from 1922 to 1925. Phenomena such as tolled motorways, monopolies on match sales and life insurances, Italy’s telephone sector, and Italy’s largest machinery producer, were all transferred to the private sector.<ref name=Bel>{{safesubst:citation|author=Germà Bel|title=The First Privatization: Selling SOEs and Privatizing Public Monopolies in Fascist Italy (1922–1925)|title-url=http://www.ub.edu/graap/bel_Italy_fascist.pdf|location=Barcelona|publisher=Universitat de Barcelona (GiM-IREA) & Barcelona Graduate School of Economics|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20120905202251/http://www.ub.edu/graap/bel_Italy_fascist.pdf|archivedate=2012-09-05|accessdate=2020-01-29}}</ref> It is true that after 1925 the bourgeois state committed more direct intervention in economic affairs, but it intended these regulations strictly for big business:

{{quote|Beyond the frontiers there has been a misunderstanding of the meaning of one of Mussolini’s phrases to the effect that three-quarters of the Italian economic system, both industrial and agricultural, is under State supervision. Almost all the medium-sized and little firms and the great majority of slightly larger firms, with the exception of a few categories, are completely outside the sphere of the State’s healing activity.|Signor Pirelli|<ref name>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=VI|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=131|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp#page/n146/mode/1up}}</ref>}}

The anticommunists did not institute regulations to protect the proletariat, nor to micromanage businesses, but simply to assist the pursuit of capital.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=VI|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=133–4}}</ref> Powerful authorities looked upon the Corporations as useful auxiliaries to the going order:

{{quote|[O]ne must first and foremost exclude the State or any public body such as a syndicate, or more important still a Corporation, from taking upon itself the management of businesses and thus eliminating private enterprise or placing it in a thoroughly subordinate position. This would be in contradiction to the Charter of Labor.|Gino Arias|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=VI|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=132–3}}</ref>}}

The anticommunists replaced the syndicates and unions with pseudodemocratic organizations that could neither support strikes, nor negotiate wages, nor negotiate working conditions, and normally sided in favor of the capitalists<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=IV|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|edition=|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=76–79, 93–94}}</ref> (rendering them ‘unions’ in name only).<ref name=Quigley>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carrol Quigley|chapter=IX|title=Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time|title-url=https://ia903105.us.archive.org/30/items/CarrollQuigleyTragedyAndHope_201805/Carroll%20Quigley%20-%20Tragedy%20and%20Hope%20-%201974.pdf|location=Los Angeles|publisher=Angriff Press|year=1974|page=450–452|isbn=-0913022-14-4|oclc=}}</ref> Consequently, real wages stagnated.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Labor Conditions in Fascist Italy|title-url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/41817276|journal=Monthly Labor Review|year=1943|month=November|volume=57|number=5|page=911–931}}</ref>

===Liberal Phase===
In the liberal phase, the first privatizations were carried out, taxes were lowered, administrative reforms were carried out and the rent laws were changed considerably, which also abolished rent controls. In the beginning, the main aim was to please the wealthy classes. The finance minister was the liberal politician [[Alberto De Stefani]], who lowered market regulations and privatized state corporations during this brief, economically liberal phase. During this period there has been significant economic growth and unemployment has been reduced by 77 percent.<ref name=Powell>{{safesubst:citation|author=Jim Powell|title=The Economic Leadership Secrets of Benito Mussolin|title-url=https://www.forbes.com/sites/jimpowell/2012/02/22/the-economic-leadership-secrets-of-benito-mussolini/?sh=82cc3ae68e6c|date=2012-02-22|accessdate=2021-11-96}}</ref> It was not until the beginning of the Great Depression that the fascist regime abolished the laissez-faire regulations and sought the first initiatives for more self-sufficiency and protectionism. During the Great Depression, the fascist government followed a Keynesian fiscal policy.<ref name="Williams and Norgate">{{citation|title=Universal Aspects of Fascism|year=1928|author=James Strachey Barnes|publisher=De Gruyter Mouton|page=113-144}}</ref>

{{quote|To-day we can affirm that the capitalistic method of production is out of date. So is the doctrine of laissez-faire, the theoretical basis of capitalism… To-day we are taking a new and decisive step in the path of revolution. A revolution, in order to be great, must be a social revolution.|Benito Mussolini|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=James Strachey Barnest|chapter= |title=Universal Aspects of Fascism|title-url= |location=London|publisher=Williams and Norgate|year=1928|isbn= |page=113-114}}</ref>}}

{{quote|Fascism entirely agrees with Mr. Maynard Keynes, despite the latter's prominent position as a Liberal. In fact, Mr. Keynes' excellent little book, The End of Laissez-Faire (1926) might, so far as it goes, serve as a useful introduction to fascist economics. There is scarcely anything to object to in it and there is much to applaud.|Benito Mussolini|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Gaetano Salvemini|chapter= |title=Under the Axe of Fascism|title-url= |location=London|publisher=Victor Gollancz Ltd.|year=1936|isbn= |page=131}}</ref>}}

===Corporatist Phase===
The corporatist phase was mainly accompanied by labor reforms. The best-known example is the Carta del Lavoro (Labor Charter) which was introduced in 1927. The Charter hereby officially declares that it considers private initiatives to be economically effective, thereby preserving the right to private property..<ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20110722063713/http://www.historia.unimi.it/sezione/fonti/codificazione/cartalavoro.pdf Labour Charter in italian]</ref> Although the charter promises to only take state interventions "where private initiative is lacking or is insufficient", the state nevertheless began to play a more statist role economically from the Great Depression through the Institute for Industrial Reconstruction (IRI).
The IRI was initially intended to rescue companies during the Depression, but the measures ensured that, for example, the Bank of Italy was transformed from a private to a public central bank through the banking law<ref>[https://www.bancaditalia.it/chi-siamo/storia/istituzione/index.html Dall'istituzione della Banca d'Italia alla legge bancaria del 1936]</ref> and also in other economic areas the state became a shareholder of large companies. In this way, the IRI - and with it the Italian state - became the owner of around 20% of the national share capital and large entrepreneurs (e.g. with Italsider in the steel and shipbuilding sector, and with Alfa Romeo in the automotive sectors) in the Italian banking sector.<ref name="Editori Laterza">{{citation|title=Storia dell'Iri|year=2012|author=Velerio Castronovo|publisher=Editori Laterza|page=27}}</ref> In this way the fascist state, willingly or not, became the owner of a large part of the economy. This phase was also characterized by Mussolini himself as state capitalism.

{{quote|Three-fourths of the Italian economy, industrial and agricultural, is in the hands of the state. And if I dare to introduce to Italy state capitalism or state socialism, which is the reverse side of the medal, I will have the necessary subjective and objective conditions to do it.|Benito Mussolini|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Gianni Toniolo|chapter= |title=The Oxford Handbook of the Italian Economy Since Unification|title-url= |location=London|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=2013|isbn= |page=59}}</ref>}}

The corporate phase represents less of a holistic economic order, but more of a regulation of the mode of production. With the syndical laws, the Italian state initially created 12 corporations, which in turn were divided into employer and employee unions. The aim was to create cooperation between the classes, whereby large companies have repeatedly hindered this cooperation between the classes, whereby only a few successes could be achieved with the corporate system (see also: social policy).

===Socialization Laws===
Shortly after his dismissal by the Fascist Grand Council, Mussolini was arrested and later freed by German troops. Later, parts of the Wehrmacht, SS and fascist militias (later called the Black Brigades) constructed the Italian Social Republic.<ref name="Falanga, 2008, p. 229">{{citation|title=Mussolinis Vorposten in Hitlers Reich. Italiens Politik in Berlin 1933–1945|year=2008|author=Gianluca Falanga|publisher=Links Christoph Verlag|page=229}}</ref> The social republic again represented a phase in which the original radicalism of fascism was ''reawakened''. This was followed by the Verona Congress in Italy, in which, among other things, the ''socialization of the economy'' was established. The Socialization law<ref>[Decreto Legislativo del Duce 12 febbraio 1944, n. 375]</ref> included the expropriation of large enterprises which employ equity of more than one million lire or over a hundred workers. All state-owned corporations were also included in the socialization process. The law also regulated the secret election of employee representatives, who were elected by the employees, manufacturers, technicians and administrative employees. Only employees who are over 25 years old and have been employed in the company for five years would have been eligible to vote.
In the draft constitution for the Italian Social Republic<ref>[https://it.wikisource.org/wiki/Italia,_Repubblica_Sociale_-_Progetto_di_Costituzione Progetto di Costituzione]</ref>, a parliament was also planned, the members of which would represent the respective syndicates (e.g. the syndicate of steel workers, craftsmen, artisans, farmers, etc.) and these syndicates would fill parliament instead of parties. Social groups such as mothers, veterans, the youth (through the youth organization of the fascist republican party) or people hindered by the war would have been allowed to vote for their respective representative groups in parliament. Mussolini hoped to regain the confidence of the working classes with these laws. The socialization laws were partially implemented. The actual expropriation also took place, e.g. B. the expropriation of FIAT.<ref>[https://digilander.libero.it/rsi_analisi/9.htm Socializzazione della “Fiat” Società per azioni con sede in Torino</ref> However, due to the war, socialization in the Social Republic was not implemented too intensely and after the war the efforts to socialize the economy were no longer taken into account by the new Italian republic.

===Social policies===
During the Fascist era there were some curtailments of social laws, as well as the abolition of a luxury tax. Nevertheless, some social policy laws were able to prevail in Fascist Italy, such as the occupational health protection for women and children,<ref>[Regio Decreto no. 653 04/26/1923]</ref> medical health insurance for people with low incomes,<ref>[Regio Decreto no. 2841 30/12/1923]</ref> the introduction of a public unemployment insurance,<ref>[Regio Decreto no. 3158 30/12/1923]</ref> the introduction of old-age and disability insurance,<ref>[Regio Decreto no. 3184 12/30/1923]</ref> compulsory employment insurance,<ref>[Regio Decreto no. 928 13/05/1929]</ref> a compulsory tuberculosis insurance,<ref>[Regio Decreto no. 2055 27/10/1927]</ref> the reduction of working hours to 40 hours a week (but including Wage cuts),<ref>[Regio Decreto no. 1768 05/29/1937]</ref> as well as the introduction of credit unions, whose borrowing was intended for farmers and artisans.<ref>[Regio Decreto no. 1706 08/26/1937]</ref>

===Consumerism===
The Fascists understood the power of advertising and actually established laboratories in Milan and Turin to study the responses of people subjected to publicity images.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Karen Pinkus|chapter=1|title=Bodily Regimes: Italian Advertising under Fascism|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=5FCIHjGLiYUC|location=Minnesota|publisher=University of Minnesota Press|year=1995|page=10|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=5FCIHjGLiYUC&pg=PA10|ISBN=0-8166-2562-X}}</ref> The Duce himself often assisted businesses by officially endorsing their products, though he preferred to portray himself as a producer rather than a consumer. At one point he exclaimed ‘I say, and I authorize you to repeat it: your chocolate is really exquisite!’ when visiting the Perugina chocolate plant in 1923, which lead capitalists to circulate his exclamation as an endorsement of a particular brand name, but eventually Fascist officers forced Perugina to withdraw the slogan; it was directly conflicting with the mechanisms of Fascism’s market-driven competition.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Karen Pinkus|chapter=1|title=Bodily Regimes: Italian Advertising under Fascism|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=5FCIHjGLiYUC|location=Minnesota|publisher=University of Minnesota Press|year=1995|page=17|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=5FCIHjGLiYUC&pg=PA17|ISBN=0-8166-2562-X}}</ref>

The revaluation of the lira, the higher import taxes on raw materials like sugar, and other economic factors, strained the confectionery industry during the 1930s. To overcome this, Perugina-Buitoni launched a campaign to promote consumer interest in their chocolates: including cheap figurines based on the various characters from the Four Musketeers radio programme. The campaign proved massively successful, to the point where the chocolates themselves were only secondary for collectors, and generated what was effectively another stock market: people often traded the figurines through newspapers, counterfeited them, stole them, trafficked them, and held contests involving them. Eventually, the Ministry of Finance severely restricted these contests in 1938, officially with the justification that they harmed the contestants and detracted from the value of labor itself, but the actual motive may have been to concentrate Fascist capital into the bourgeois state rather than between consumers.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Karen Pinkus|chapter=1|title=Bodily Regimes: Italian Advertising under Fascism|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=5FCIHjGLiYUC|location=Minnesota|publisher=University of Minnesota Press|year=1995|page=18–19|ISBN=0-8166-2562-X}}</ref>

==Infrastructure==
The railway system was in poor shape during World War I, but shortly after 1918 the proletariat steadily restored it in working order,<ref name=Mikkelson>{{safesubst:citation|author=David Mikkelson|title=Mussolini and On Time Trains|title-url=https://www.snopes.com/?p=24755|date=2007-09-29|accessdate=2020-03-11}}</ref> perhaps in part because nobody managed to successfully privatize the railsways.<ref name=Bel/> Nonetheless, the much hyped adherence to timetables was probably quite average in reality.<ref name=Mikkelson/>

===Healthcare===
Illnesses such as malaria, tuberculosis, and pellagra were common among the lower classes.<ref name=pg7/> Nonetheless, death and morbidity rates were on the decline, even after the triumph of Fascism.<ref name=pg89>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=IV|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=89|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp#page/n104/mode/1up}}</ref>

===Education===
Illiteracy was common among the lower classes, and shrunk at a slow rate.<ref name=pg7/> Worker’s unions increased literacy,<ref name=pg16>{{safesubst:citation|author=Carl T. Schmidt|chapter=I|title=The Corporate State in Action|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp|location=New York|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1939|isbn=0 0001 0353909 4|page=16|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/corporatestatein010773mbp#page/n31/mode/1up}}</ref> which the anticommunists later appropriated. The Fascist bourgeoisie spent more money on urban schools, but literacy increased only steadily, and schooling in rural communities remained very inadequate.<ref name=pg89/>

==Culture==
The Italian Fascists frequently referred to the Roman Empire as a source of inspiration, and sought to create a new sort of Roman Empire for the future. Nonetheless, they also referred to medieval elements as well. The National Fascist Party’s official anthem ''Giovinezza'', for example, referred to Dante Alighieri’s ‘vision’, specifically his marking of Italian borders on the Quarnaro River, thus including the province of Istria, a territory given to the Kingdom of Italy after World War I. Entertainment also served an important rôle for Fascism: the Fascist state supported some free concerts, sporting events and public works projects (designed to evoke civic pride) to appease the masses.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Michael Parenti|chapter=one|title=Blackshirts & Reds: Rational Fascism & the Overthrow of Communism|title-url=https://cartiparenti.files.wordpress.com/2016/08/blackshirts-and-reds-by-michael-parenti.pdf|location=San Francisco|publisher=City Light Books|year=1997|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20190828235152/https://cartiparenti.files.wordpress.com/2016/08/blackshirts-and-reds-by-michael-parenti.pdf|archivedate=2019-08-28|page=7|ISBN=0-87288-330-1}}</ref> It also promoted cinema, probably to compensate for the prevalence of illiteracy.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Alex Schmidt|coauthors=Ruth Ben-Ghiat & Adam Tod Brown|title=What Fascist Italy Reveals About Modern America|title-url=https://www.cracked.com/podcast/what-fascist-italy-reveals-about-modern-america|date=2019-04-22|accessdate=2020-04-24}}</ref> A particular medieval work that saw renewed interest, especially for the reinvasion of Ethiopia, was Petrarch’s Neo-Latin epic of the Second Punic War, ''Africa'', which inspired the famous fascist film ''Scipione l’Africano''.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Samuel Asad Abijuwa Agbamu|title=The Reception of Petrarch’s Africa in Fascist Italy|journal=International Journal of the Classical Tradition|date=05/February/2021|DOI=10.1007/s12138-020-00584-x}}</ref>

===Language===
With reunification in the 1860s the bourgeois state proceeded to standarize the Italian language and impose it where it had previously been rare. For example, the predominant languages in Aosta Valley had long been French and to a less extent Arpitan, but in the 1880s the state introduced Italian in tribunal and other official documents and Italian grew in further influence with the introduction of railways and industrialisation in general, slowly turning Italian into the common language among Aosta’s lower classes. However, the Fascist state of the 1920s began an aggressive campaign to eliminate all ‘foreign’ languages and dialects in national territory despite the objections of thousands. In 1923 the bourgeois state declared the suppression of certain schools and prohibited education of students in any language other than Italian. The state forcibly converted dozens of French toponyms into Italian ones.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Histoire linguistique du Val d'Aoste, territoire francophone|title-url=http://sociolangue.canalblog.com/archives/2012/03/30/23889717.html|date=2012-03-30}}</ref> Even languages closely related to Italian (often called ‘dialects’), such as Emilian, Friulan,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=James Minahan|title=One Europe, Many Nations: A Historical Dictionary of European National Groups|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NwvoM-ZFoAgC|location=Westport, Connecticut|publisher=Greenwood Press|year=2000|page=270|ISBN=0-313-30984-1}}</ref> Ladin<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=James Minahan|title=One Europe, Many Nations: A Historical Dictionary of European National Groups|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NwvoM-ZFoAgC|location=Westport, Connecticut|publisher=Greenwood Press|year=2000|page=394|ISBN=0-313-30984-1}}</ref>, Lombard, Ligurian, Neapolian, Piedmontese, Romagnolo, Sardinian, Sicilian and elsewhat, were all suppressed. The one notable exception to this homogenization was the promotion of Latin, which witnessed a new age of poetry, literature, journalism, inscriptions, prose competitions, and vocabulary, frequently with Fascist themes, as a result both of state and extrastate actors.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Lamers|first1=Han|last2=Reitz-Joosse|first2=Bettina|title=Lingua Lictoria: The Latin Literature of Italian Fascism|journal=Classical Receptions Journal|publisher=Oxford University Press|volume=8|issue=2|year=2015|page=216–252|DOI=10.1093/crj/clv001}}</ref>

Sardinian culture had only continued to decline in the 1860s and later,<ref>"In 1861 Victor Emmanuel II was proclaimed king of Italy, and the island became part of the unified Italian state. Sardinia's distinct language and culture as well as its geographic isolation from the Italian mainland, made it something of a forgotten province, however." {{citation|title-url=https://www.britannica.com/place/Sardinia-island-Italy/Aragonese-domination#ref333582|title=Sardinia, History, People and Points of Interest. Sardinia in a united Italy|publisher=Britannica}}</ref> but the process of forced Italianization had only intensified during Fascism;<ref>"Il ventennio fascista – come ha affermato Manlio Brigaglia ‒ segnò il definitivo ingresso della Sardegna nel “sistema" nazionale. L’isola fu colonialisticamente integrata nella cultura nazionale: modi di vita, costumi, visioni generali, parole d’ordine politiche furono imposte sia attraverso la scuola, dalla quale partì un’azione repressiva nei confronti dell’uso della lingua sarda, sia attraverso le organizzazione del partito..." Garroni, M. (2010). [https://art.torvergata.it/retrieve/handle/2108/1380/6630/capitolo%201.pdf ''La Sardegna durante il ventennio fascista''], art.torvergata.it</ref> the bourgeois state repressed local cultural expressions, including Sardinian mask festivals<ref>Deidda, Giancarlo (1990). ''Folk festivals in Sardinia'', Janus, p. 7</ref> and improvised poetry competitions,<ref>L. Marroccu, ''Il ventennio fascista''</ref><ref>M. Farinelli, ''The Invisible Motherland? The Catalan-Speaking Minority in Sardinia and Catalan Nationalism'', p. 15</ref><ref>{{citation|title-url=http://www.manifestosardo.org/quando-a-scuola-si-insegnava-la-lingua-sarda/|title=Quando a scuola si insegnava la lingua sarda|work=Il Manifesto Sardo}}</ref><ref name="Remundu">[http://www.sardegnacultura.it/j/v/253?s=23661&v=2&c=2767&c1=2797&t=1 ''Remundu Piras'', Sardegna Cultura]</ref><ref>Massimo Pittau, ''Grammatica del sardo illustre'', Nuoro, [http://www.pittau.it/Sardo/sardoillustre.html Premessa]</ref><ref>Salvi, Sergio (1974). ''Le lingue tagliate'', Rizzoli, p. 191</ref> and a large number of Sardinian surnames were forcibly ‘Italianized’. After an argument between the Sardinian poet Antioco Casula and the fascist journalist Gino Anchisi, who claimed that ‘once the region is moribund or dead, so will the dialect [''sic'']’, the Fascists managed to prohibit Sardinian from the printing press as well.<ref>{{citation|title-url=https://dialnet.unirioja.es/descarga/articulo/3400254.pdf|title=Casula, Francesco. ''Sa chistione de sa limba in Montanaru e oe''}}</ref><ref>{{citation|title-url=http://www.regione.sardegna.it/messaggero/1982_dicembre_21.pdf|title=Masala, Francesco. ''Est torradu Montanaru'', Messaggero, 1982}}</ref> Antioco Casula tied the significance of Sardinian to the practices of cultural resistance of an indigenous ethnic group,<ref>{{citation|title-url=https://www.manifestosardo.org/montanaru-e-la-lingua-sarda/|title=Montanaru e la lingua sarda|year=2019|website=Il Manifesto Sardo}}</ref><ref group=note>Casula's reply to Anchisi, arguing in favour of Sardinian as the only means through which the island’s cultural reawakening could be pursued, was never published in the newspaper ''L'Unione Sarda'', whose editorial staff properly censored it in accordance with the ruling class’s directives. The newspaper then justified itself in the following way, in a personal letter addressed to Casula on 12 September: ‘Your article could not be published because part of it clearly exalts the region too much. This is absolutely forbidden by the current provisions of the Head of Government’s press office, which specifically state: ‘In no way and for no reason does the region exist.’ We are very sorry. However, we would ask you to redo the article by simply talking about your poetry in dialect [''sic''] without touching on this dangerous subject!’ {{citation|title-url=https://dialnet.unirioja.es/descarga/articulo/3400254.pdf|author=Francesco Casula|title=Sa chistione de sa limba in Montanaru e oe|page=66}}</ref> whose linguistic repertoire had to be introduced in school to regain a lost dignity.<ref>«Il diffondere l’uso della lingua sarda in tutte le scuole di ogni ordine e grado non è per gli educatori sardi soltanto una necessità psicologica alla quale nessuno può sottrarsi, ma è il solo modo di essere Sardi, di essere cioè quello che veramente siamo per conservare e difendere la personalità del nostro popolo. E se tutti fossimo in questa disposizione di idee e di propositi ci faremmo rispettare più di quanto non-ci rispettino.» {{citation|author=Antioco Casula|title=Poesie scelte|publisher=Edizioni 3T|place=Cagliari|year=1982|page=35}}</ref>

Another famed poet from Sardinia, Salvatore (''Bore'') Poddighe, fell into a severe depression and took his own life a few years after Cagliari’s police commissioner seized his masterwork (''Sa Mundana Cummedia''). When the bourgeois state officially prohibited the use of Sardinian in schools as part of its 1934 national educational plan against the alloglot ‘dialects’, the then Sardinian-speaking children were confronted with another means of communication that was supposed to be their own from then onwards too.<ref>Bolognesi, Roberto. ''The Phonology of Campidanian Sardinian: A Unitary Account of a Self-organizing Structure'', 1998, 6</ref> Overall, this period in Sardinian history was the most aggressive cultural assimilation effort by the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie,<ref name="gruyter">De Gruyter Mouton, ed. by Lubello, Sergio (2016). ''Manuale di linguistica italiana'', Manuals of Romance Linguistics 13, Lingue di minoranza, comunità alloglotte (Paul Videsott), Le singole lingue di minoranza e comunità alloglotte, 3.11: Sardo</ref><ref name="Lubello">Lubello, Sergio (2016). ''Manuale Di Linguistica Italiana'', De Gruyter, Manuals of Romance linguistics, p. 499</ref> which led to an even further sociolinguistic degradation of Sardinian.<ref name="degruyter.com">{{citation|title=Manuale di linguistica sarda|year=2017|author=Eduardo Blasco Ferrer, Peter Koch, Daniela Marzo|publisher=De Gruyter Mouton|page=36}}</ref> A minor exception to the repression was the Sardinian Anthem of the once Piedmontese Kingdom: being a royal tradition granted it immunity to prohibition.

After Austro-Hungary’s dissolution in the late 1910s, the Kingdom of Italy also annexed Austrian Littoral and proceeded to shut down hundreds of Slavic organizations, including cultural, educational, sporting, youth, social, professional, literary, political, journalist, co-operative, and financial ones, and specifically so with the Law on Associations in 1925, the Law on Public Demonstrations in 1926, and the Law on Public Order in the same year.<ref name="Cresciani_ClashOfCivilisations">{{safesubst:citation|author=Gianfranco Cresciani|title=Clash of civilisations|title-url=|journal=Italian Historical Society Journal|year=2004|volume=12|number=2|page=4}}</ref> Since April 13, 1920, the Fascists instigated riots against Triestine Slovenes, said to be retaliations for the assault that a Croatian population perpetrated against Italian troops occupying its territory in Split. Fascists destroyed numerous Slovene-owned shops and other buildings, culminating in one particular arson, directed by Francesco Giunta, against the ''Narodni dom'' or community hall for Triestine Slovenes.<ref name="Primorski90let2010">{{citation|title=90 let od požiga Narodnega doma v Trstu: Požig Narodnega doma ali šentjernejska noč tržaških Slovencev in Slovanov |trans-title=90 Years From the Arson of the National Hall in Trieste: Arson of the National Hall or the St. Bartholomew's Night of the Triestine Slovenes and Slavs|title-url=http://www.primorski.eu/dossiers/dossier/10/31/130144|newspaper=Primorski dnevnik |trans-newspaper=The Littoral Daily |language=Slovenian|year=2010 |page=14–15|access-date=28 February 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20181010095839/http://www.primorski.eu/dossiers/dossier/10/31/130144|archive-date=10 October 2018}}</ref> Benito Mussolini praised this action as a ‘masterpiece of the Triestine fascism’,<ref name="Sestani2012-02">{{citation |title-url=https://docs.google.com/open?id=1kDBSJkZ2klBX9k8mY80C9HZZ-kO5iydHY7_t9DiV5xdZWSNt_CPas-GkxGX8 |title=Gli esuli istriani, dalmati e fiumani a Lucca |language=Italian|trans-title=The Istrian, Dalmatian and Rijeka Refugees in Lucca |publisher=Instituto storico della Resistenca e dell'Età Contemporanea in Provincia di Lucca |chapter=Il confine orientale: una terra, molti esodi |trans-chapter=The Eastern Border: One Land, Multiple Exoduses |date=10 February 2012 |editor=Sestani, Armando |page=12–13}}</ref> and in September 1920 he said:

{{quote|When dealing with such a race as Slavic — inferior and barbaric — we must not pursue the carrot, but the stick policy. We should not be afraid of new victims. The Italian border should run across the Brenner Pass, Monte Nevoso and the Dinaric Alps. I would say we can easily sacrifice 500,000 barbaric Slavs for 50,000 Italians.|Benito Mussolini|<ref>{{citation|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=HyVMfMQoSCYC |title=Aut aut |year=2011 |isbn=9788865761069 |author=Marta Verginella |chapter=Antislavismo, razzismo di frontiera?|page=40–1|language=Italian}}</ref>}}
[[File:Fascist Italianization.jpg|right|thumb|A leaflet from the Fascist era prohibiting singing or speaking in the ‘Slavic language’ in the streets and public places of Dignano (now Vodnjan, Croatia). Signed by the ''[[Squadrismo|Squadristi]]'', and threatening the use of ‘persuasive methods’ in enforcement.]]
This reflected a common Fascist opinion against the Croatian and Slovene minorities in the Julian March.<ref name="Sestani2012-02"/> After March 1923, the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie officially prohibited these languages in administration, and after October 1925 in law courts as well. In 1923, in the context of the school reform prepared by the anticommunist [[Giovanni Gentile]], teaching in languages other than Italian was disallowed, although the Istro-Rumanian language in Šušnjevica was a minor exception.<ref name="PUŞCARIU">PUŞCARIU, Sextil. Studii istroromâne. Vol. II, București: 1926</ref> Some five hundred Slovene teachers, nearly half of all the Slovene teachers in the Littoral region, were moved by the Fascists to the interior of Italy, while Italian teachers were sent to teach Slovene children Italian.<ref name=":0">{{citation|title-url=https://www.dlib.si/details/URN:NBN:SI:DOC-JQ6XF18D|title=dLib.si – Izseljevanje iz Primorske med obema vojnama|website=www.dlib.si|access-date=2020-04-08}}</ref>

===Demography===
Initially most Italian Fascists tolerated Jews, gladly allowing antisocialist ones in their ranks, and oversaw the growth of a Zionist variety of fascism called Revisionist Maximalism. Until 1936, most Fascists were committed to [[Zionism]] and inspired some influential Zionists such as Vladimir Jabotinsky.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Baroud|first1=Ramzy|last2=Rubeo|first2=Romana|title=The Mussolini-Jabotinsky Connection: The Hidden Roots of Israel Fascist Past|title-url=https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/?p=382910|date=2020-01-27}}</ref> One of the quarrels that Mussolini initially had with the German Fascists was that they were too anti-Semitic. However, the overwhelming popularity and dominance of the German Reich in the late 1930s eventually compelled the Kingdom of Italy to officially adopt anti-Semitism in 1938.<ref name=Bauerkämper>{{safesubst:citation|author=Arnd Bauerkämper|title=Transnational Fascism: Cross-Border Relations between Regimes and Movements in Europe, 1922–1939*|journal=East Central Europe|volume=37|location=Leiden|publisher=Koninklijke Brill|year=2010|page=214–246|DOI=10.1163/187633010X534469}}</ref> Some otherwise staunch Fascists, such as Giorgio Perlasca,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Frank Mazzaglia|title=Commentary: Giorgio Perlasca: 'A Truly Magnificent Impostor'|title-url=https://www.metrowestdailynews.com/opinion/20191217/commentary-giorgio-perlasca-a-truly-magnificent-impostor|date=2019-12-17}}</ref> subsequently renounced their loyalty to the Duce because of this.

===Cuisine===
With the encouragement of a radical art group called the Futurists, the Fascist state prohibited pasta under the official excuse that it made men ‘weak’,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Kantha Shelke|title=Pasta and Noodles: A Global History|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=G5qRDQAAQBAJ|location=London|publisher=Reaktion Books Ltd|year=2016|page=23|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=G5qRDQAAQBAJ&pg=PT23|ISBN=9781780236971}}</ref> but the unofficial explanation is that the state did it to reduce imports for purposes of [[autarky]]. The Po Valley was an abundant supply of rice — in fact, Europe's largest rice-producing region, and Mussolini sought to use this as a base for Italy's food self-sufficiency. He declared in 1927 for November 1 to be "national rice day".<ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20160229020645/https://www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/art/3579746/A-plateful-of-revolution.html A plateful of revolution]</ref><ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20200129144535/http://content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,731118,00.html Foreign News: National Rice Day]</ref>

==See also==

*[[German Reich (1933–1945)|German Reich (1933–945)]]
*[[Spanish State (1939–1975)]]
*[[Empire of Japan (1868–1947)|Empire of Japan (1931–1947)]]

==Notes==
{{reflist|group=note}}

==References==
[[Category:Fascist countries]]
[[Category:Imperialist countries]]

<references />

File:Nazi emphasis on workers and nationalists.jpg

2023-03-01T02:06:45Z

Anarcho-Bolshevik: A cartoon summarising how the NSDAP appealed simultaneously to both workers and capitalists, emphasizing the ‘socialist’ pretensions to the workers while emphasizing the ultranationalism to the capitalists. Source: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Jacobus_Belsen_-_Das_Firmenschild_1931.jpg

== Summary ==
A cartoon summarising how the [[NSDAP]] appealed simultaneously to both workers and capitalists, emphasizing the ‘socialist’ pretensions to the workers while emphasizing the ultranationalism to the capitalists. Source: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Jacobus_Belsen_-_Das_Firmenschild_1931.jpg

Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (1992–2003)

2022-09-24T20:43:01Z

Anarcho-Bolshevik: Copied data from https://wiki.leftypol.org/wiki/Federal_Republic_of_Yugoslavia.

{{Infobox country|name=Federal Republic of Yugoslavia|native_name=Савезна Република Југославија Savezna Republika Jugoslavija|capital=Belgrade|largest_city=Belgrade|year_start=1992|year_end=2006|image_map=FR Yugoslavia.png|map_width=290|official_languages=Serbo-Croatian|area_km2=102,173|population_estimate=10,832,545|population_estimate_year=2006}}

The '''Federal Republic of Yugoslavia''' (also spelled '''Federal Republic of Jugoslavia''' and abbreviated as either '''FRY''' or '''FRJ''') was a country in the Balkans.

== History ==
During 1991 and 1992, the [[United States of America|United States]] and [[Federal Republic of Germany|Germany]] supported [[Republic of Croatia|Croatia]], [[Republic of Slovenia|Slovenia]], and [[Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina|Bosnia]]'s wars of secession from the [[Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (1945–1992)|SFR Yugoslavia]]. By April 1992, Yugoslavia was reduced to only Serbia and Montenegro, and the other former Yugoslav republics became neocolonies of [[North Atlantic Treaty Organization|NATO]]. The United States supported the [[Fascism|fascist]] [[Kosovo Liberation Army]] in its war against Yugoslavia.<ref name=":0">{{Web citation|author=Victor Penn|newspaper=[[Liberation News]]|title=Yugoslavia: Ten years after the NATO massacre|date=2009-03-31|url=https://www.liberationnews.org/09-03-31-yugoslavia-ten-years-after-nato-html/|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220506081614/https://www.liberationnews.org/09-03-31-yugoslavia-ten-years-after-nato-html/|archive-date=2022-05-06|retrieved=2022-09-09}}</ref> On 24 March 1999, U.S. president [[Bill Clinton]] ordered the bombing of Yugoslavia. The NATO bombing raids lasted 78 days and targeted 200 cities and towns. The bombings killed at least 5,000 people and created over a million refugees, most of which were Albanians from [[Kosovo]], which NATO claimed to be defending.<ref name=":0" />

=== Yugoslav Wars ===
In the 1980s, the [[Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia]] was undergoing economics crises and disparities between its constituent republics. In Kosovo particularly, antisocialists sabotaged power plants and prevented miners from working.<ref name=Tika>{{safesubst:Web citation|author=Jared Israel, Petar Makara &Tika Janković|title=Kosovo Before 1989 - Nightmare with the Best Intentions|url=http://tenc.net/interviews/tika.htm|date=2000-03-06|accessdate=2020-04-14}}</ref> Croatia and Slovenia accounted for half of federal tax revenues even though they were only 30% of the SFRY’s population. They openly resented these obligations and revolted with the goal of obtaining Western European support. Both Croatia and Slovenia held multiparty elections on independence, but the Socialist Party of Serbia was interested in preserving the federation, receiving 65% of the vote. Serbia considered using force to prevent the secessions, but the American ruling class strongly discouraged this.<ref name=MonthlyReview>{{safesubst:Citation|author=Edward Herman & David Peterson|title=The Dismantling of Yugoslavia (Part I)|url=https://monthlyreview.org/?p=2404|journal=The Monthly Review|volume=59|issue=05|date=2007-10-01|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20140708151424/http://monthlyreview.org/2007/10/01/the-dismantling-of-yugoslavia|archivedate=2014-07-08}}</ref> Early on in the 1990s, the corporate media in Croatia,<ref>{{safesubst:Citation|author=Michael Parenti|chapter=5|title=To Kill a Nation: the Attack on Yugoslavia|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=qWbGftW07WoC|location=New York|publisher=Verso|year=2000|page=47|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=qWbGftW07WoC&pg=PA47|ISBN=1-85984-366-2}}</ref> Slovenia,<ref>{{safesubst:Web citation|author=Sylvia Poggioli|title=Scouts Without Compasses|url=https://fair.org/?p=1229|date=1994-05-01|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20190812221624/https://fair.org/extra/scouts-without-compasses|archivedate=2019-08-12}}</ref> and the Anglosphere<ref>{{safesubst:Web citation|author=Olga Kavran|title=Cold War Lives On in Yugoslavia Reporting|url=https://fair.org/?p=1200|date=1991-11-01|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20191019180525/https://fair.org/extra/cold-war-lives-on-in-yugoslavia-reporting|archivedate=2019-10-19}}</ref> all portrayed the war against Yugoslavia as a struggle against [[communism]]. By late 1992, the only republics left in Yugoslavia were those of Montenegro and Serbia.

With Western support, the antisocialist Party of Democratic Action illegally seized power in Bosnia and unlawfully seceded it from the FRY in 1992. The party’s goal was to create an Islamist régime, even though most of the other Muslims shared no interest in this.<ref>{{safesubst:Web citation|author=Francisco Gil-White|title=What really happened in Bosnia?|url=http://www.hirhome.com/yugo/ihralija3.htm|date=2005-08-19|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20160123153931/http://www.hirhome.com/yugo/ihralija3.htm|archivedate=2016-01-23}}</ref> Despite its own links to the [[Axis]] and its low tolerance for nonconforming Muslims, the Party of Democratic Action also accused the Serbian Presidencies of Islamophobia and likened them to the [[Third Reich]], although a former Bosnian President presented elaborate evidence contradicting these claims.<ref name=KaradzicInterview>{{safesubst:Web citation|author=Andy Wilcoxson|coauthors=Radovan Karadžić|title=Interview with Radovan Karadzic|url=http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/documents/Karadzic_Interview_06142020_Public.pdf|date=2020-06-14|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20200627064535/http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/documents/Karadzic_Interview_06142020_Public.pdf|archivedate=2020-06-27}}</ref> In 1993 the American ruling class sabotaged a series of peace efforts between 1993 and the Dayton accords of 1995; encouraged the Bosnian antisocialists to reject any settling until their military position had improved; helped arm and train the Islamist and Croatian antisocialists to shift the balance of forces on the ground; and finally settled at Dayton with an agreement imposed upon the warring factions.<ref name=MonthlyReview/> <ref name=KaradzicInterview/> Lieutenant Colonel John E. Sray, while still misbelieving that the Serbian Presidency ‘certainly aggravated the conflict with his nationalistic bombast’, freely conceded that,

{{quote|America has not been so pathetically deceived since Robert McNamara helped to micromanage and escalate the Vietnam War. […] Popular perceptions pertaining to the Bosnian Muslim government […] have been forged by a prolific propaganda machine. A strange combination of three major spin doctors, including public relations (PR) firms in the employ of the Bosniacs, media pundits, and sympathetic elements of the US State Department, have managed to manipulate illusions to further Muslim goals.|LTC John E. Sray|<ref>{{safesubst:Citation|author=John Sray|title=Selling the Bosnian Myth to America: Buyer Beware|url=http://fmso.leavenworth.army.mil/documents/bosnia2.htm|journal=Foreign Military Studies Office Publications|publisher=Department of the Army|month=October|year=1995|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20100605013354/http://fmso.leavenworth.army.mil/documents/bosnia2.htm|archivedate=2010-06-05}}</ref>}}

Two separate studies from the ’00s, the first sponsored by the ICTY itself and the next by the Norwegian government, concluded that the Bosnian conflicts had actually resulted in a combined death count (including both civilian and military victims) on the order of one hundred thousand for ''all'' sides,<ref>{{safesubst:Citation|author=Jakub Bijak & Ewa Tabeau|first2=|title=War-related Deaths in the 1992–1995 Armed Conflicts in Bosnia and Herzegovina|journal=European Journal of Population|volume=21|month=June|year=2005|pages=187–215}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:Citation|author=Patrick Ball|title=Bosnian Book of the Dead: Assessment of the Database|url=http://www.idc.org.ba/presentation/content.htm|location=Sarajevo|publisher=Research and Documentation Center|month=June|year=2007}}</ref> contradicting the capitalist media’s much higher estimates misattributed to the Serbs.<ref>{{safesubst:Citation|author=Edward Herman & David Peterson|title=The Politics of Genocide|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=TTkUCgAAQBAJ|location=New York|publisher=Monthly Review Press|year=2010|page=47|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=TTkUCgAAQBAJ&pg=PA47|ISBN=978-1-58367-213-6|LCCN=2010004852}}</ref>

In the summer of 1995 the Bosnian Serb army was presented with an opportunity to conquer Srebrenica and end the massacring of Serb villagers. But it was a trap set by the American ruling class and the Bosnian antisocialists, who were both looking for “genocide” so that the [[NATO]] would have the justification to extensively intervene in Bosnia.<ref name=logic>{{safesubst:Web citation|author=Paul Treanor|title=The logic of the war in Bosnia|url=http://web.inter.nl.net/users/Paul.Treanor/bosnia.html|year=2002|accessdate=2020-03-08|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20060806024413/http://web.inter.nl.net/users/Paul.Treanor/bosnia.html|archivedate=2006-08-06}}</ref> Unauthorized Serbian soldiers took it upon themselves to exact revenge against Islamic men. Although civilian deaths were certainly involved, the demographic unit of the ICTY Prosecutor’s office also found military service records for 5,371 of the 7,661 people on the list of Srebrenica’s missing and dead.<ref>{{safesubst:Web citation|author=Andy Wilcoxson|title=Srebrenica: The Ugly Truth|url=http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/srebrenica071114.htm|date=2014-07-11|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20190806114046/http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/srebrenica071114.htm|archivedate=2019-08-06}}</ref> Western reporters argued that this was not a mere massacre but rather a genocide<ref name=GlobalResearch>{{safesubst:Web citation|author=Marcus Papadopoulos|title=The Defining Year Was 1991: The Demise of Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union|url=https://wp.me/p2vCQD-nC83|date=2018-02-02|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20190606172150/https://www.globalresearch.ca/the-defining-year-was-1991-the-demise-of-yugoslavia-and-the-soviet-union/5628115|archivedate=2019-06-06}}</ref> and blamed the FRY’s presidency for it. However, nobody from the FRY’s presidency could have issued such an order, nor were they aware of it either. When President Milošević first heard news of this crime, he was enraged, deeply upset, and visibly shaken.<ref>https://www.icty.org/x/cases/slobodan_milosevic/trans/en/030617IT.htm</ref> <ref>https://www.icty.org/x/cases/slobodan_milosevic/trans/en/030618IT.htm</ref>

=== NATO bombing ===

By 1999, the NATO illegally<ref>{{safesubst:Citation|author=John Laughland|chapter=1|title=Travesty: The Trial of Slobodan Milošević and the Corruption of International Justice|location=London|publisher=Pluto Press|year=2007|pages=7–11|ISBN=978 0 7453 2636 8}}</ref> invaded Kosovo under the excuse that Yugoslav forces were committing ethnocides and expulsions. However, Spanish forensic doctors, whom somebody mislead into expecting thousands of bodies to examine, returned home in September 1999 with only 187 bodies.<ref>{{safesubst:Web citation|author=Pablo Ordaz|title=Policías y forenses españoles no hallan pruebas de genocidio al norte de Kosovo|date=1999-09-23|url=https://elpais.com/diario/1999/09/23/internacional/938037612_850215.html|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20170916155311/https://elpais.com/diario/1999/09/23/internacional/938037612_850215.html|archivedate=2017-09-16}}</ref> ''Reuters'' confirmed in October 1999 that nobody found any corpses at the rumored grave site in Kosovo, and the ICTY’s speaker Kelly Moore said that after ICTY investigators had examined Trepča, ‘They found absolutely nothing.’<ref>{{safesubst:Web citation|title=No Bodies at Rumored Grave Site in Kosovo|date=1999-10-13
|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150527102031/http://www.nytimes.com/1999/10/13/world/no-bodies-at-rumored-grave-site-in-kosovo.html|archivedate=2015-05-27}}</ref> George Kenney, a now former foreign service officer of Washington’s State Department, remembers looking at various reports of atrocities in Kosovo and thinking that they were ‘complete nonsense’; basing his experience on Bosnia, he realized that the stories were at best inaccurate reports and at worst pure fiction.<ref>{{safesubst:Web citation|title=Milošević Trial: Corruption of International Justice|language=Dutch|url=https://invidious.snopyta.org/embed/p0wptqp1OSY}}</ref> Contrary to the capitalist media’s much higher estimates,<ref>{{safesubst:Citation|author=Edward Herman|last2=David Peterson|title=The Politics of Genocide|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=TTkUCgAAQBAJ|location=New York|publisher=Monthly Review Press|year=2010|page=50|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=TTkUCgAAQBAJ&pg=PA50|ISBN=978-1-58367-213-6|LCCN=2010004852}}</ref> investigators found only some four thousand bodies (including Serbs and military personnel) in Kosovo,<ref>{{safesubst:Web citation|author=Carla Del Ponte|title=Statement to the Press by Carla Del Ponte|publisher=International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia|date=2000-12-20|paragraph=16|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20070813073148/http://www.un.org/icty/pressreal/p550-e.htm|archivedate=2007-08-13}}</ref> and estimated that 2,047 were still missing as of 2007.<ref>{{safesubst:Web citation|author=International Committee of the Red Cross|title=Kosovo: ICRC publishes new edition of ‘Book of the Missing’|date=2007-08-29|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20090912223458/http://www.icrc.org/web/eng/siteeng0.nsf/htmlall/kosovo-news-290807?opendocument|archivedate=2009-09-12}}</ref> Capitalist outlets such as the ''Guardian'', the ''Wall Street Journal'', and ''USA Today'' eventually admitted that the NATO had grossly exaggerated the scale of the atrocities.<ref>{{safesubst:Citation|author=John Laughland|chapter=1|title=Travesty: The Trial of Slobodan Milošević and the Corruption of International Justice|location=London|publisher=Pluto Press|year=2007|pages=7–11|ISBN=978 0 7453 2636 8}}</ref>

When the former head of the FRY’s secret services, Radomir Marković, attended the ICTY, Milošević asked if Belgrade authorities had menaced and bribed him into falsely confessing to a Yugoslav order for ethnic cleansing in Kosovo, to which he replied ‘Yes.’ Radomir Marković broke his agreement in Belgrade, confirming that the FRY never ordered an ethnic cleansing, in fact that the FRY was trying to prevent one,<ref>https://www.icty.org/x/cases/slobodan_milosevic/trans/en/020726IT.htm</ref> and for this the Belgrade authorities imprisoned him for seven years,<ref>{{safesubst:Web citation|title=Milošević Trial: Corruption of International Justice|language=Dutch|url=https://invidious.snopyta.org/embed/V-neyr99hHg}}</ref> even though torture, inciting somebody to false testimony, and inciting somebody to false accusations, are all illegal under European law.<ref>{{safesubst:Citation|author=John Laughland|chapter=8|title=Travesty: The Trial of Slobodan Milošević and the Corruption of International Justice|location=London|publisher=Pluto Press|year=2007|page=164|ISBN=978 0 7453 2636 8}}</ref> In 2016, the ICTY (unofficially) admitted that President Milošević was innocent of the crimes during the Bosnian War misattributed to him; crimes that his administration was, in fact, struggling to prevent.<ref>{{safesubst:Web citation|author=Andy Wilcoxson|title=Hague Tribunal Exonerates Slobodan Milosevic for Bosnia War Crimes Ten Years Too Late|url=http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/smorg-aw071816.htm|date=2016-07-18|accessdate=2020-04-14|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20200104205720/http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/smorg-aw071816.htm|archivedate=2020-01-04}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:Web citation|author=Andy Wilcoxson|title=Milosevic Exoneration: Radio Free Europe's Clumsy Attempt at Damage Control|url=http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/smorg-aw080916.html|date=2016-08-09|accessdate=2020-04-19}}</ref> Another trial chamber in The Hague reconfirmed this in 2017.<ref>{{safesubst:Web citation|author=Andy Wilcoxson|title=Hague Tribunal Exonerates Slobodan Milosevic Again|url=http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/smorg_aw113017.htm|date=2017-11-30|accessdate=2020-04-14|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20200324012538/http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/smorg_aw113017.htm|archivedate=2020-03-24}}</ref>

In total, antisocialist forces in the former Yugoslavia have probably caused 107,000 deaths from the 1990s to the early 2000s,<ref name=Lucas>{{safesubst:Web citation|author=James A. Lucas|title=US Has Killed More Than 20 Million People in 37 “Victim Nations” Since World War II |archiveurl=https://wp.me/p2vCQD-n2Jt |archivedate=27-November-2015 |date=27-November-2015 |url=https://popularresistance.org/?p=78226}}</ref> which is almost identical to the original number of killings of which antisocialists had falsely accused the FRY.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=John Laughland|chapter=1|title=Travesty: The Trial of Slobodan Milošević and the Corruption of International Justice|location=London|publisher=Pluto Press|year=2007|pages=10–11|ISBN=978 0 7453 2636 8}}</ref>

Throughout the Yugoslav wars the republic never committed any expulsions.<ref name=MonthlyReview/>

=== Secession of Montenegro ===
[[Montenegro]] seceded from the FR Yugoslavia in 2006. Kosovo broke away from [[Republic of Serbia|Serbia]] in 2008 and is now occupied by NATO.<ref name=":0" />

==Politics==

===Military===
The FRY’s military was relatively unsophisticated and low-budget, with some technologies dating back to the 1960s. However, they compensated by being very innovative in tactics, such as frequently relocating missile batteries and briefly activating a tracking radar strictly for the purpose of intercepting a passing aircraft. Because of the FRY’s tactics and techniques, anticommunist forces had to repeatedly fly through active SAM engagement zones, requiring a certain level of standoff and penetrating tactical jamming, but they exhausted nearly their entire inventory of terrestrial EA-6Bs throughout the entire air campaign of 1999.<ref>{{safesubst:Citation| publisher = United States Strategic Institute | title = Strategic Review| date = 2000| url = https://books.google.com/books?id=HwrfAAAAMAAJ&pg=RA3-PA43}}</ref> The FRY also made extensive use of cheap decoys in the forms of bridges, airfields, and military vehicles, which greatly taxed NATO’s resources and successfully deceived the pilots into thinking that they had decimated the FRY’s air force. Postbellum research indicated that they had only struck a small fraction of legitimate military targets: NATO inflicted severe damage on numerous civilians and their structures, but the FRY’s forces in Kosovo survived the conflict largely unscathed. Consequently General Wesley Clark insisted on referring to an unscientific report instead.<ref>{{safesubst:Web citation|author=John Barry|title=The Kosovo Cover-Up|url=https://www.newsweek.com/node/160273|date=2000-05-14|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150404231749/http://www.newsweek.com/kosovo-cover-160273|archivedate=2015-04-04}}</ref> Afterwards, many Iraqi intelligence officers visited Yugoslavia to study the military’s innovative techniques.<ref>{{safesubst:Web citation|title=NATO attack on Yugoslavia gave Iraq good lessons|url=http://www.globeandmail.com/servlet/ArticleNews/front/RTGAM/20021120/wless1120/Front/homeBN/breakingnews|date=2002-11-22|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20021122163917/http://www.globeandmail.com/servlet/ArticleNews/front/RTGAM/20021120/wless1120/Front/homeBN/breakingnews|archivedate=2002-11-22}}</ref>

==Economy==
During the 1990s, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was a [[semiplanned economy]] wherein some of the laborers managed their own enterprises until the antisocialists bombed them.<ref>{{safesubst:Citation|author=Michael Parenti|chapter=15|title=To Kill a Nation: the Attack on Yugoslavia|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=qWbGftW07WoC|location=New York|publisher=Verso|year=2000|page=168|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=qWbGftW07WoC&pg=PA168|ISBN=1-85984-366-2}}</ref>

==External links==
* [https://invidio.us/embed/waEYQ46gH08 The Weight of Chains]

== References ==
[[Category:Countries targeted by imperialist aggression]]

Topic:Wzqexalwtvyxc8bn

2022-09-24T20:06:15Z

Anarcho-Bolshevik (talk | contribs) commented on "What happened to Leftypedia?" (The gist of the situation is that the administrator was preoccupied with other matters, so the website fell further into neglect and nobo...)

Foreign relations of Fascist Italy

2022-07-19T05:45:58Z

Anarcho-Bolshevik: Created page with "===Finland=== During the 1920s and possibly later, Italian Fascism enjoyed greater popularity in Finland than did its German counterpart, and the Fascist bourgeoisie marketed weapons to Finland. A significant number of Finnish officers joined the Italian training service since 1919 and in 1933 somebody invited two first-rank Finnish generals to study in the Kingdom of Italy. The Fascist head of state received Lieutenant-Colonel Arne Somersalo and other important..."

===Finland===
During the 1920s and possibly later, Italian [[Fascism]] enjoyed greater popularity in Finland than did its German counterpart, and the Fascist bourgeoisie marketed weapons to Finland. A significant number of Finnish officers joined the Italian training service since 1919 and in 1933 somebody invited two first-rank Finnish generals to study in the [[Kingdom of Italy]]. The Fascist head of state received Lieutenant-Colonel Arne Somersalo and other important Finnish anticommunists during this time. However, by the 1930s Italian Fascism was in competition with German Fascism for popularity. The former was usually more popular with elder anticommunist, whereas the latter with younger anticommunists. Italian Fascism’s popularity further dwindled with the reinvasion of Ethiopia in 1935, during which the Finnish government announced that it was ready to accept all of the League of Nations’ sanctions on the Kingdom of Italy if unanimous. Despite the reinvasion, many Finns still preserved their pro-Italian sentiment and cultural relations between Finland and the Kingdom of Italy developed even more assiduously until 1939.<ref name=Ferrarini>{{safesubst:citation|author=Fabio Ferrarini|title=‘Mediterraneo baltico’: Italian Fascist propaganda in Finland (1933–9)|journal=Modern Italy|publisher=Department of Historical Studies, University of Milan|year=2020|doi=10.1017/mit.2020.51}}</ref>

At the end of the 1920s, Fascist ambassador Tamaro endorsed the anticommunist [[Lapua Movement]] and suggested to Dino Grandi that its leaders should receive training in Rome. The Italian Fascists secretly assisted the Lapua Movement in order to compete with both German and Polish influence in the Baltics. In July 1930, the Lapua Movement imitated the March on Rome with the so-called ‘Peasant March’ in Finland. Although the march itself was nonviolent, the one dozen thousand disciplined troops intimidated the people, and violence during the summer of 1930 drew widespread criticism of the Laupua Movement and gradual opposition from the Agrarian Party in particular. After a failed coup d’état in Mäntsälä in 1932, the Lapua Movement officially disolved, though it was effectively succeeded by the Finnish Patriotic People’s Movement (ILK). Nevertheless, the Italian foreign office in 1933 was still interested in the movement, and the Comitati d’Azione per l’Universalità di Roma (CAUR) network began working in Finland (coincidentally as the Fascist takeover in Germany and its activities were entrusted to the ILK).<ref name=Ferrarini/>

In the summer of 1935, the Italian foreign office commissioned Ezio Maria Gray to Helsinki in order to deliver two busts of Mussolini to the IKL’s board. In return, the IKL offered a bear to Mussolini’s children, but he decided to place it in Rome’s zoo instead. In 1937, Anna Maria Speckel published a book entitled ''Mediterraneo baltico'', which she based on several cultural ‘missions’ around the Nordics during the 1930s and dealt with the comparison between the Baltic and the Mediterranean Seas. Finally, the Fascists invited several Finnish journalists to the Kingdom of Italy in the late 1930s and they were to write pro-Fascist articles in return.<ref name=Ferrarini/> The Kingdom of Italy and the Finnish goverment both joined the [[Anti-Comintern Pact]], in 1937 and 1941, respectively.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Olli Vehviläinen|title=Finland in the Second World War: Between Germany and Russia|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=3L-JDAAAQBAJ|city=New York City|publisher=palgrave|year=2002|isbn=0333801490|page=101|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=3L-JDAAAQBAJ&pg=PA101|trans=Gerard McAlestar}}</ref>

===Germany===
The Kingdom of Italy was one of the several states that signed the [[Locarno Pact]] in 1925, guaranteeing the Rhine frontier and maintenance of the demilitarised zone.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Andrew Rothstein|chapter=I|title=The Munich Conspiracy|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/TheMunichConspiracy|city=London|publisher=Lawrence & Wishart|year=1958|page=17|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/TheMunichConspiracy/page/n7/mode/1up}}</ref> Even before 1933, Fascist officials provided some financing for the NSDAP, in part to cause unrest in the countries whose governments opposed Rome’s long-term goal of territorial aggrandizement in the Kingdom of Italy. The head of state was attracted to the NSDAP in particular because of its willingness to exchange South Tyrol for Fascist support. However, Rome would turn down requests for further financing if it did not see them as benefiting Fascist foreign policy.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=James & Suzanne Pool|chapter=7|title=Who Financed Hitler|city=U.S.A.|year=1997|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/WhoFinancedHitler|pages=296–302|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/WhoFinancedHitler#page/n153/mode/1up|isbn=0-8037-8941-6}}</ref>

===Japan===
Relations between Fascist Italy and [[Imperial Japan]] were, for the most part, cordial. During the 1920s, Shimoi Harukichi helped greatly popularize Fascism in Imperial Japan, and often acted as a mediator between the two fledgling empires, trying to bring them closer together.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Reto Hofmann|chapter=1|title=The Fascist Effect: Japan and Italy, 1915–1952|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ|city=Ithaca and London|publisher=Cornell University Press|year=2015|pages=1–10|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA1|isbn=978-0-8014-5341-0}}</ref> Rome put some effort into promoting Italian culture and politics in Imperial Japan, and Benito Mussolini himself received Shimoi in 1926, who presented him with a set of samuari armor.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Reto Hofmann|chapter=1|title=The Fascist Effect: Japan and Italy, 1915–1952|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ|city=Ithaca and London|publisher=Cornell University Press|year=2015|pages=25–8|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA25|isbn=978-0-8014-5341-0}}</ref> In 1928, the Fascists gifted the Imperial town of Aizu Wakamatsu with a Roman column, where it remained until the Allied occupation.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Reto Hofmann|chapter=1|title=The Fascist Effect: Japan and Italy, 1915–1952|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ|city=Ithaca and London|publisher=Cornell University Press|year=2015|pages=32–5|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA32|isbn=978-0-8014-5341-0}}</ref> From 1928 to 1931, Mussolini was frequently and positively portrayed in Imperial plays, biographies, advertisements, and other Imperial media. <ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Reto Hofmann|chapter=2|title=The Fascist Effect: Japan and Italy, 1915–1952|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ|city=Ithaca and London|publisher=Cornell University Press|year=2015|pages=38–62|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA38|isbn=978-0-8014-5341-0}}</ref>

By 1933, however, both German and Italian Fascism were in competition for popularity in Imperial Japan, with one regarded as more anticommunist than the other,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Reto Hofmann|chapter=3|title=The Fascist Effect: Japan and Italy, 1915–1952|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ|city=Ithaca and London|publisher=Cornell University Press|year=2015|pages=63–88|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA63|isbn=978-0-8014-5341-0}}</ref> and Italian Fascism’s popularity furthered dwindled with the reinvasion of Ethiopia in 1935, which even many of Mussolini’s Imperial admirers deplored. Four pilots in Osaka offered to volunteer on behalf of the Ethiopian army, and some anonymous Japanese sent insults and death threats to Rome’s ambassador in Tokyo.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Reto Hofmann|chapter=4|title=The Fascist Effect: Japan and Italy, 1915–1952|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ|city=Ithaca and London|publisher=Cornell University Press|year=2015|pages=89–94|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA89|isbn=978-0-8014-5341-0}}</ref> Others foresaw some positive effects of the reinvasion; Kano Kizō hoped that it would reveal the [[League of Nations]] as a mere instrument of British foreign policy,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Reto Hofmann|chapter=4|title=The Fascist Effect: Japan and Italy, 1915–1952|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ|city=Ithaca and London|publisher=Cornell University Press|year=2015|pages=94–97|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA94|isbn=978-0-8014-5341-0}}</ref> and many Imperial businessmen anticipated far less competition from European ones.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Reto Hofmann|chapter=4|title=The Fascist Effect: Japan and Italy, 1915–1952|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ|city=Ithaca and London|publisher=Cornell University Press|year=2015|pages=98–102|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA98|isbn=978-0-8014-5341-0}}</ref> By 1937, the negative sentiments about the reinvasion had largely faded away from Japanese consciousness, and Fascist Italy was now a member of the Anticomintern Pact along with Imperial Japan.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Reto Hofmann|chapter=5|title=The Fascist Effect: Japan and Italy, 1915–1952|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ|city=Ithaca and London|publisher=Cornell University Press|year=2015|pages=109–35|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=NO5IDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA109|isbn=978-0-8014-5341-0}}</ref> The Imperialists proved useful in seizing colonies from the newly defeated states of Europe.

Nonetheless, despite some of the propaganda, there was very little direct collaboration between the Fascist and Imperial armies as there was among the Allies. The submarines I-503 and I-504, the only ships to serve in all three of the main Axis navies, are probably the only examples where European Fascists and Japanese Imperialists fought side-by-side on the same battlefield.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Lawrence Paterson|chapter=eight|title=Hitler's Gray Wolves: U-Boats in the Indian Ocean|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=WaavDQAAQBAJ|date=2017-05-16|publisher=Skyhorse|pages=360–4|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=WaavDQAAQBAJ&pg=PT360|isbn=978-1-5107-1776-3}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Mark Felton|title=Command: Italy’s Far Eastern Army and Navy Forces|title-url=https://www.historynet.com/?p=13720061|date=2016-11-23|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20161125142031/http://www.historynet.com/command-italys-far-eastern-army-and-navy-forces.htm|archivedate=2016-11-25}}</ref>

===Portugal===
The First Portuguese Republic’s instability and anticlerical policies caused some Portuguese anticommunists to look to their Italian counterparts for alternatives. Homem Christo, a friend of Benito Mussolini since the 1910s, helped popularize Fascism in some of Latin Europe, and planned on holding a ‘Congress of the Western Union’ in Rome until he died in a car accident in 1928 while on another trip to Mussolini. From then on, the anticommunist syndicalist, Rolão Preto, would be the one mainly fostering the relationship between the Kingdom of Italy and Portugal. However, António de Oliveira Salazar increasingly mistrusted and Preto, and his government suspended Preto’s newspaper in September 1933 and finally banned his movement and arrested Preto himself in July 1934 for being too critical of the Portuguese leadership.<ref name=Gori>{{safesubst:citation|author=Annarita Gori & Rita Almeida de Carvalho|title=Italian Fascism and the Portuguese Estado Novo: international claims and national resistance|title-url=https://www.researchgate.net/publication/335637388|journal=Intellectual History Review|date=2019-09-05|city=Lisbon|publisher=International Society for Intellectual History|doi=10.1080/17496977.2019.1648055|ISSN=1749-6985}}</ref>

Nevertheless, Rome disseminated Fascism in Portugal, albeit sometimes with limited success. Some prominent Portuguese established bonds with certain members of the Associazione Nazionalista Italiana, but whenever Italian Fascist propaganda subsumed Latinity within Romanity, Portuguese intellectuals and politicians grew suspicious. António de Oliveira Salazar acknowledged the similarities between Fascism and his policies, and even had himself photographed at his desk with an autographed picture of Benito Mussolini. Nonetheless, he considered Fascism a phenomenon specific to Italy and criticized it for being too violent, unlimited by ‘judicial and moral order’, and therefore unsuitable for the mild-mannered Portuguese. Some Portuguese élites were also uneasy about Italian Fascism’s expansionism, and (at least officially) advocated more cooperation with other nation-states. Due to its own colonial ambitions in Africa, Lisbon joined the rest of the League of Nations in opposing the reinvasion of Ethiopia, and grew less and less interested in Fascist events. By the time that World War II officially began in 1939, censorship increased and the [[Estado Novo]] now explicitly avoided references that could compromise its neutrality, instigating a new period in the relationship between both nation-states and forced a reconfiguration of the cultural diplomacy in which any reference to Fascism’s virtues had to look subtler.<ref name=Gori/>

===Turkey===
The Kingdom of Italy was Turkey’s main trading partner for most of the 1920s. Initially uneasy due to warfare in the early 1910s, Dino Grandi’s new foreign ministry in 1925 helped promote Turkey’s presence in the Eastern Mediterranean as a way to ease relations with the predominately Muslim states of [[Afrasia]]. In shipping, Fascist vessels dominated the market and by 1928 they transported with 215,000 tons, in contrast to Turkey’s commercial fleet, with 135,000 tons. With the onset of the [[Great Depression]], trade balance turned into a matter of dispute between both Italian and Turkish authorities and the Banca Commerciale Italiana (BCI) urged the Fascist government to remain in contact with the Turkish market.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Per Tiedtke|chapter=9|title=Germany, Italy and the International Economy 1929–1936: Co-operation or Rivalries at Times of Crisis?|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=v5N4DwAAQBAJ|city=Europe|publisher=Tectum Verlag|year=2016|pages=304–5|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=v5N4DwAAQBAJ&pg=PA304|isbn=978-3-8288-6407-8}}</ref> Both the Italian and Turkish ruling classes agreed to reciprocally guarantee most-favoured-nation status in trade and shipping in August 1929, but failed to meet the long-term goal of a full-fledged commercial contract. Despite the mixed results, it inspired the Auswärtiges Amt’s before its upcoming commercial negotiations with Instanbul and the German embassy hoped that the regulations facilitating the Kingdom of Italy’s commercial shipping could also serve a German–Turkish commercial contract. In February 1930, the BCI negotiated directly with Instanbul over a loan of one million pounds sterling, later changed to 300 million Italian Lire, from which one-third was intended for acquisitions in the Kingdom of Italy, thereby serving the interests of the Fascist economy. However, controversy between Berlin, Instanbul, and Rome prevented the loan.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Per Tiedtke|chapter=9|title=Germany, Italy and the International Economy 1929–1936: Co-operation or Rivalries at Times of Crisis?|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=v5N4DwAAQBAJ|city=Europe|publisher=Tectum Verlag|year=2016|pages=308–9|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=v5N4DwAAQBAJ&pg=PA308|isbn=978-3-8288-6407-8}}</ref>

After Berlin offered Turkey a foreign exchange agreement and negotiated in 1933 to create substantial incentives for German–Turkish commerce, Instanbul demanded similar treatment from Rome. In response to Fascist disintnerest, Ankara cancelled a Roman agreement that it had concluded in 1929, and which it accused of facilitating the recent Fascist surplus in trade. As the Italian ruling class did not want an unregulated situation on its hands, it conceded to Insanbul the prospect of coal orders in the amount of 100,000 tons for 1934, in part to compensate for the Kingdom of Italy’s energy deficiency. On this basis, both governments signed a new commercial contract on March 4, 1934. Nonetheless, the Kingdom of Italy ordered only 30% of what it originally projected. These orders likewise represented a compromise necessary to keep the compensation scheme running after the 300 million Lire loan finally had failed, but as interest for the long-term project dwindled in both countries, Instanbul eventually publicly declined the offer.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Per Tiedtke|chapter=9|title=Germany, Italy and the International Economy 1929–1936: Co-operation or Rivalries at Times of Crisis?|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=v5N4DwAAQBAJ|city=Europe|publisher=Tectum Verlag|year=2016|pages=311–2|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=v5N4DwAAQBAJ&pg=PA311|isbn=978-3-8288-6407-8}}</ref> Another reason for the coal orders was supporting Italian concessions in Turkey. In 1935, the major Italian companies’ consortium reported signs of Turkish authorities coveting their concessions on behalf of Turkish businessmen. The Imprese Italiane all’Estero (IIE), who handled most of the Fascist investments in Turkey, said that within one year discrimination turned into ‘a broad xenophobic movement’. The IIE’s electricity producers in Bursa and Sirket particularly suffered a severe situation in 1936. Turkish authorities used charges of price usury against the IIE to justify unilateral price cuts, which the IIE saw as both legally unjustifiable and excessively hazardous to business.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Per Tiedtke|chapter=9|title=Germany, Italy and the International Economy 1929–1936: Co-operation or Rivalries at Times of Crisis?|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=v5N4DwAAQBAJ|city=Europe|publisher=Tectum Verlag|year=2016|page=312|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=v5N4DwAAQBAJ&pg=PA312|isbn=978-3-8288-6407-8}}</ref>

===Miscellaneous===
Fascist Italy collaborated with foreign organizations as well, for example, the [[OUN]] and the [[Ustaša]], some of whose members trained together in Benito Mussolini’s paramilitary camps.<ref>{{citation|author=Grzegorz Rossoliński-Liebe|title=Stepan Bandera: The Life and Afterlife of a Ukrainian Nationalist|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Di5jEAAAQBAJ|chapter=1|year=2014|city=Stuttgart|publisher=ibidem Press|isbn=978-3-8382-6684-8}}</ref>

==See also==
* [[Foreign relations of Nazi Germany]]

==References==
<references/>

The Black Book of Communism

2022-07-11T17:40:21Z

Anarcho-Bolshevik: Partially copied from https://leftypedia.org/wiki/Rhetoric:Communism_Killed_100+_Million

{{DISPLAYTITLE:''The Black Book of Communism''}}

'''''The Black Book of Communism''''' is a 1997 book that claims [[communism]] killed 100 million people in the 20th century.<ref>{{Citation|author=Stéphane Courtois, et al.|year=1999|title=The Black Book of Communism|title-url=https://archive.org/details/BlackBookOfCommunism|publisher=Harvard University Press|isbn=9780674076082}}</ref> It includes Nazi soldiers killed by the [[Red Army]] and [[Kulak|kulaks]] as "victims of communism."

Even some of the book's own authors criticize the historical accuracy of its conclusions:<ref>{{News citation|journalist=Anton|date=2017-08-24|title=Debunking: “Communism killed more people than naziism!”|url=https://discomfiting.medium.com/debunking-communism-killed-more-people-than-naziism-7a9880696f67}}</ref>

{{quote|Jean‐Louis Margolin and Nicolas Werth reproach Stéphane Courtois considering ‘the criminal dimension as one of the proper ones of the communist system’s set’, he writes in his text. ‘This results in taking away the phenomenon’s historic character’, claims Jean‐Louis Margolin. ‘Even if the communist breeding ground can lead to mass crimes, the line between theory and practice is inevident, contrary to what Stéphane Courtois says.’ Disputing the ‘approximations’, ‘contradictions’, and ‘clumsinesses that make sense’, the two authors reproach Stéphane Courtois’s ‘obsession to reach one hundred million deaths’.|Le Monde|<ref>{{safesubst:Citation| title = Les divisions d'une équipe d'historiens du communisme| year = 1997|title-url=https://www.lemonde.fr/archives/article/1997/10/31/les-divisions-d-une-equipe-d-historiens-du-communisme_3811179_1819218.html|trans-lang =fr}}</ref>}}

Margolin and Werth furthermore rebuked Courtois in an article published in ''Le Monde'',<ref>{{safesubst:Citation| title = Communisme : retour à l'histoire| year = 1997|title-url = https://www.lemonde.fr/archives/article/1997/11/14/communisme-retour-a-l-histoire_3810094_1819218.html}}</ref> stating that they disagreed with his vitriolic introduction and its political agenda. Margolin and Werth both disavowed the book, recognizing that Courtois was obsessed with reaching a body count of a hundred million and consequently leading to careless and biased ‘scholarship’. Courtois also composed the book’s introduction in secret, refusing to share it for his other contributors. They both rejected Courtois’s equivalence of German [[Fascism]] with [[Communism]], with Werth telling ''Le Monde'' that ‘death camps did not exist in the Soviet Union.’<ref>{{safesubst:Citation| last = Getty| first = J. Arch| title = The Future Did Not Work|year = 2000|title-url = https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2000/03/the-future-did-not-work/378081/}}</ref>

When Maurice Papon was put on trial in the 1990s for deporting 1,600 Jews to death camps, his lawyers admitted ''The Black Book of Communism'' as evidence for his (relative) ‘innocence’.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Wiener|first=Jon|title=How We Forgot the Cold War: A Historical Journey across America|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=1KiD069CPsUC|location=Los Angeles|publisher=University of California Press|year=2012|page=38|ISBN=978-0-520-27141-8}}</ref>

== References ==
[[Category:Books not in our library]]
[[Category:Imperialist propaganda]]

German Reich (1933–1945)

2022-03-11T05:32:53Z

Anarcho-Bolshevik: Cleaning. Commentary on suicides.

The '''German Reich''' (officially the '''Greater German Reich''' from 1943–45), commonly known as '''Nazi Germany''', the '''Third Reich''' or occasionally '''Fascist Germany''', was a right-wing [[Fascism|fascist]] dictatorship which existed in [[Europe]] between 1933 and 1945 and was ruled by the [[Nazi Party]] (NSDAP). It was preceded by the [[German Reich (1918–1933)|Weimar Republic]] before its dissolution with the issuance of the Reichstag Fire Decree and the Enabling Act of 1933, which allowed for the then Chancellor of Germany [[Adolf Hitler]] to act outside of parliamentary control.<ref>''"The law that 'enabled' Hitler's dictatorship"''. [https://www.dw.com/en/the-law-that-enabled-hitlers-dictatorship/a-16689839 Deutsche Welle]</ref>

It began on 30 January 1933 when Hitler was appointed as chancellor (head of government) by president (head of state) Paul von Hindenburg, although the old Weimar constitution was used up to the end, with its emergency powers being extensively used. The German Reich is frequently credited with starting [[World War II]] with its invasion of Poland, hoping to seize the Soviet Union. However it lost the war and was pronounced defunct on 7 May 1945 and most of Europe’s remaining [[Axis]] personnel surrendered, with a few exceptions.<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|title=Hitler’s Holdouts – Meet the Last German Troops to Surrender in WW2|url=https://wp.me/p42Qr6-1II|date=2014-04-30}}</ref> After over four years of Allied occupation, it was succeeded by the [[Federal Republic of Germany]] and the [[German Democratic Republic]] in 1949.

The Nazi government, over the course of its existence, aggressively expanded into neighboring countries, ultimately resulting in the beginning of the [[World War II|Second World War]] with the Fascist invasion of Poland. Internally, concentration camps were set up for the forced labor, detention, and execution of Jewish and Roma people, political prisoners, communists, socialists, and trade-union activists.

A program of “involuntary euthanasia” was adopted for the state-sponsored mass murder of the disabled. This campaign of mass detention and extermination was based on pseudo-scientific racist, sexist, and anti-Semitic eugenic beliefs, which culminated in a systematic [[genocide]] commonly known as the Holocaust. The Nazi Party was destroyed at the end of World War II after the [[Soviet Union]] captured Berlin and Hitler committed suicide. The German Instrument of Surrender legally declared the surrender and dissolution of the Third Reich, which ended both the Holocaust and Second World War in Europe. The succeeding Allied occupation of Germany would result in the creation of separate [[West Germany|West]] and [[German Democratic Republic (1949–1990)|East German]] states.

== History ==
On January 4, 1933, bankers and industrialists held a secret backroom deal with then-Chancellor Von Pappen to make Hitler the nation’s new Chancellor:

{{quote|The negotiations took place exclusively between Hitler and Papen. […] Papen went on to say that he thought it best to form a government in which the conservative and nationalist elements that had supported him were represented together with the Nazis. He suggested that this new government should, if possible, be led by Hitler and himself together. Then Hitler made a long speech in which he said that, if he were to be elected Chancellor, Papen’s followers could participate in his (Hitler’s) Government as Ministers if they were willing to support his policy which was planning many alterations in the existing state of affairs. He outlined these alterations, including the removal of all Social Democrats, Communists and Jews from leading positions in Germany and the restoration of order in public life. Von Papen and Hitler reached agreement in principle whereby many of the disagreements between them could be removed and cooperation might be possible. It was agreed that further details could be worked out later either in Berlin or some other suitable place.|Kurt Baron von Schröder|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|editors=Geoffrey Pridham & Jeremy Noakes|title=Nazism, 1919–1945|title-url=https://ghdi.ghi-dc.org/sub_document.cfm?document_id=3941|location=Exeter|publisher=University of Exeter Press|volume=I|year=1998|page=115–16}}</ref>}}

In February 1933, the new Chancellor met with the Reich’s leading industrialists at Hermann Göring’s home. There were representatives from IG Farben, AG Siemens, BMW, coal mining magnates, Theissen Corp, AG Krupp, as well as a crowd of bankers, investors, and other bourgeois Germans. During this meeting, the Chancellor said that ‘''Private enterprise cannot be maintained in the age of democracy.''’ To reduce regulation, the Chancellery sent its henchmen to every union headquarters on May 2nd, 1933. They beat the union leaders, sent them to prison or concentration camps, and their party expropriated the union money that the workers paid for their memberships. The unions were now under the leadership of the Chancellery’s anticommunists, who helped bargain away all collective bargaining rights.<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|title=Germany 1933: from democracy to dictatorship|url=https://www.annefrank.org/en/anne-frank/go-in-depth/germany-1933-democracy-dictatorship|date=2018-09-28}}</ref> One Fascist economist indicated that his party indeed had a thorough plan for deregulation:

{{quote|The first thing [that] German business needs is peace and quiet. It must have a feeling of absolute legal security and must know that work and its return are guaranteed. The interferences in a business which occurred at first, perhaps as a result of too much zeal, have become intolerable.|Gottfried Feder|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|editor=Briton Hadden|title=NAZIS EASE GRASP ON REICH'S BUSINESS|title-url=https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1933/07/04/105151560.html?pageNumber=5|publisher=Time Incorporated|date=1933-07-04|volume=XXII}}</ref>}}

In September 1933, the Chancellery repeatedly cut social provisions, including food rations, to the poor under the guise of combating ‘idolatry’.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=GERMANS TO SKIMP ON A MEAL A MONTH AND FEED JOBLESS|title-url=https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1933/09/14/105802896.html|publisher=Time Incorporated|date=1933-09-14}}</ref> In 1934, the Fascists outlined their plan to revitalize the Reich’s economy by reprivatization of significant industries: medicine,<ref name=Muehlbauer>{{safesubst:web citation|last=Muehlbauer|first=Peter|title=Obama, Hitler und die Krankenversicherung|url=https://www.heise.de/tp/news/Obama-Hitler-und-die-Krankenversicherung-1992294.html|publisher=Heise Medien|date=2009-08-28|language=German}}</ref> railways, public works,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=REICH WILL PUSH PRIVATE BUSINESS|title-url=https://www.nytimes.com/1933/09/21/archives/germany-to-push-private-business-economic-council-decides-on-that.html|publisher=Time Incorporated|date=1933-09-21}}</ref> construction, steel, and banking. Additionally, the Chancellery guaranteed profits for the private sector, thus many American industrialists and bankers flocked to the Reich to invest.

On January 20, 1934, the Chancellery transferred its right to set minimum wages and working conditions over to the businessowners, stating that the ‘''leader of the enterprise makes the decisions for the employees and laborers in all matters concerning the enterprise, as far as they are regulated by this law.''’<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|title=Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression|url=https://avalon.law.yale.edu/imt/1861-ps.asp|location=Washington|publisher=Office of the United States Chief Counsel for Prosecution of Axis Criminality|volume=IV|year=1946}}</ref> Hence, the employers lowered wages, increased hours,<ref>https://bucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com/public/images/ffe67095-0f49-4b78-8a15-982b5782d8f5_562x529.jpeg</ref> eliminated other benefits, and prohibited workers from striking or engaging in other collective bargaining rights. The anticommunists eliminated reimbursements for Jewish physicians, which allowed private health insurance companies to profit.<ref name=Muehlbauer/> The anticommunists also rounded up the homeless en-masse and interned them in concentration camps.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Ayaß|first=W.|title=Vagrants and beggars in Hitler's Reich|title-url=https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/ed34/3d9f11cc03485e7b59489ce6004b40013aa6.pdf|year=1988}}</ref> By the time that the head of the AFL visited the German Reich in 1938, he likened the life of an average German worker to that of a slave.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=GERMAN LABORER LIKENED TO SLAVE|title-url=https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1938/11/22/98211078.html?pageNumber=5|publisher=Time Incorporated|date=1938-11-22}}</ref>

== Economy ==
{{quote|Irrespective of a quite bad overall performance, an important characteristic of the economy of the Third Reich, and a big difference from a centrally planned one, was the role private ownership of firms was playing—in practice as well as in theory. The ideal Nazi economy would liberate the creativeness of a multitude of private entrepreneurs in a predominantly competitive framework gently directed by the state to achieve the highest welfare of the Germanic people.|Christoph Buchheim and Jonas Scherner|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Buchheim|first1=Christoph|last2=Scherner|first2=Jonas|title=The Role of Private Property in the Nazi Economy: The Case of Industry|journal=Thtation of Economic History|title-url=http://piketty.pse.ens.fr/files/capitalisback/CountryData/Germany/Other/Pre1950Series/RefsHistoricalGermanAccounts/BuchheimScherner06.pdf|publisher=Cambridge University Press|volume=66|number=2|year=2006|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150910091952/http://economics.yale.edu/sites/default/
files/f
iles/Workshops-Seminars/Economic-History/buchheim-041020.pdf|archivedate=2015-09-10|page=411|acc
essdate=2020-01-18}}</ref>}}

The German Reich was the second modern nation after the [[Kingdom of Italy]] to implement a [[privatization]] programme.<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|last=Bel|first=Germà|title=Against the mainstream: Nazi privatization in 1930s Germany|url=http://www.ub.edu/graap/nazi.pdf|location=Barcelona|publisher=Universitat de Barcelona i ppre-IREA|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20110720073011/http://www.ub.edu/graap/nazi.pdf|archivedate=2011-07-20|accessdate=2020-01-29}}</ref> Indeed, the term ‘privatization’ itself<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Bel|first=Germà|title=Retrospectives: The Coining of “Privatization” and Germany’s National Socialist Party|title-url=https://pubs.aeaweb.org/doi/pdf/10.1257/jep.20.3.187|journal=Journal of Economic Perspectives|volume=20|number=3|year=2006|page=187–194}}</ref> was coined to refer to their economic reforms.<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|title=The Nazi Heritage of Privatization|date=11-September-2006|url=https://wp.me/p1kjl-1d}}</ref> Capitalist economist Mark Thoma has conceded as much.<ref>{{safesubst:web citation| title = Economist's View: The Origins of the Term "Privatization"| accessdate = 2019-10-09| url = https://economistsview.typepad.com/economistsview/2006/09/the_origins_of_.html}}</ref> While consumer spending in the Reich’s economy did decrease from 71% in 1929 to 59% in 1938,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Overy|first=R.J.|title=Guns or Butter? Living Standards, Finance, and Labour in Germany, 1939–1942|title-url=https://www.oxfordscholarship.com/view/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198202905.001.0001/acprof-9780198202905-chapter-10|year=1994|doi=10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198202905.003.0010|ISBN=9780198202905}}</ref> income from capital and business also increased from 17.4% of the national income to 26.6%,<ref>{{safesubst:citation| last = Shirer| first = William Lawrence| title = The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/B-001-014-606|publisher=Simon and Schuster|year=1960|page=264|ISBN=978-1-4516-5168-3}}</ref> and the rate of return on capital increased in the Fascists’ industry.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Tooze|first=Adam|chapter=4|title=The Wages of Destruction: The Making and Breaking of the Nazi Economy|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=-h_Z_KK0MQUC|location=London|publisher=Penguin Books|year=2006|page=152|ISBN=978-1-101-56495-0}}</ref>

{{quote|In 1936/37 the capital of the ''Deutsche Bank'', ''Commerzbank'' and ''Dresdner Bank'' in the possession of the German Reich was resold to private shareholders, and consequently the state representatives withdrew from the boards of these banks. Also in 1936 the Reich sold its shares of ''Vereinigte Stahlwerke''. The war did not change anything with regard to this attitude. In 1940 the Genshagen airplane engine plant operated by ''Daimler-Benz'' was privatized; ''Daimler-Benz'' bought the majority of shares held by the Reich earlier than it wished to. But the company was urged by the Reich Aviation Ministry and was afraid that the Reich might offer the deal to another firm. Later in the war the Reich actively tried to privatize as many ''Montan GmbH'' companies as possible, but with little success.|Christoph Buchheim and Jonas Scherner|<ref name=Buchheim406>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Buchheim|first1=Christoph|last2=Scherner|first2=Jonas|title=The Role of Private Property in the Nazi Economy: The Case of Industry|journal=Thtation of Economic History|title-url=http://piketty.pse.ens.fr/files/capitalisback/CountryData/Germany/Other/Pre1950Series/RefsHistoricalGermanAccounts/BuchheimScherner06.pdf|publisher=Cambridge University Press|volume=66|number=2|year=2006|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150910091952/http://economics.yale.edu/sites/default/files/files/Workshops-Seminars/Economic-History/buchheim-041020.pdf|archivedate=2015-09-10|page=406|accessdate=2020-01-18}}</ref>}}

It was possible for capitalists to fund their projects without relying on any state funds. The development of the first relay computer, for example, was funded entirely through private means,<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|title=Konrad Zuse—the first relay computer|url=https://history-computer.com/ModernComputer/Relays/Zuse.html|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20201105231836/https://history-computer.com/ModernComputer/Relays/Zuse.html|archivedate=2020-11-05}}</ref> and while the head of state was unimpressed with the invention they still used it for some minor operations such as calculating aircraft wing design.<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|last=Malcolm|first=Chris|title=Who Made the First Computer?|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20180923013651/http://www.dai.ed.ac.uk/homes/cam/fcomp.shtml|archivedate=2018-09-23}}</ref> Similarly, another business, Günther & Co., designed a board game without any government input. Although the Schutzstaffel harshly criticized its theme, going so far as to call it ‘almost punishable’, it nonetheless never bothered to actually prohibit it.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Morris-Friedman|first1=Andrew|last2=Schädler|first2=Ulrich|title=“Juden Raus!” (Jews Out!) – History’s most infamous board game|title-url=http://www.giochidelloca.it/storia/BGS6.pdf|journal=International Journal for the Study of Board Games|location=Leiden|publisher=Research School of Asian, African, and Amerindian Studies|year=2003|volume=6|page=44–58|ISSN=1566-1962}}</ref> The German Air Ministry requested prototypes from six companies (Gustloff-Werke, Mauser, Johannes Großfuß Metall- und Lackierwarenfabrik, C.G. Hänel, Rheinmetall-Borsig and Heinrich Krieghoff Waffenfabrik), only two (Krieghoff and Rheinmetall) of whom answered favorably, and an irrelevant offer from Mauser was rejected. All others denied that they could even consider it since they were already working to capacity for the Heereswaffenamt and required its approval for the request.<ref name="Senich">{{citation|last=Senich|first=Peter|title=The German Assault Rifle: 1935–1945|page=239|publisher=Paladin Press|year=1987}}</ref> <ref name="Dugelby">{{citation|last=Dugelby|first=Thomas B.|title=Death from Above—The German FG42 Paratroop Rifle|page=4|publisher=Collector Grade Publications|year=2007}}</ref>

While the [[bourgeoisie]] did implement some regulations, they did this for the sake of their militarily driven economy (much like the [[U.K.]] and the [[U.S.A.]] did during wartime); their purpose was to reinforce private ownership and [[capitalism]]. Henry Spiegel noted three main characteristics of the Third Reich’s economy:<ref>{{safesubst:citation
|author=Henry W. Spiegel |editor=|editors= |title=Wehrwirtschaft: Economics of the Military State |journal=The American Economic Review |title-url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/1805064 |location= |publisher= |year=1940 |volume=30 |number=4 |page=717|isbn= |oclc=}}</ref>

# That it was an ‘economy of scarcity’, that is to say, that the exploitation of ‘men and materials was pushed to the limits’.
# That the state used ‘centralized planning under maintenance of some element of the price system’.
# That the state retained the ‘profit motive’ as the primary ‘economic motor’.

There is little evidence to support the interpretation that the German Reich was a ‘[[planned economy]]’.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Frøland|first1=Hans|last2=Ingulstad|first2=Mats|last3=Scherner|first3=Jonas|chapter=1|editors=Hans Otto Frøland, Mats Ingulstad, & Jonas Scherner|title=Industrial Collaboration in Nazi-Occupied Europe: Norway in Context|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=fIMgDQAAQBAJ|location=London|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan|year=2016|page=18–9|ISBN=978-1-137-53423-1|LCCN=2016942278|DOI=10.1057/978-1-137-53423-1}}</ref> The little ‘central planning’ that the bourgeoisie used was not analogous to the Soviet planning; it was more akin to strategic visions for the economy. The ''Wehrwirtschaft'' ideal held primacy in these plans, which sought to transform the economy into an ‘integrated part of the military machine’, but retaining the system of private ownership.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Martin Wolfe |editor=|editors= |title=The Development of Nazi Monetary Policy |journal=Thtation of Economic History |title-url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/2114432 |location= |publisher= |year=1955 |volume=15 |number=4 |page=393|isbn= |oclc=}}</ref> For example, rather than allocating production directly according to the System of Material Balances (as the [[U.S.S.R.]] did), the Four Year Plan of 1936 merely instituted price controls, particularly to discourage consumption of goods deemed to be luxuries and to promote the ‘basic industries’ that formed the Fascists’ apparatus of war production.<ref>{{safesubst:citation
|author=Martin Wolfe |editor=|editors= |title=The Development of Nazi Monetary Policy |journal=Thtation of Economic History |title-url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/2114432 |location= |publisher= |year=1955 |volume=15 |number=4 |page=394|isbn= |oclc=}}</ref> Thus food prices effectively increased between the Second Reich and the Third Reich, even despite the ‘higher’ wages and anticommunist attempts at price control, and some foods such as beef, white bread, cereals, and fruits only became more difficult for the proletariat to access (though pork, rye bread, and potatoes did not).<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Winkler|first=Robin|editors=Rui Esteves, Arthur Downing|title=Feast or Famine: The Welfare Impact of Food Price Controls in Nazi Germany|title-url=https://www.economics.ox.ac.uk/materials/papers/13982/feast-or-famine-rm-winkler-1.pdf|journal=Discussion

Papers in Economic and Social History|publisher=University of Oxford|number=136|year=2015}}</ref> In the agricultural realm, the bourgeoisie did not undertake anything resembling Soviet collectivization, but rather instituted price controls through the ''Reichsnährstand'' (‘Reich Food Estate’) to control cost of living.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Martin Wolfe |editor=|editors= |title=The Development of Nazi Monetary Policy |journal=Thtation of Economic History |title-url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/2114432 |location= |publisher= |year=1955 |volume=15 |number=4 |page=395|isbn= |oclc=}}</ref> The bourgeoisie would institute a new, hereditary law in 1933 that made it much more difficult for anybody to obtain a gentile’s<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|title=1933: KEY DATES|url=https://www.ushmm.org/wlc/en/article.php?ModuleId=10007499|accessdate=2020-04-25}}</ref> farm, even through trade.<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|title=The Hereditary Farm Law (September 29, 1933)|url=http://germanhistorydocs.ghi-dc.org/sub_document.cfm?document_id=1550|accessdate=2020-04-25}}</ref>

Among the Reich’s industries, the oil industry was perhaps the best example for how the Fascist bourgeoisie operated the ''Wehrwirtschaft'', as the NSDAP considered it to occupy a ‘special and irreplaceable role’ within the market economy and military machine;<ref>{{safesubst:citation |author=Raymond G. Stokes |editor=|editors= |title=The Oil Industry in Nazi Germany, 1936–1945 |journal=The Business History Review |title-url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/3114932 |location= |publisher= |year=1985 |volume=59 |number=2 |page=254|isbn= |oclc=}}</ref> thus Fascist capital’s inability to steal all of the oil and steel from the U.S.S.R. would further ensure the Reich’s collapse.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Tooze|first=Adam|chapter=17|title=The Wages of Destruction: The Making and Breaking of the Nazi Economy|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=-h_Z_KK0MQUC|location=London|publisher=Penguin Books|year=2006|page=686–7|ISBN=978-1-101-56495-0}}</ref> In the 1930s, Porsche quickly designed the Volkswagen Beetle because one anticommunist claimed to want a cheap and sturdy vehicle that almost everybody in the Reich would be able to drive. He lobbied for his approval, and Porsche’s neoslaves soon began producing these vehicles by the thousands, to the point where they ran low on dealerships, but the project turned out to be a scam:

{{quote|Since private industry could not turn out an automobile for $396, Hitler ordered the State to build it and placed the Labor Front in charge of the project. Dr. Ley’s organization promptly set out in 1938 to build at Fallersleben, near Braunschweig, “the biggest automobile factory in the world,” with a capacity for turning out a million and a half cars a year “more than Ford,” the Nazi propagandists said. The Labor Front advanced fifty million marks in capital. But that was not the main financing. Dr. Ley’s ingenious plan was that the workers themselves should furnish the capital by means of what became known as a “pay-before-you-get-it” installment plan five marks a week, or if a worker thought he could afford it, ten or fifteen marks a week. When 750 marks had been paid in, the buyer received an order number entitling him to a car as soon as it could be turned out. Alas for the worker, not a single car was ever turned out for any customer during the Third Reich. Tens of millions of marks were paid in by the German wage earners, not a pfennig of which was ever to be refunded. By the time the war started the Volkswagen factory turned to the manufacture of goods more useful to the Army.|William Shirer|<ref name=pg267>{{safesubst:citation|last=Shirer|first=William Lawrence|chapter=8|title=The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/B-001-014-606|publisher=Simon and Schuster|year=1960|page=267|ISBN=978-1-4516-5168-3}}</ref>}}

Siemens in particular was probably the most important and prolific business in the German Reich, and consequently lost most of its factories during WWII. The business was responsible for the rail infrastructure, communications, power generation, factories (including in Auschwitz and Buchenwald), firearms, execution chambers, and more, throughout the Reich, and survivors later demanded reparations from this business.<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|last=Levy|first=Stephanie|title=Holocaust litigation: asking the courts to right a historic wrong.|url=http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Holocaust+litigation:+asking+the+courts+to+right+a+historic+wrong-a063795747|date=2000-07-01}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:web citation|title=Siemens retreats over Nazi name|url=https://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/business/2233890.stm|date=2002-09-05}}</ref> Other businesses such as the Holtzbrinck Publishing Group and Bertelsmann distributed a wide range of propaganda to the Wehrmacht and other anticommunists in the forms of books and magazines. Although somebody did jail a few senior Bertelsmann employees for alleged black-market paper trading in 1944, the Reich Minister of Propaganda pardoned them anyway.<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|last=Manus|first=Elizabeth|title=Bertelsmann’s Nazi Past Gets Ho-Hummed in U.S.|url=https://observer.com/?p=18503|date=1999-01-18|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20110724074250/http://www.observer.com/1999/01/bertelsmanns-nazi-past-gets-hohummed-in-us|archivedate=2011-07-24}}</ref>

Under the banner of ‘rearmament and autarky’, the Fascist bourgeoisie began to use its Four Year Plans to encourage sectors like construction, oil, chemicals, and engineering over others, such as coal and agriculture.<ref>{{safesubst:citation |author=Raymond G. Stokes |editor=|editors= |title=The Oil Industry in Nazi Germany, 1936–1945 |journal=The Business History Review |title-url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/3114932 |location= |publisher= |year=1985 |volume=59 |number=2 |page=258–260|isbn= |oclc=}}</ref> Under the Plans, the bourgeois state took control over marketing, but corporate leaders remained in charge of the industry as a whole, indicating that the NSDAP was uninterested in either nationalization or direct government management.<ref>{{safesubst:citation |author=Raymond G. Stokes |editor=|editors= |title=The Oil Industry in Nazi Germany, 1936–1945 |journal=The Business History Review |title-url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/3114932 |location= |publisher= |year=1985 |volume=59 |number=2 |page=254 |isbn= |oclc=}}</ref>

{{quote|Available sources make perfectly clear that the Nazi regime did not want at all a German economy with public ownership of many or all enterprises. Therefore it generally had no intention whatsoever of nationalizing private firms or creating state firms. On the contrary the reprivatization of enterprises was furthered wherever possible.|Christoph Buchheim and Jonas Scherner|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Buchheim|first1=Christoph|last2=Scherner|first2=Jonas|title=The Role of Private Property in the Nazi Economy: The Case of Industry|journal=Thtation of Economic History|title-url=http://piketty.pse.ens.fr/files/capitalisback/CountryData/Germany/Other/Pre1950Series/RefsHistoricalGermanAccounts/BuchheimScherner06.pdf|publisher=Cambridge University Press|volume=66|number=2|year=2006|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150910091952/http://economics.yale.edu/sites/default/files/files/Workshops-Seminars/Economic-History/buchheim-041020.pdf|archivedate=2015-09-10|page=405–406|accessdate=2020-01-18}}</ref>}}

On the rare occasions when they were forced to make use of state-owned factories, they included a contract option allowing private owners to purchase it. In addition, they avoided the creation of state-owned enterprises whenever possible, favoring private investment:

{{quote|State-owned plants were to be avoided wherever possible. Nevertheless, sometimes they were necessary when private industry was not prepared to realize a war-related investment on its own. In these cases, the Reich often insisted on the inclusion in the contract of an option clause according to which the private firm operating the plant was entitled to purchase it. Even the establishment of ''Reichswerke Hermann Goring'' in 1937 is no contradiction to the rule that the Reich principally did not want public ownership of enterprises. The Reich in fact tried hard to win the German industry over to engage in the project.|Christoph Buchheim and Jonas Scherner|<ref name=Buchheim406/>}}

In 1938 for example, the Reich forced the Jewish businessman Julius Fromm to vend his condom business to Baroness Elisabeth von Epenstein at 116,000ℛℳ, a fraction of its real value. In return for this, she gave Hermann Göring two castles.<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|last1=Aly|first1=Gotz|last2=Sontheimer|first2=Michael|transl=Shelley Frisch|title=Fromms: How Julius Fromm's Condom Empire Fell to the Nazis|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=7ZYrAQAAQBAJ|date=2009-10-13|publisher=Other Press, LLC|page=98|ISBN=9781590513774}}</ref>

In terms of worker’s rights, the Fascist bourgeoisie immediately began to crack down on illegal groups (socialists and social democrats): first, ensuring that these groups were destroyed by force, and second, granting ‘extraordinary powers’ to employers to minimize the ability of workers to organize.<ref>{{safesubst:citation |last = Mason |first = Tim |editor=|editors= |title=The Workers’ Opposition in Nazi Germany |journal=History Workshop |title-url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/4288349 |location= |publisher= |year=1981 |volume=11 |number= |page=121|isbn= |oclc=}}</ref>

The anticommunists established the German Labour Front (Deutsche Arbeitsfront, DAF) by destroying non-DAF trade unions and seizing their funds.<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|title=Persecution of Trade Unionists|url=https://neu.org.uk/media/3056/view|year=2012}}</ref> Propaganda suggested that the DAF was intended to mediate conflicts between businessowners and workers. In practice, the anticommunists used the DAF to decrease workers’ power and to trap them in their current place of employment.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Shirer|first=William Lawrence|chapter=8|title=The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/B-001-014-606|publisher = Simon and Schuster|year=1960|page=263|ISBN=978-1-4516-5168-3}}</ref> After the so-called German Labor Front absorbed the unions, wages fell for front-line workers, working hours increased by 15%, industrial accidents became more common, and capitalists could blacklist workers for complaining about the working conditions.<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|title=Life in Nazi Germany 1933-1939|url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/bitesize/guides/zpq9p39/revision/1|accessdate=2020-04-26}}</ref> The anticommunists introduced the large ‘Strength Through Joy’ (Kraft Durch Freude) vacation program to sell the working class on Fascism and to boost the Reich’s tourism, but contrary to what the propaganda suggested, it was heavily involved in regimenting the leisure time of workers towards Fascist goals rather than allowing the proletariat more freedoms:

{{quote|Tied down by so many controls at wages little above the subsistence level, the German workers, like the Roman proletariat, were provided with circuses by their rulers to divert attention from their miserable state. “We had to divert the attention of the masses from material to moral values,” Dr. Ley once explained. “It is more important to feed the souls of men than their stomachs.” 
So he came up with an organization called Kraft durch Freude (“Strength through Joy”). This provided what can only be called regimented leisure. […] [I]t [was] deemed necessary to control not only the working hours but the leisure hours of the individual. This was what “Strength through Joy” did. In pre-Nazi days Germany had tens of thousands of clubs devoted to everything from chess and soccer to bird watching. Under the Nazis no organized social, sport or recreational group was allowed to function except under the control and direction of Kraft durch Freude.|William Shirer|<ref>{{safesubst:citation| last = Shirer| first = William Lawrence| title = The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/B-001-014-606|publisher=Simon and Schuster|year=1960|page=265|ISBN=978-1-4516-5168-3}}</ref>}}

Whereas the [[Weimar Republic]] created collective wage agreements across industries in hopes of preventing intense competition for labor, the Third Reich’s official wage rates were far lower than Weimar wage rates, could be overruled (allowing lower pay) for individual companies by the DAF’s ‘labor trustees’, and disallowed the possibility of collective bargaining by the workers.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Siegel|first=Tilla|title=Wage Policy in Nazi Germany|title-url=https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/003232928501400101|journal=Politics & Society|location=|publisher=|date=1985-03-01|volume=14|issue=1|page=1–51|DOI=10.1177/003232928501400101}}</ref> Unemployment was approximately 34% in early 1933, and official statistics reduced this rate to 0.9% for 1939.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Galenson|first1=Walter|last2=Zellner|first2=Arnold|editor=Universities-National Bureau|title=International Comparison of Unemployment Rates|title-url=https://www.nber.org/chapters/c2649.pdf|journal=The Measurement and Behavior of Unemployment|publisher=NBER|year=1957|page=455–474, 526–537|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150919113314/https://www.nber.org/chapters/c2649.pdf|archivedate=2015-09-19|ISBN=0-691-04144-X}}</ref> This was likely in part because the official statistics did not take conscriptions, enemies of the bourgeois state, or women into account.<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|title=Life in Nazi Germany 1933-1939|url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/bitesize/guides/zqrfj6f/revision/3|accessdate=2020-04-25}}</ref> [[Neoslavery]] would expand and contribute to the Reich’s economy recovery.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Silverman|first=Dan|title=Hitler’s Economy: Nazi Work Creation Programs, 1933–1936|title-url=https://www.hup.harvard.edu/catalog.php?isbn=9780674740716|date=1998-08-31|ISBN=9780674740716}}</ref>

Abroad, the German Reich frequently engaged in what came to be termed ‘fascist imperialism’ by historian Maurice Dobb.<ref>{{safesubst:citation |last = Dobb |first = Maurice |editor=|editors= |title=Aspects of Nazi Economic Policy |journal=Science & Society |title-url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/40399575 |location= |publisher= |year=1944 |volume=8 |number=2 |page=97|isbn= |oclc=}}</ref> Dobb pointed out that, while earlier imperialist ventures targeted unindustrialized and undeveloped nations, Fascist imperialism annexed countries that had “already reached a high level of industrial development” and incorporated them as colonies of the Reich.<ref name=Dobb>{{safesubst:citation |last = Dobb |first = Maurice |editor=|editors= |title=Aspects of Nazi Economic Policy |journal=Science & Society |title-url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/40399575 |location= |publisher= |year=1944 |volume=8 |number=2 |page=98|isbn= |oclc=}}</ref> For example, as the Reich’s debt accumulated dramatically,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Economic Controls in Nazi Germany|title-url=https://library.cqpress.com/cqresearcher/document.php?id=cqresrre1940110100#H2_4|date=1940-11-01|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150910204241/http://library.cqpress.com/cqresearcher/document.php?id=cqresrre1940110100#H2_4|archivedate=2015-09-10}}</ref> and the annexation of Austria did little to improve the economy,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Abt|first=Parker|title=The Nazi Fiscal Cliff: Unsustainable Financial Practices before World War II|title-url=https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1188&context=ghj|journal=The Gettysburg Historical Journal|volume=16|article=5|year=2017}}</ref> the German anticommunists would invade Western Poland in 1939 and devastate many of the industries there. Once the bourgeois state successfully subordinated a country, it embarked upon the “unprecedented” task of “de-industrializing” it so that it could produce food and raw materials for the Fascist economy, while maintaining a “monopoly of industrial production” in the German heartland itself.<ref name=Dobb/> When de-industrialization was complete, the bourgeois state granted Fascist firms “extensive privileges” to develop raw material production in the occupied territories, and established “obligatory delivery quotas” of such materials to the Fascists.<ref>{{safesubst:citation |last = Dobb |first = Maurice |editor=|editors= |title=Aspects of Nazi Economic Policy |journal=Science & Society |title-url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/40399575 |location= |publisher= |year=1944 |volume=8 |number=2 |page=99|isbn= |oclc=}}</ref>

Many Nordic capitalists proved quite useful to the Reich. As early as 1940, 54% of Finnish exports went to the Reich.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Yearbook of Finnish Foreign Policy|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=P9bwAAAAMAAJ|publisher=Finnish Institute of International Affairs|year=1976|page=9}}</ref> Despite the Finnish’s anti-German sentiment that the Reich’s policy during the [[Winter War]] generated, the Fascists knew that Finnish demands were much easier to meet than those of the Soviets, and the Finnish bourgeoisie willingly vended 60% of Petsamo’s nickel to the Reich during 1940, much to the Soviets’ displeasure. By August 1940 the Reich was quietly supplying the Finnish state with arms through private commercial channels, and the Finnish and German bourgeoisies signed a significant arms delivery by October 1940 and a supplementary troop transit by November 1940, further worrying the Soviets.<ref>>{{safesubst:citation|last=Krosby|first=H.|title=The Diplomacy of the Petsamo Question and Finnish-German Relations, March–December 1940|journal=Scandia|title-url=https://journals.lub.lu.se/scandia/article/download/774/560|volume=31|number=2|year=1965}}</ref>

===The “economic miracle”===
The one credited for the Third Reich’s “economic miracle” is Hjalmar Schacht, a freemason banker and an old establishment figure who was the president of the Reichsbank under the Weimar Republic during the 1920s, whom Hitler appointed as Minister of Economics in 1934 — since Fascists were mostly economically illiterate romanticists who were more concerned about racial identity politics than developing a coherent economic model that would truly be an alternative to capitalism. Under the centrist Schacht, the new “national socialist” economy underwent massive privatization. The economically left-leaning faction of the NSDAP that had hoped for ‘real socialism’ with German characteristics was knifed in the same year that Schacht was put in charge.

Hjalmar Schacht brought a cartel economy that was dominated by monopolies like Siemens, Gutehoffnungshütte, Krupp, and Rheinmetall. In the 1930s Germany became one of the most privatized countries in the world, at a time where the world was trying to find its way out of the depression either through experimenting with socialism or Keynesian economics. The Third Reich, instead of breaking up monopolies, was strengthening them. Big business conglomerates were preferred to smaller ones because political intervention and lobbying would be easier. The plan was to make politics involved in business through mutual cooperation, also known as corporatism. Schacht, although being a center-rightist, did support the plan of achieving full employment through public work, yet even this wasn't devised by the Nazis either — the attempt to alleviate unemployment through work brigades constructing the autobahn was a continuation of policies that had been instituted in the late Weimar Republic with the support of the last chancellor, Kurt von Schleicher, who alongside leftists was purged as well during the the Night of the Long Knives.

Since massive public work programs and stimulating the economy required deficit spending, Schacht introduced a scheme that could massively increase government spending without the appearance of it — this was achieved by setting up a private dummy company called '''Me'''tallurgische '''Fo'''rschungsgesellschaft, or MEFO for short, which was a joint-venture effort by the four biggest industrial players — Siemens, Gutehoffnungshütte, Krupp, and Rheinmetall. The only purpose of this company was issuing so-called "MEFO bills". The plan was that when the government would order a new batch of tanks, it would not pay directly with Reichsmarks. The payment to the armament producer would instead be deferred with a MEFO bill given out by MEFO, which operated as a ‘private company’, with a guarantee of MEFO paying the producer in the period of six months, and the government relying on the Reichsbank’s ‘unofficial’ promise to buy these contracts right before the pay date.

Due to Schacht’s scheme, the German economy actually recovered, but there were two problems here: since these MEFO bills had a 4% annual interest rate and they could be traded between the armament producers, they were used like money in trade deals between different German companies. They were even preferred over actual money. The armament producers did not want these contracts to end and so they extended them further and further beyond the initial six-month pay date. They became a pseudo-currency in themselves. Secondly, a big portion of these contracts were given to arms producers and not civilian construction of peace economics. It became clear that the MEFO scheme was primarily to achieve rearmament, bypassing the Versailles Treaty by avoiding making new public debt in the official books. Consumption actually stagnated and at this point the ‘happy well-fed German family driving a Volkswagen’ trope was becoming a myth. Military spending went from constituting 1% of the national budget to 10% in a few years between 1933 and 1936. Schacht desperately tried to warn Hitler that he was going to get the country bankrupt at this rate of military spending.

Hjalmar Schacht maintained that the MEFO scheme was not a permanent solution, but a short, temporary measure to get the economy going again. When unemployment sufficiently lowered and Germany rearmed, he and price commissioner Dr. Carl Friedrich Goerdeler both tried to persuade Hitler that the German Reich was now a defiant military power again and it was the perfect time to change gears from military to civilian-oriented production and develop new trade deals in the world market. For Schacht and Goerdler, further military expenditure at the expense of civilian economic growth was insane and made no sense form a rational point of view. With military expenditures quickly growing far larger than the civilian work-creation programs, Schacht realized that the Chancellery’s imperialist ambitions of achieving Lebenraum through violent irredentism surpassed that of securing the economic gains and social stability of the last four years.

The economic miracle credited to Schacht declined when the Chancellery decided to replace him with the economically illiterate and trigger-happy Goering in 1937. With Schacht gone, the ongoing massive military expenditure was creating a debt with which the national civilian economy could not cope anymore. The overblown Fascist military-industrial complex was not devised to built refrigerators and hydroelectric power plants; it could nonetheless plunder and pillage neighboring states. Hitler and Goering expected that upcoming territorial expansion would provide the means of repaying the soaring national debt, by using the wealth and manpower of conquered nations. Their targets were, however, largely poverty-stricken. In the last years of the Third Reich, 25% of the labour force was made up of slaves, mostly Poles and Jews, many of them working at in the Auschwitz labor camps for IG Farben’s rubber plants fueling the war effort. Perhaps the most disturbing moment that Hitler had was when he traded Schacht’s developed economic theories for the idea that a sustainable economy could be run on slave labor and looting at the heart of Europe in the 20th century.

== Infrastructure ==

=== Health ===
The German Reich experienced significant mortality and nutritional crises during peacetime (a remarkably rare occurrence in a developed nation):

{{quote|Germany experienced a substantial increase in mortality rates in most age groups in the mid-1930s, even relative to those of 1932, the worst year of the Great Depression. Moreover, children’s heights—an indicator of the quality of nutrition and health—were generally stagnating between 1933 and 1938, but had increased significantly during the 1920s. Persecution, by itself, does not explain such an adverse development in biological welfare; the non-persecuted segments of the German population were affected as well.|Andrea Wagner & Jörg Baten|<ref name=Autarchy>{{safesubst:citation |last1=Baten |first1=Jörg |last2=Wagner |first2=Andrea |editor=|editors= |title=Autarchy, market disintegration, and health: the mortality and nutritional crisis in Nazi Germany, 1933–1937 |journal=Economics & Human Biology |title-url=https://sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1570677X02000023 |archiveurl=https://wp.me/pa7b25-1i |archivedate=30/July/2018 |location=Germany |publisher=Elsevier Science B.V. |year=2003 |volume=1 |issue=1 |page=1–28|doi=10.1016|oclc=}}</ref>}}

These problems were the direct result of their capitalist policy:

{{quote|The reason for this adverse development was caused by the fact that military expenditures increased at the expense of public health measures. In addition, food imports were curtailed, and prices of many agricultural products were controlled. There is ample evidence that this set of economic policies had an adverse effect on the health and nutritional status of the population.|Andrea Wagner & Jörg Baten|<ref name=Autarchy/>}}

By 1939, living standards were even lower than those of other anticommunist regimes, such as the [[U.K.]] and the [[U.S.]]

== Ideology ==
<blockquote>
{{quote|It is […] entirely appropriate to register the point that, despite the [[Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact|Nazi–Soviet pact]], and indeed other instances of his opportunistic use of anti-Bolshevism to achieve short-term goals, Hitler remained committed from the early 1920s until his downfall in 1945 to the pursuit and destruction of Bolshevism. Even if he may have toyed fleetingly with the idea of accommodating the Soviet Union as a partner in Ribbentrop’s proposed ''Kontinentalblock'' in the hope of finally ending his war with Britain, […] the fact remains that the struggle against Bolshevism constituted a fixed principle, the ‘lodestar’, as Ian Kershaw has put it, of his foreign policy. Indeed, given the intensity of Hitler’s views on the Jewish question, it could hardly have been otherwise from the moment in the early 1920s when he accepted that Bolshevism was an invention and instrument of the Jews, who wished to use it to impose their own tyranny across the globe.|Lorna L. Waddington|<ref name=Waddington>{{safesubst:citation|last=Waddington|first=Lorna|title=The Anti-Komintern and Nazi Anti-Bolshevik Propaganda in the 1930s|journal=Journal of Contemporary History|location=London|publisher=SAGE Publications|volume=42|issue=4|year=2007|page=573–594|ISSN=0022–0094|DOI=10.1177/0022009407081488}}</ref>}}
</blockquote>

The Reich’s eugenics programme was consciously inspired by [[America]]’s own eugenics programmes<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|last=Kaelber|first=Lutz|title=Eugenics: Compulsory Sterilization in 50 American States|url=http://www.uvm.edu/~lkaelber/eugenics|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20200303104237/http://www.uvm.edu/~lkaelber/eugenics|archivedate=2020-03-03}}</ref> from the 1920s and earlier. The Führer himself once wrote Madison Grant an appreciative letter implying that ''The Passing of the Great Race'' was one of his favorittations, and Fascists regularly communicated with eugenicists from New York to California, who were eager to assist with the Reich’s programme.<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|last=Black|first=Edwin|title=Hitler's debt to America|url=https://amp.theguardian.com/uk/2004/feb/06/race.usa|date=2004-02-05|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20160315091802/https://amp.theguardian.com/uk/2004/feb/06/race.usa|archivedate=2016-03-15}}</ref> Physically and mentally challenged people thus became early victims of the Third Reich’s violence. Nevertheless, the Fascists made some exceptions for capitalists deemed too useful for disposal, such Artur Adolf Konradi, who was paralysed from the waist below, and Max Hahn, who lost one of his arms in [[WWI]]. Some physicians have also speculated that the Chancellor himself was suffering from Parkinson’s disease at the time of his death.

Generally, the Third Reich held people of color in contempt, with some government officials holding a less intolerant attitude towards certain Asian men, although the Reich nevertheless opportunistically accepted the assistance of many volunteers of color such as the Free Arabian Legion, and despite their own aggressive colonialism, the Fascists frequently exploited the anticolonial sentiments of Arabs<ref name=Hammond>{{safesubst:citation|last=Hammond|first=Kelly|title=Managing Muslims: imperial Japan, Islamic policy, and Axis connections during the Second World War*|journal=Journal of Global History|publisher=Cambridge University Press|volume=12|year=2017|page=251–273|doi=10.1017/S1740022817000079}}</ref> and Indians,<ref name=Bauerkämper>{{safesubst:citation|last=Bauerkämper|first=Arnd|title=Transnational Fascism: Cross-Border Relations between Regimes and Movements in Europe, 1922–1939*|journal=East Central Europe|volume=37|location=Leiden|publisher=Koninklijke Brill|year=2010|page=214–246|DOI=10.1163/187633010X534469}}</ref> probably as a means of pitting their enemies against each other. After the conclusion of the Anti-Comintern Pact of 1936, the Fascists’ white supremacy made an exception for Japanese people, and relaxed attitudes further after the Tripartite Pact of 1940, but some complications remained even after these pacts. For example, intermarriages between Germans and Japanese, while technically legal, remained discouraged, and the few interracial couples in the Reich faced harassment. There were also some European Fascist politicians who never completely trusted the [[Empire of Japan]] either, a feeling which the Imperialists held toward them in turn.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Krebs|first=Gerhard|editors=Rotem Kowner, Walter Demel|chapter=10|chapterurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=6Tq2CAAAQBAJ&pg=PA217|title=Racism under negotiation: the Japanese race in the Nazi-German perspective|series=Brill’s Series on Modern East Asia in a Global Historical Perspective|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=6Tq2CAAAQBAJ|location=Boston & Leiden|publisher=Brill|year=2015|volume=II|page=217–241|DOI=10.1163/9789004292932_011|ISBN=978-90-04-29293-2|ISSN=2212-1730}}</ref> Despite the wavering attitudes and the want of consensus, Japanese men were the people of color for whom the Fascists had the most tolerance. There were likely about five hundred Japanese people living in Berlin during the early 1940s, a number comparable to that of the Germans living in the Empire of Japan, and many Japanese in the Reich worked as diplomats, military officers, students, and trading company employees.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Kudō|first=Akira|editor=J.A.A. Stockwin|chapter=1|title=Japanese-German Business Relations: Co-operation and Rivalry in the Interwar Period|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=W00qBgAAQBAJ|location=London|publisher=Routledge|year=1998|year_published=2001|page=31|ISBN=0-203-01851-6}}</ref>

=== Anti-Semitism ===
''Main Article: [[Anti-semitism in Nazi Germany]]''

One crucial part of German Fascism was antisemitism; only a tiny minority of German Fascists (e.g. Karl Plagge, Oskar Schindler) secretly dissented from this view. Traditionally, antisemitism in German society referenced Jewish culture as its basis, but capitalists such as Henry Ford<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|title=Mein Kampf : Nazi Germany|url=http://spartacus-educational.com/GERmein.htm|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20140515020345/http://spartacus-educational.com/GERmein.htm|archivedate=2014-05-15}}</ref><ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Ryback|first=Timothy|chapter=three|title=Hitler’s Private Library|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=VZY6CB_9IGAC|date=2008-10-21|location=|publisher=Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group|page=69|ISBN=978-1-4000-4204-3}}</ref><ref>{{safesubst:web citation|last=Dobbs|first=Michael|title=Ford and GM Scrutinized for Alleged Nazi Collaboration|url=http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/national/daily/nov98/nazicars30.htm|date=1998-11-30|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20090605012002/http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/national/daily/nov98/nazicars30.htm|archivedate=2009-06-05}}</ref><ref>{{safesubst:web citation|last=Sartore|first=Melissa|title=How Henry Ford Helped The Nazis As Much As He Possibly Could|url=https://www.ranker.com/list/relationship-between-henry-ford-and-nazis/melissa-sartore|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20170831125043/http://www.ranker.com/list/relationship-between-henry-ford-and-nazis/melissa-sartore|archivedate=2017-08-31}}</ref> introduced a more ‘racial’ justification for this phenomenon, claiming that Jews were innately rather than just socially or religiously inferior.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Pool|first1=James|last2=Pool|first2=Suzanne|chapter=3|title=Who Financed Hitler|location=U.S.A.|year=1997|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/WhoFinancedHitler|page=91|ISBN=0-8037-8941-6}}</ref> In reality, however, the Fascists were committing antisemitism as a means of preserving most of the petite-bourgeoisie: concentrating capitalism’s horrible economic pressure on only a minor segment of the class rather than its entirety.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Bordiga’s “Auschwitz, or the Great Alibi”|journal=Programme Communiste|title-url=https://www.Marxists.org/subject/jewish/bordiga/auschwitz.htm#a3|number=11|trans=Mitchell Abidor}}</ref>

Violence against Jews was common in Third Reich during the 1930s, but massacres were comparatively rare until the 1940s. Suicide, normally considered an act of cowardice (though preferable to surrender) in the German Reich,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Christian Goeschel|title=Suicide in Nazi Germany|chapter=Suicide under the Swastika, 1933–1939|publisher=Oxford University Press Inc.|year=2009|page=61|isbn=978-0-19-953256-8}}</ref> was destigmatized for Jews. The Jewish suicide rate increased significantly with the beginning of the Third Reich, largely owing to its racial policies, and sometimes the Fascists explicitly encouraged Jews to commit suicide. For example, after a Jewish shopkeeper and his family took their own lives in Vienna, storm troopers plastered his shop windows with placards saying ‘Please imitate’. Even so, the Fascists officially denied any responsibility for Jewish suicides.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Christian Goeschel|title=Suicide in Nazi Germany|chapter=Suicides of German Jews, 1933–1945|publisher=Oxford University Press Inc.|year=2009|page=96–105|isbn=978-0-19-953256-8}}</ref> From 1941 onward, Fascists no longer intentionally encourage the practice, and the SS castigated suicide attempts, probably because they were expressions of self-determination, but suicide among Jews remained substantial regardless.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Christian Goeschel|title=Suicide in Nazi Germany|chapter=Suicides of German Jews, 1933–1945|publisher=Oxford University Press Inc.|year=2009|page=107–115|isbn=978-0-19-953256-8}}</ref>

As well, Fascist antisemitism sometimes spread to regions where it had previously been very rare. For the 1920s and most of the 1930s, Italian Fascists tolerated Jews, and sometimes even complained that German Fascism was too antisemitic, but by 1938 the Kingdom of Italy officially adopted antisemitism due to the overwhelming popularity of the German Reich.<ref name=Bauerkämper/> Antisemitism had been nonexistent in East Asia due to the sheer rarity of Jews there, but as a consequence of the German Reich’s popularity in the Empire of Japan during the 1930s, a minority of Imperialists adopted the antisemitism of their European partners, and in the 1940s the Imperialists implemented some antisemitic policies as part of the inter-Axis Indian Ocean cooperation. At the request of the Western Axis, the Imperialists arrested and incarcerated hundreds of Jews throughout Southeast Asia, and Imperial propagandists would sometimes campaign against ‘Jewish world control’ during 1943 in an attempt to distract local Muslims. Imperial authorities also forcibly relocated 20,000 Shanghai Jews into a ghetto, though they did ignore several thousand other Jews there, mainly ones of either Middle Eastern or Soviet origin.<ref name=Kowner2017>{{safesubst:citation|en|last=Kowner|first=Rotem|title=When economics, strategy, and racial ideology meet: inter-Axis connections in the wartime Indian Ocean*|journal=Journal of Global History|publisher=Cambridge University Press|volume=12|issue=2|date=2017-06-08|page=228–250|doi=10.1017/S1740022817000067}}</ref> The majority of the Empire of Japan still found antisemitism incomprehensible, however, and applied actions such as these only sporadically. Fascist antisemitism also contaminated the Arab world, made the anti-Jewish sentiment there much more aggressive, and influenced Arab ultranationalist discourse, even decades after 1945.<ref name=Hammond/>

===Military Ideology===
The Fascist state’s ideology also manifested itself in its military policies.

==Culture==
The Fascists coined the locution ‘[[cultural Bolshevism]]’ to disparage cultural phenomena that they deemed worthy of purging, such as jazz. The Fascist state subjected abstractionist artwork to ridicule and favored genres that were less unrealistic. In 1941, the bourgeois state prohibited Fraktur under the official excuse that it consisted of ‘Jewish characters’.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Reuveni|first=Gideon|chapter=IV|title=Reading Germany: Literature and Consumer Culture in Germany before 1933|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=4KNdCjZ4OZgC|location=New York|publisher=Berghahn Books|year=2006|page=206|trans=Ruth Morris|ISBN=1-84545-087-6}}</ref> The Fascists also paid special attention to children, marketing to them explicitly anti-Semitic books such as ''Trust No Fox on his Green Heath and No Jew on his Oath'', and also marketed playthings that glorified the military, such as tanks and Fascist figurines, but ceased production of certain ones if they were based on somebody that the bourgeois state just executed. They once marketed an expensive bridge playset, but it sold poorly in part because it wasn’t a militarily specific piece.<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|last=Leatherdale|first=Duncan|title=Nazi toys expected to raise thousands at Thornaby auction|url=https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-england-tees-31991001|date=2015-03-25|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150327191128/http://www.bbc.com/news/uk-england-tees-31991001|archivedate=2015-03-27}}</ref>

===Religion===
The Fascists invented a culturally specific variant of Christianity called Positive Christianity, which sought to unify the local Catholic and Protestant churches. It taught that Jesus Christ was an Aryan rather than a Jew, and was himself fighting against the Jews.<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|last=Springer|first=Karl|title=Onward! Humor from the Period of Struggle of the National Socialist Movement|url=https://research.calvin.edu/german-propaganda-archive/springer.htm|location=Munich|publisher=Zentralverlag der NSDAP|year=1939|trans=Randall Bytwerk}}</ref> This variant had little in common with mainstream Christianity, received the condemnation of Christian authorities elsewhere in the world, and was abandoned by the end of the Reich.

===Gun Control===
The Weimar Republic passed very stringent gun laws that essentially banned all gun ownership in an attempt to stabilize the country and comply with the Treaty of Versailles, with a law in 1928 undoing some of this by creating a permit system. Most men and many women still owned weapons from during or before the first World War though and this new law was applied quite rarely, mostly when newly-bought weapons became registered. The Fascists used these records to confiscate guns from their enemies, but because they only covered a few of the weapons in circulation, many Jewish people and others managed to stash away weapons into the late 1930s. In 1938 the Fascists adopted the German Weapons Act, which reduced gun restrictions to just handguns, extended permits from one year to three, and lowered the legal age of purchase from 20 years to 18. Many categories of people were further no longer subject to gun ownership restrictions, such as holders of annual hunting permits, government workers, and NSDAP members. On 11 November of that same year though, the Regulations Against Jews’ Possession of Weapons was issued, banning all Jews in the Reich from owning any kind of weapon. Jewish homes were already being raided by the Fascists however, and as the Anti-Defamation League [https://www.adl.org/news/press-releases/adl-says-nazi-analogies-have-no-place-in-gun-control-debate explained in 2013], the small amount of Jews could in no way have stopped the power of the Fascist state.

In current gun control discussions a reference to the disarmament of the Fascists’ victims is often made as an argument for loose firearm regulations, in spite of the facts of the actual situation, with the 1943 Warsaw Ghetto Uprising also being brought up. As for that case, 7,000 Jews died and 50,000 were sent to concentration camps whereas German losses as estimated to be from under 20 to several hundred — at any rate an overwhelming defeat for the armed civilians, who lacked tremendous amounts of almost every aspect that actually took the Allies to defeat the Third Reich.<ref>[https://www.politifact.com/factchecks/2019/apr/08/viral-image/no-gun-control-regulation-nazi-germany-did-not-hel/ No, gun control regulation in Nazi Germany did not help advance the Holocaust]. ''PolitiFact''.</ref>

==References==
<references/>

National Socialist German Workers' Party

2022-03-06T03:20:52Z

Anarcho-Bolshevik: A little history.

{{Infobox political party|name=National Socialist German Workers' Party|native_name=Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei|logo=Parteiadler Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (1933–1945).svg|caption=Emblem of the Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (NSDAP)|abbreviation=NSDAP|founded=24 February 1920|dissolved=10 October 1945}}
The '''National Socialist German Workers' Party''', commonly known as the '''Nazi Party''', was a right-wing [[Fascism|fascist]] [[political party]] which led the counter-revolutionary reaction against the [[Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (1922–1991)|Soviet Union]], officially causing the [[Second World War]].

The rise of the Nazi Party was supported by the British Royal Family and their state intelligence services as a bulwark against [[Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (1922–1991)|Soviet]] [[communism]].<ref>{{News citation|journalist=Graham Hughes|title=Anglo-Nazi Pact in the 1930’s?|url=https://www.historic-uk.com/HistoryUK/HistoryofBritain/Anglo-Nazi-Pact/|newspaper=Historic UK|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210414013454/https://www.historic-uk.com/HistoryUK/HistoryofBritain/Anglo-Nazi-Pact/}}</ref>

==History==
The NSDAP was originally known as the German Workers’ Party or DAP, a merging of Anton Drexler’s Committee of Independent Workmen and Karl Harrer’s Political Workers’ Circle in January 1919. Drexler was a petit-bourgeois locksmith while Harrer was a newspaper reporter. Drexler’s original goal was to build an ultranationalist political party based on the masses of the working class,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=William Shirer|chapter=Birth of the Nazi Party|title=The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/B-001-014-606|city=New York|publisher=Simon and Schuster, Inc.|year=1960|lccn=60-6729|page=36–7}}</ref> hence most of its original members were workers from Drexler’s railway yards, but membership was few in number. The [[Thule Society]], a largely petit-bourgeois organization of which Harrer was a member, cofounded the DAP and acted as its original protector and financial sponsor. Its goal was to popularize ultranationalism among the German working class, a for which Harrer deemed Drexler best suited. Nevertheless, the Thule Society’s financial contributions to the DAP were quite modest and the party met together in poor conditions.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=James & Suzanne Pool|year=1997|title=Who Financed Hitler|title-url=https://archive.org/stream/WhoFinancedHitler|chapter=A Mysterious Beginning|page=6–11|isbn=0-8037-8941-6}}</ref>

On February 20, 1920, the DAP renamed itself to the more euphemistic National Socialist German Workers’ Party. Initially, Adolf Hitler disliked the addition of the term ‘Socialist’ but acquiesced because the executive committee thought that it might help attract workers from the left-wing.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Samuel W. Mitcham|title=Why Hitler?: The Genesis of the Nazi Reich|title-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=YiNoAAAAMAAJ|publisher=Praeger|year=1996|page=68|ISBN=9780275954857}}</ref> Some members, on the other hand, may have sincerely consider themselves ‘socialists’, but only due to their frustration with their corporate competitors,<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|journalist=Leon Trotsky|title=What Is National Socialism?|url=https://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/germany/1933/330610.htm}}</ref> whom they were more interested in reforming than abolishing.

== Reference ==

Template:Cite book

2022-03-04T02:52:50Z

Anarcho-Bolshevik: Restored first edit.

<includeonly>[[Category:Articles containing a deprecated citing method]]</includeonly>

German Reich (1933–1945)

2022-03-04T02:51:59Z

Anarcho-Bolshevik: Fixed broken templates.

The '''German Reich''' (officially the '''Greater German Reich''' from 1943–45), commonly known as '''Nazi Germany''', the '''Third Reich''' or occasionally '''Fascist Germany''', was a right-wing [[Fascism|fascist]] dictatorship which existed in [[Europe]] between 1933 and 1945 and was ruled by the [[Nazi Party]] (NSDAP). It was preceded by the [[German Reich (1918–1933)|Weimar Republic]] before its dissolution with the issuance of the Reichstag Fire Decree and the Enabling Act of 1933, which allowed for the then Chancellor of Germany [[Adolf Hitler]] to act outside of parliamentary control.<ref>''"The law that 'enabled' Hitler's dictatorship"''. [https://www.dw.com/en/the-law-that-enabled-hitlers-dictatorship/a-16689839 Deutsche Welle]</ref>

It began on 30 January 1933 when Hitler was appointed as chancellor (head of government) by president (head of state) Paul von Hindenburg, although the old Weimar constitution was used up to the end, with its emergency powers being extensively used. The German Reich is frequently credited with starting [[World War II]] with its invasion of Poland, hoping to seize the Soviet Union. However it lost the war and was pronounced defunct on 7 May 1945 and most of Europe’s remaining [[Axis]] personnel surrendered, with a few exceptions.<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|title=Hitler’s Holdouts – Meet the Last German Troops to Surrender in WW2|url=https://wp.me/p42Qr6-1II|date=2014-04-30}}</ref> After over four years of Allied occupation, it was succeeded by the [[Federal Republic of Germany]] and the [[German Democratic Republic]] in 1949.

The Nazi government, over the course of its existence, aggressively expanded into neighboring countries, ultimately resulting in the beginning of the [[World War II|Second World War]] with the Fascist invasion of Poland. Internally, concentration camps were set up for the forced labor, detention, and execution of Jewish and Roma people, political prisoners, communists, socialists, and trade-union activists.

A program of “involuntary euthanasia” was adopted for the state-sponsored mass murder of the disabled. This campaign of mass detention and extermination was based on pseudo-scientific racist, sexist, and anti-Semitic eugenic beliefs, which culminated in a systematic [[genocide]] commonly known as the Holocaust. The Nazi Party was destroyed at the end of World War II after the [[Soviet Union]] captured Berlin and Hitler committed suicide. The German Instrument of Surrender legally declared the surrender and dissolution of the Third Reich, which ended both the Holocaust and Second World War in Europe. The succeeding Allied occupation of Germany would result in the creation of separate [[West Germany|West]] and [[German Democratic Republic (1949–1990)|East German]] states.

== History ==
On January 4, 1933, bankers and industrialists held a secret backroom deal with then-Chancellor Von Pappen to make Hitler the nation’s new Chancellor:

{{quote|The negotiations took place exclusively between Hitler and Papen. […] Papen went on to say that he thought it best to form a government in which the conservative and nationalist elements that had supported him were represented together with the Nazis. He suggested that this new government should, if possible, be led by Hitler and himself together. Then Hitler made a long speech in which he said that, if he were to be elected Chancellor, Papen’s followers could participate in his (Hitler’s) Government as Ministers if they were willing to support his policy which was planning many alterations in the existing state of affairs. He outlined these alterations, including the removal of all Social Democrats, Communists and Jews from leading positions in Germany and the restoration of order in public life. Von Papen and Hitler reached agreement in principle whereby many of the disagreements between them could be removed and cooperation might be possible. It was agreed that further details could be worked out later either in Berlin or some other suitable place.|Kurt Baron von Schröder|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|editors=Geoffrey Pridham & Jeremy Noakes|title=Nazism, 1919–1945|url=https://ghdi.ghi-dc.org/sub_document.cfm?document_id=3941|location=Exeter|publisher=University of Exeter Press|volume=I|year=1998|pages=115–16}}</ref>}}

In February 1933, the new Chancellor met with the Reich’s leading industrialists at Hermann Göring’s home. There were representatives from IG Farben, AG Siemens, BMW, coal mining magnates, Theissen Corp, AG Krupp, as well as a crowd of bankers, investors, and other bourgeois Germans. During this meeting, the Chancellor said that ‘''Private enterprise cannot be maintained in the age of democracy.''’ To reduce regulation, the Chancellery sent its henchmen to every union headquarters on May 2nd, 1933. They beat the union leaders, sent them to prison or concentration camps, and their party expropriated the union money that the workers paid for their memberships. The unions were now under the leadership of the Chancellery’s anticommunists, who helped bargain away all collective bargaining rights.<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|title=Germany 1933: from democracy to dictatorship|url=https://www.annefrank.org/en/anne-frank/go-in-depth/germany-1933-democracy-dictatorship|date=2018-09-28}}</ref> One Fascist economist indicated that his party indeed had a thorough plan for deregulation:

{{quote|The first thing [that] German business needs is peace and quiet. It must have a feeling of absolute legal security and must know that work and its return are guaranteed. The interferences in a business which occurred at first, perhaps as a result of too much zeal, have become intolerable.|Gottfried Feder|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|editor=Briton Hadden|title=NAZIS EASE GRASP ON REICH'S BUSINESS|url=https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1933/07/04/105151560.html?pageNumber=5|publisher=Time Incorporated|date=1933-07-04|volume=XXII}}</ref>}}

In September 1933, the Chancellery repeatedly cut social provisions, including food rations, to the poor under the guise of combating ‘idolatry’.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=GERMANS TO SKIMP ON A MEAL A MONTH AND FEED JOBLESS|url=https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1933/09/14/105802896.html|publisher=Time Incorporated|date=1933-09-14}}</ref> In 1934, the Fascists outlined their plan to revitalize the Reich’s economy by reprivatization of significant industries: medicine,<ref name=Muehlbauer>{{safesubst:web citation|last=Muehlbauer|first=Peter|title=Obama, Hitler und die Krankenversicherung|url=https://www.heise.de/tp/news/Obama-Hitler-und-die-Krankenversicherung-1992294.html|publisher=Heise Medien|date=2009-08-28|language=German}}</ref> railways, public works,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=REICH WILL PUSH PRIVATE BUSINESS|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1933/09/21/archives/germany-to-push-private-business-economic-council-decides-on-that.html|pageurl=https://bucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com/public/images/d3fba396-5d8d-4f9e-95c4-089be72fb796_588x868.png|publisher=Time Incorporated|date=1933-09-21}}</ref> construction, steel, and banking. Additionally, the Chancellery guaranteed profits for the private sector, thus many American industrialists and bankers flocked to the Reich to invest.

On January 20, 1934, the Chancellery transferred its right to set minimum wages and working conditions over to the businessowners, stating that the ‘''leader of the enterprise makes the decisions for the employees and laborers in all matters concerning the enterprise, as far as they are regulated by this law.''’<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|title=Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression|url=https://avalon.law.yale.edu/imt/1861-ps.asp|location=Washington|publisher=Office of the United States Chief Counsel for Prosecution of Axis Criminality|volume=IV|year=1946}}</ref> Hence, the employers lowered wages, increased hours,<ref>https://bucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com/public/images/ffe67095-0f49-4b78-8a15-982b5782d8f5_562x529.jpeg</ref> eliminated other benefits, and prohibited workers from striking or engaging in other collective bargaining rights. The anticommunists eliminated reimbursements for Jewish physicians, which allowed private health insurance companies to profit.<ref name=Muehlbauer/> The anticommunists also rounded up the homeless en-masse and interned them in concentration camps.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Ayaß|first=W.|title=Vagrants and beggars in Hitler's Reich|url=https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/ed34/3d9f11cc03485e7b59489ce6004b40013aa6.pdf|year=1988}}</ref> By the time that the head of the AFL visited the German Reich in 1938, he likened the life of an average German worker to that of a slave.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=GERMAN LABORER LIKENED TO SLAVE|url=https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1938/11/22/98211078.html?pageNumber=5|publisher=Time Incorporated|date=1938-11-22}}</ref>

== Economy ==
{{quote|Irrespective of a quite bad overall performance, an important characteristic of the economy of the Third Reich, and a big difference from a centrally planned one, was the role private ownership of firms was playing—in practice as well as in theory. The ideal Nazi economy would liberate the creativeness of a multitude of private entrepreneurs in a predominantly competitive framework gently directed by the state to achieve the highest welfare of the Germanic people.|Christoph Buchheim and Jonas Scherner|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Buchheim|first1=Christoph|last2=Scherner|first2=Jonas|title=The Role of Private Property in the Nazi Economy: The Case of Industry|journal=Thtation of Economic History|url=http://piketty.pse.ens.fr/files/capitalisback/CountryData/Germany/Other/Pre1950Series/RefsHistoricalGermanAccounts/BuchheimScherner06.pdf|publisher=Cambridge University Press|volume=66|number=2|year=2006|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150910091952/http://economics.yale.edu/sites/default/
files/f
iles/Workshops-Seminars/Economic-History/buchheim-041020.pdf|archivedate=2015-09-10|page=411|accessdate=2020-01-18}}</ref>}}

The German Reich was the second modern nation after the [[Kingdom of Italy]] to implement a [[privatization]] programme.<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|last=Bel|first=Germà|title=Against the mainstream: Nazi privatization in 1930s Germany|url=http://www.ub.edu/graap/nazi.pdf|location=Barcelona|publisher=Universitat de Barcelona i ppre-IREA|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20110720073011/http://www.ub.edu/graap/nazi.pdf|archivedate=2011-07-20|accessdate=2020-01-29}}</ref> Indeed, the term ‘privatization’ itself<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Bel|first=Germà|title=Retrospectives: The Coining of “Privatization” and Germany’s National Socialist Party|url=https://pubs.aeaweb.org/doi/pdf/10.1257/jep.20.3.187|journal=Journal of Economic Perspectives|volume=20|number=3|year=2006|pages=187–194}}</ref> was coined to refer to their economic reforms.<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|title=The Nazi Heritage of Privatization|date=11-September-2006|url=https://wp.me/p1kjl-1d}}</ref> Capitalist economist Mark Thoma has conceded as much.<ref>{{safesubst:web citation| title = Economist's View: The Origins of the Term "Privatization"| accessdate = 2019-10-09| url = https://economistsview.typepad.com/economistsview/2006/09/the_origins_of_.html}}</ref> While consumer spending in the Reich’s economy did decrease from 71% in 1929 to 59% in 1938,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Overy|first=R.J.|title=Guns or Butter? Living Standards, Finance, and Labour in Germany, 1939–1942|url=https://www.oxfordscholarship.com/view/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198202905.001.0001/acprof-9780198202905-chapter-10|year=1994|doi=10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198202905.003.0010|ISBN=9780198202905}}</ref> income from capital and business also increased from 17.4% of the national income to 26.6%,<ref>{{safesubst:citation| last = Shirer| first = William Lawrence| title = The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany|publisher=Simon and Schuster|year=1960|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=6QngAAAAQBAJ&pg=PA264|page=264|ISBN=978-1-4516-5168-3}}</ref> and the rate of return on capital increased in the Fascists’ industry.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Tooze|first=Adam|chapter=4|title=The Wages of Destruction: The Making and Breaking of the Nazi Economy|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=-h_Z_KK0MQUC|location=London|publisher=Penguin Books|year=2006|page=152|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=-h_Z_KK0MQUC&pg=PT152|ISBN=978-1-101-56495-0}}</ref>

{{quote|In 1936/37 the capital of the ''Deutsche Bank'', ''Commerzbank'' and ''Dresdner Bank'' in the possession of the German Reich was resold to private shareholders, and consequently the state representatives withdrew from the boards of these banks. Also in 1936 the Reich sold its shares of ''Vereinigte Stahlwerke''. The war did not change anything with regard to this attitude. In 1940 the Genshagen airplane engine plant operated by ''Daimler-Benz'' was privatized; ''Daimler-Benz'' bought the majority of shares held by the Reich earlier than it wished to. But the company was urged by the Reich Aviation Ministry and was afraid that the Reich might offer the deal to another firm. Later in the war the Reich actively tried to privatize as many ''Montan GmbH'' companies as possible, but with little success.|Christoph Buchheim and Jonas Scherner|<ref name=Buchheim406>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Buchheim|first1=Christoph|last2=Scherner|first2=Jonas|title=The Role of Private Property in the Nazi Economy: The Case of Industry|journal=Thtation of Economic History|url=http://piketty.pse.ens.fr/files/capitalisback/CountryData/Germany/Other/Pre1950Series/RefsHistoricalGermanAccounts/BuchheimScherner06.pdf|publisher=Cambridge University Press|volume=66|number=2|year=2006|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150910091952/http://economics.yale.edu/sites/default/files/files/Workshops-Seminars/Economic-History/buchheim-041020.pdf|archivedate=2015-09-10|page=406|accessdate=2020-01-18}}</ref>}}

It was possible for capitalists to fund their projects without relying on any state funds. The development of the first relay computer, for example, was funded entirely through private means,<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|title=Konrad Zuse—the first relay computer|url=https://history-computer.com/ModernComputer/Relays/Zuse.html|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20201105231836/https://history-computer.com/ModernComputer/Relays/Zuse.html|archivedate=2020-11-05}}</ref> and while the head of state was unimpressed with the invention they still used it for some minor operations such as calculating aircraft wing design.<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|last=Malcolm|first=Chris|title=Who Made the First Computer?|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20180923013651/http://www.dai.ed.ac.uk/homes/cam/fcomp.shtml|archivedate=2018-09-23}}</ref> Similarly, another business, Günther & Co., designed a board game without any government input. Although the Schutzstaffel harshly criticized its theme, going so far as to call it ‘almost punishable’, it nonetheless never bothered to actually prohibit it.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Morris-Friedman|first1=Andrew|last2=Schädler|first2=Ulrich|title=“Juden Raus!” (Jews Out!) – History’s most infamous board game|url=http://www.giochidelloca.it/storia/BGS6.pdf|journal=International Journal for the Study of Board Games|location=Leiden|publisher=Research School of Asian, African, and Amerindian Studies|year=2003|volume=6|pages=44–58|pageurl=http://www.giochidelloca.it/storia/BGS6.pdf#page=44|ISSN=1566-1962}}</ref> The German Air Ministry requested prototypes from six companies (Gustloff-Werke, Mauser, Johannes Großfuß Metall- und Lackierwarenfabrik, C.G. Hänel, Rheinmetall-Borsig and Heinrich Krieghoff Waffenfabrik), only two (Krieghoff and Rheinmetall) of whom answered favorably, and an irrelevant offer from Mauser was rejected. All others denied that they could even consider it since they were already working to capacity for the Heereswaffenamt and required its approval for the request.<ref name="Senich">{{citation|last=Senich|first=Peter|title=The German Assault Rifle: 1935–1945|page=239|publisher=Paladin Press|year=1987}}</ref> <ref name="Dugelby">{{citation|last=Dugelby|first=Thomas B.|title=Death from Above—The German FG42 Paratroop Rifle|page=4|publisher=Collector Grade Publications|year=2007}}</ref>

While the [[bourgeoisie]] did implement some regulations, they did this for the sake of their militarily driven economy (much like the [[U.K.]] and the [[U.S.A.]] did during wartime); their purpose was to reinforce private ownership and [[capitalism]]. Henry Spiegel noted three main characteristics of the Third Reich’s economy:<ref>{{safesubst:citation
|author=Henry W. Spiegel |editor=|editors= |title=Wehrwirtschaft: Economics of the Military State |journal=The American Economic Review |url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/1805064 |location= |publisher= |year=1940 |volume=30 |number=4 |page=717 |pageurl= |isbn= |oclc=}}</ref>

# That it was an ‘economy of scarcity’, that is to say, that the exploitation of ‘men and materials was pushed to the limits’.
# That the state used ‘centralized planning under maintenance of some element of the price system’.
# That the state retained the ‘profit motive’ as the primary ‘economic motor’.

There is little evidence to support the interpretation that the German Reich was a ‘[[planned economy]]’.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Frøland|first1=Hans|last2=Ingulstad|first2=Mats|last3=Scherner|first3=Jonas|chapter=1|editors=Hans Otto Frøland, Mats Ingulstad, & Jonas Scherner|title=Industrial Collaboration in Nazi-Occupied Europe: Norway in Context|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=fIMgDQAAQBAJ|location=London|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan|year=2016|pages=18–9|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=fIMgDQAAQBAJ&pg=PA18|ISBN=978-1-137-53423-1|LCCN=2016942278|DOI=10.1057/978-1-137-53423-1}}</ref> The little ‘central planning’ that the bourgeoisie used was not analogous to the Soviet planning; it was more akin to strategic visions for the economy. The ''Wehrwirtschaft'' ideal held primacy in these plans, which sought to transform the economy into an ‘integrated part of the military machine’, but retaining the system of private ownership.<ref>{{safesubst:citation
|author=Martin Wolfe |editor=|editors= |title=The Development of Nazi Monetary Policy |journal=Thtation of Economic History |url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/2114432 |location= |publisher= |year=1955 |volume=15 |number=4 |page=393 |pageurl= |isbn= |oclc=}}</ref> For example, rather than allocating production directly according to the System of Material Balances (as the [[U.S.S.R.]] did), the Four Year Plan of 1936 merely instituted price controls, particularly to discourage consumption of goods deemed to be luxuries and to promote the ‘basic industries’ that formed the Fascists’ apparatus of war production.<ref>{{safesubst:citation
|author=Martin Wolfe |editor=|editors= |title=The Development of Nazi Monetary Policy |journal=Thtation of Economic History |url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/2114432 |location= |publisher= |year=1955 |volume=15 |number=4 |page=394 |pageurl= |isbn= |oclc=}}</ref> Thus food prices effectively increased between the Second Reich and the Third Reich, even despite the ‘higher’ wages and anticommunist attempts at price control, and some foods such as beef, white bread, cereals, and fruits only became more difficult for the proletariat to access (though pork, rye bread, and potatoes did not).<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Winkler|first=Robin|editors=Rui Esteves, Arthur Downing|title=Feast or Famine: The Welfare Impact of Food Price Controls in Nazi Germany|url=https://www.economics.ox.ac.uk/materials/papers/13982/feast-or-famine-rm-winkler-1.pdf|journal=Discussion

Papers in Economic and Social History|publisher=University of Oxford|number=136|year=2015}}</ref> In the agricultural realm, the bourgeoisie did not undertake anything resembling Soviet collectivization, but rather instituted price controls through the ''Reichsnährstand'' (‘Reich Food Estate’) to control cost of living.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|author=Martin Wolfe |editor=|editors= |title=The Development of Nazi Monetary Policy |journal=Thtation of Economic History |url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/2114432 |location= |publisher= |year=1955 |volume=15 |number=4 |page=395 |pageurl= |isbn= |oclc=}}</ref> The bourgeoisie would institute a new, hereditary law in 1933 that made it much more difficult for anybody to obtain a gentile’s<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|title=1933: KEY DATES|url=https://www.ushmm.org/wlc/en/article.php?ModuleId=10007499|accessdate=2020-04-25}}</ref> farm, even through trade.<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|title=The Hereditary Farm Law (September 29, 1933)|url=http://germanhistorydocs.ghi-dc.org/sub_document.cfm?document_id=1550|accessdate=2020-04-25}}</ref>

Among the Reich’s industries, the oil industry was perhaps the best example for how the Fascist bourgeoisie operated the ''Wehrwirtschaft'', as the NSDAP considered it to occupy a ‘special and irreplaceable role’ within the market economy and military machine;<ref>{{safesubst:citation |author=Raymond G. Stokes |editor=|editors= |title=The Oil Industry in Nazi Germany, 1936–1945 |journal=The Business History Review |url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/3114932 |location= |publisher= |year=1985 |volume=59 |number=2 |page=254 |pageurl= |isbn= |oclc=}}</ref> thus Fascist capital’s inability to steal all of the oil and steel from the U.S.S.R. would further ensure the Reich’s collapse.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Tooze|first=Adam|chapter=17|title=The Wages of Destruction: The Making and Breaking of the Nazi Economy|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=-h_Z_KK0MQUC|location=London|publisher=Penguin Books|year=2006|pages=686–7|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=-h_Z_KK0MQUC&pg=PT686|ISBN=978-1-101-56495-0}}</ref> In the 1930s, Porsche quickly designed the Volkswagen Beetle because one anticommunist claimed to want a cheap and sturdy vehicle that almost everybody in the Reich would be able to drive. He lobbied for his approval, and Porsche’s neoslaves soon began producing these vehicles by the thousands, to the point where they ran low on dealerships, but the project turned out to be a scam:

{{quote|Since private industry could not turn out an automobile for $396, Hitler ordered the State to build it and placed the Labor Front in charge of the project. Dr. Ley’s organization promptly set out in 1938 to build at Fallersleben, near Braunschweig, “the biggest automobile factory in the world,” with a capacity for turning out a million and a half cars a year “more than Ford,” the Nazi propagandists said. The Labor Front advanced fifty million marks in capital. But that was not the main financing. Dr. Ley’s ingenious plan was that the workers themselves should furnish the capital by means of what became known as a “pay-before-you-get-it” installment plan five marks a week, or if a worker thought he could afford it, ten or fifteen marks a week. When 750 marks had been paid in, the buyer received an order number entitling him to a car as soon as it could be turned out. Alas for the worker, not a single car was ever turned out for any customer during the Third Reich. Tens of millions of marks were paid in by the German wage earners, not a pfennig of which was ever to be refunded. By the time the war started the Volkswagen factory turned to the manufacture of goods more useful to the Army.|William Shirer|<ref name=pg267>{{safesubst:citation|last=Shirer|first=William Lawrence|chapter=8|title=The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=6QngAAAAQBAJ|publisher=Simon and Schuster|year=1960|page=267|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=6QngAAAAQBAJ&pg=PA267|ISBN=978-1-4516-5168-3}}</ref>}}

Siemens in particular was probably the most important and prolific business in the German Reich, and consequently lost most of its factories during WWII. The business was responsible for the rail infrastructure, communications, power generation, factories (including in Auschwitz and Buchenwald), firearms, execution chambers, and more, throughout the Reich, and survivors later demanded reparations from this business.<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|last=Levy|first=Stephanie|title=Holocaust litigation: asking the courts to right a historic wrong.|url=http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Holocaust+litigation:+asking+the+courts+to+right+a+historic+wrong-a063795747|date=2000-07-01}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:web citation|title=Siemens retreats over Nazi name|url=https://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/business/2233890.stm|date=2002-09-05}}</ref> Other businesses such as the Holtzbrinck Publishing Group and Bertelsmann distributed a wide range of propaganda to the Wehrmacht and other anticommunists in the forms of books and magazines. Although somebody did jail a few senior Bertelsmann employees for alleged black-market paper trading in 1944, the Reich Minister of Propaganda pardoned them anyway.<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|last=Manus|first=Elizabeth|title=Bertelsmann’s Nazi Past Gets Ho-Hummed in U.S.|url=https://observer.com/?p=18503|date=1999-01-18|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20110724074250/http://www.observer.com/1999/01/bertelsmanns-nazi-past-gets-hohummed-in-us|archivedate=2011-07-24}}</ref>

Under the banner of ‘rearmament and autarky’, the Fascist bourgeoisie began to use its Four Year Plans to encourage sectors like construction, oil, chemicals, and engineering over others, such as coal and agriculture.<ref>{{safesubst:citation |author=Raymond G. Stokes |editor=|editors= |title=The Oil Industry in Nazi Germany, 1936–1945 |journal=The Business History Review |url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/3114932 |location= |publisher= |year=1985 |volume=59 |number=2 |pages=258–260|pageurl= |isbn= |oclc=}}</ref> Under the Plans, the bourgeois state took control over marketing, but corporate leaders remained in charge of the industry as a whole, indicating that the NSDAP was uninterested in either nationalization or direct government management.<ref>{{safesubst:citation |author=Raymond G. Stokes |editor=|editors= |title=The Oil Industry in Nazi Germany, 1936–1945 |journal=The Business History Review |url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/3114932 |location= |publisher= |year=1985 |volume=59 |number=2 |page=254 |pageurl= |isbn= |oclc=}}</ref>

{{quote|Available sources make perfectly clear that the Nazi regime did not want at all a German economy with public ownership of many or all enterprises. Therefore it generally had no intention whatsoever of nationalizing private firms or creating state firms. On the contrary the reprivatization of enterprises was furthered wherever possible.|Christoph Buchheim and Jonas Scherner|<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Buchheim|first1=Christoph|last2=Scherner|first2=Jonas|title=The Role of Private Property in the Nazi Economy: The Case of Industry|journal=Thtation of Economic History|url=http://piketty.pse.ens.fr/files/capitalisback/CountryData/Germany/Other/Pre1950Series/RefsHistoricalGermanAccounts/BuchheimScherner06.pdf|publisher=Cambridge University Press|volume=66|number=2|year=2006|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150910091952/http://economics.yale.edu/sites/default/files/files/Workshops-Seminars/Economic-History/buchheim-041020.pdf|archivedate=2015-09-10|pages=405–406|accessdate=2020-01-18}}</ref>}}

On the rare occasions when they were forced to make use of state-owned factories, they included a contract option allowing private owners to purchase it. In addition, they avoided the creation of state-owned enterprises whenever possible, favoring private investment:

{{quote|State-owned plants were to be avoided wherever possible. Nevertheless, sometimes they were necessary when private industry was not prepared to realize a war-related investment on its own. In these cases, the Reich often insisted on the inclusion in the contract of an option clause according to which the private firm operating the plant was entitled to purchase it. Even the establishment of ''Reichswerke Hermann Goring'' in 1937 is no contradiction to the rule that the Reich principally did not want public ownership of enterprises. The Reich in fact tried hard to win the German industry over to engage in the project.|Christoph Buchheim and Jonas Scherner|<ref name=Buchheim406/>}}

In 1938 for example, the Reich forced the Jewish businessman Julius Fromm to vend his condom business to Baroness Elisabeth von Epenstein at 116,000ℛℳ, a fraction of its real value. In return for this, she gave Hermann Göring two castles.<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|last1=Aly|first1=Gotz|last2=Sontheimer|first2=Michael|transl=Shelley Frisch|title=Fromms: How Julius Fromm's Condom Empire Fell to the Nazis|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=7ZYrAQAAQBAJ|date=2009-10-13|publisher=Other Press, LLC|page=98|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=7ZYrAQAAQBAJ&pg=PT94|ISBN=9781590513774}}</ref>

In terms of worker’s rights, the Fascist bourgeoisie immediately began to crack down on illegal groups (socialists and social democrats): first, ensuring that these groups were destroyed by force, and second, granting ‘extraordinary powers’ to employers to minimize the ability of workers to organize.<ref>{{safesubst:citation |last = Mason |first = Tim |editor=|editors= |title=The Workers’ Opposition in Nazi Germany |journal=History Workshop |url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/4288349 |location= |publisher= |year=1981 |volume=11 |number= |page=121 |pageurl= |isbn=
|oclc=}}</ref>

The anticommunists established the German Labour Front (Deutsche Arbeitsfront, DAF) by destroying non-DAF trade unions and seizing their funds.<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|title=Persecution of Trade Unionists|url=https://neu.org.uk/media/3056/view|year=2012}}</ref> Propaganda suggested that the DAF was intended to mediate conflicts between businessowners and workers. In practice, the anticommunists used the DAF to decrease workers’ power and to trap them in their current place of employment.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Shirer|first=William Lawrence|chapter=8|title=The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany| publisher = Simon and Schuster|year=1960|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=6QngAAAAQBAJ&pg=PA263|page=263|ISBN=978-1-4516-5168-3}}</ref> After the so-called German Labor Front absorbed the unions, wages fell for front-line workers, working hours increased by 15%, industrial accidents became more common, and capitalists could blacklist workers for complaining about the working conditions.<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|title=Life in Nazi Germany 1933-1939|url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/bitesize/guides/zpq9p39/revision/1|accessdate=2020-04-26}}</ref> The anticommunists introduced the large ‘Strength Through Joy’ (Kraft Durch Freude) vacation program to sell the working class on Fascism and to boost the Reich’s tourism, but contrary to what the propaganda suggested, it was heavily involved in regimenting the leisure time of workers towards Fascist goals rather than allowing the proletariat more freedoms:

{{quote|Tied down by so many controls at wages little above the subsistence level, the German workers, like the Roman proletariat, were provided with circuses by their rulers to divert attention from their miserable state. “We had to divert the attention of the masses from material to moral values,” Dr. Ley once explained. “It is more important to feed the souls of men than their stomachs.” 
So he came up with an organization called Kraft durch Freude (“Strength through Joy”). This provided what can only be called regimented leisure. […] [I]t [was] deemed necessary to control not only the working hours but the leisure hours of the individual. This was what “Strength through Joy” did. In pre-Nazi days Germany had tens of thousands of clubs devoted to everything from chess and soccer to bird watching. Under the Nazis no organized social, sport or recreational group was allowed to function except under the control and direction of Kraft durch Freude.|William Shirer|<ref>{{safesubst:citation| last = Shirer| first = William Lawrence| title = The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany|publisher=Simon and Schuster|year=1960|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=6QngAAAAQBAJ&pg=PA265|page=265|ISBN=978-1-4516-5168-3}}</ref>}}

Whereas the [[Weimar Republic]] created collective wage agreements across industries in hopes of preventing intense competition for labor, the Third Reich’s official wage rates were far lower than Weimar wage rates, could be overruled (allowing lower pay) for individual companies by the DAF’s ‘labor trustees’, and disallowed the possibility of collective bargaining by the workers.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Siegel|first=Tilla|title=Wage Policy in Nazi Germany|url=https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/003232928501400101|journal=Politics & Society|location=|publisher=|date=1985-03-01|volume=14|issue=1|pages=1–51|DOI=10.1177/003232928501400101}}</ref> Unemployment was approximately 34% in early 1933, and official statistics reduced this rate to 0.9% for 1939.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Galenson|first1=Walter|last2=Zellner|first2=Arnold|editor=Universities-National Bureau|title=International Comparison of Unemployment Rates|url=https://www.nber.org/chapters/c2649.pdf|journal=The Measurement and Behavior of Unemployment|publisher=NBER|year=1957|pages=455–474, 526–537|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150919113314/https://www.nber.org/chapters/c2649.pdf|archivedate=2015-09-19|ISBN=0-691-04144-X}}</ref> This was likely in part because the official statistics did not take conscriptions, enemies of the bourgeois state, or women into account.<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|title=Life in Nazi Germany 1933-1939|url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/bitesize/guides/zqrfj6f/revision/3|accessdate=2020-04-25}}</ref> [[Neoslavery]] would expand and contribute to the Reich’s economy recovery.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Silverman|first=Dan|title=Hitler’s Economy: Nazi Work Creation Programs, 1933–1936|url=https://www.hup.harvard.edu/catalog.php?isbn=9780674740716|date=1998-08-31|ISBN=9780674740716}}</ref>

Abroad, the German Reich frequently engaged in what came to be termed ‘fascist imperialism’ by historian Maurice Dobb.<ref>{{safesubst:citation |last = Dobb |first = Maurice |editor=|editors= |title=Aspects of Nazi Economic Policy |journal=Science & Society |url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/40399575 |location= |publisher= |year=1944 |volume=8 |number=2 |page=97 |pageurl= |isbn= |oclc=}}</ref> Dobb pointed out that, while earlier imperialist ventures targeted unindustrialized and undeveloped nations, Fascist imperialism annexed countries that had “already reached a high level of industrial development” and incorporated them as colonies of the Reich.<ref name=Dobb>{{safesubst:citation |last = Dobb |first = Maurice |editor=|editors= |title=Aspects of Nazi Economic Policy |journal=Science & Society |url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/40399575 |location= |publisher= |year=1944 |volume=8 |number=2 |page=98 |pageurl= |isbn= |oclc=}}</ref> For example, as the Reich’s debt accumulated dramatically,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Economic Controls in Nazi Germany|url=https://library.cqpress.com/cqresearcher/document.php?id=cqresrre1940110100#H2_4|date=1940-11-01|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150910204241/http://library.cqpress.com/cqresearcher/document.php?id=cqresrre1940110100#H2_4|archivedate=2015-09-10}}</ref> and the annexation of Austria did little to improve the economy,<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Abt|first=Parker|title=The Nazi Fiscal Cliff: Unsustainable Financial Practices before World War II|url=https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1188&context=ghj|journal=The Gettysburg Historical Journal|volume=16|article=5|year=2017}}</ref> the German anticommunists would invade Western Poland in 1939 and devastate many of the industries there. Once the bourgeois state successfully subordinated a country, it embarked upon the “unprecedented” task of “de-industrializing” it so that it could produce food and raw materials for the Fascist economy, while maintaining a “monopoly of industrial production” in the German heartland itself.<ref name=Dobb/> When de-industrialization was complete, the bourgeois state granted Fascist firms “extensive privileges” to develop raw material production in the occupied territories, and established “obligatory delivery quotas” of such materials to the Fascists.<ref>{{safesubst:citation |last = Dobb |first = Maurice |editor=|editors= |title=Aspects of Nazi Economic Policy |journal=Science & Society |url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/40399575 |location= |publisher= |year=1944 |volume=8 |number=2 |page=99 |pageurl= |isbn= |oclc=}}</ref>

Many Nordic capitalists proved quite useful to the Reich. As early as 1940, 54% of Finnish exports went to the Reich.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Yearbook of Finnish Foreign Policy|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=P9bwAAAAMAAJ|publisher=Finnish Institute of International Affairs|year=1976|page=9|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=P9bwAAAAMAAJ&q="exports+went"}}</ref> Despite the Finnish’s anti-German sentiment that the Reich’s policy during the [[Winter War]] generated, the Fascists knew that Finnish demands were much easier to meet than those of the Soviets, and the Finnish bourgeoisie willingly vended 60% of Petsamo’s nickel to the Reich during 1940, much to the Soviets’ displeasure. By August 1940 the Reich was quietly supplying the Finnish state with arms through private commercial channels, and the Finnish and German bourgeoisies signed a significant arms delivery by October 1940 and a supplementary troop transit by November 1940, further worrying the Soviets.<ref>>{{safesubst:citation|last=Krosby|first=H.|title=The Diplomacy of the Petsamo Question and Finnish-German Relations, March–December 1940|journal=Scandia|url=https://journals.lub.lu.se/scandia/article/download/774/560|volume=31|number=2|year=1965}}</ref>

===The “economic miracle”===
The one credited for the Third Reich’s “economic miracle” is Hjalmar Schacht, a freemason banker and an old establishment figure who was the president of the Reichsbank under the Weimar Republic during the 1920s, whom Hitler appointed as Minister of Economics in 1934 — since Fascists were mostly economically illiterate romanticists who were more concerned about racial identity politics than developing a coherent economic model that would truly be an alternative to capitalism. Under the centrist Schacht, the new “national socialist” economy underwent massive privatization. The economically left-leaning faction of the NSDAP that had hoped for ‘real socialism’ with German characteristics was knifed in the same year that Schacht was put in charge.

Hjalmar Schacht brought a cartel economy that was dominated by monopolies like Siemens, Gutehoffnungshütte, Krupp, and Rheinmetall. In the 1930s Germany became one of the most privatized countries in the world, at a time where the world was trying to find its way out of the depression either through experimenting with socialism or Keynesian economics. The Third Reich, instead of breaking up monopolies, was strengthening them. Big business conglomerates were preferred to smaller ones because political intervention and lobbying would be easier. The plan was to make politics involved in business through mutual cooperation, also known as corporatism. Schacht, although being a center-rightist, did support the plan of achieving full employment through public work, yet even this wasn't devised by the Nazis either — the attempt to alleviate unemployment through work brigades constructing the autobahn was a continuation of policies that had been instituted in the late Weimar Republic with the support of the last chancellor, Kurt von Schleicher, who alongside leftists was purged as well during the the Night of the Long Knives.

Since massive public work programs and stimulating the economy required deficit spending, Schacht introduced a scheme that could massively increase government spending without the appearance of it — this was achieved by setting up a private dummy company called '''Me'''tallurgische '''Fo'''rschungsgesellschaft, or MEFO for short, which was a joint-venture effort by the four biggest industrial players — Siemens, Gutehoffnungshütte, Krupp, and Rheinmetall. The only purpose of this company was issuing so-called "MEFO bills". The plan was that when the government would order a new batch of tanks, it would not pay directly with Reichsmarks. The payment to the armament producer would instead be deferred with a MEFO bill given out by MEFO, which operated as a ‘private company’, with a guarantee of MEFO paying the producer in the period of six months, and the government relying on the Reichsbank’s ‘unofficial’ promise to buy these contracts right before the pay date.

Due to Schacht’s scheme, the German economy actually recovered, but there were two problems here: since these MEFO bills had a 4% annual interest rate and they could be traded between the armament producers, they were used like money in trade deals between different German companies. They were even preferred over actual money. The armament producers did not want these contracts to end and so they extended them further and further beyond the initial six-month pay date. They became a pseudo-currency in themselves. Secondly, a big portion of these contracts were given to arms producers and not civilian construction of peace economics. It became clear that the MEFO scheme was primarily to achieve rearmament, bypassing the Versailles Treaty by avoiding making new public debt in the official books. Consumption actually stagnated and at this point the ‘happy well-fed German family driving a Volkswagen’ trope was becoming a myth. Military spending went from constituting 1% of the national budget to 10% in a few years between 1933 and 1936. Schacht desperately tried to warn Hitler that he was going to get the country bankrupt at this rate of military spending.

Hjalmar Schacht maintained that the MEFO scheme was not a permanent solution, but a short, temporary measure to get the economy going again. When unemployment sufficiently lowered and Germany rearmed, he and price commissioner Dr. Carl Friedrich Goerdeler both tried to persuade Hitler that the German Reich was now a defiant military power again and it was the perfect time to change gears from military to civilian-oriented production and develop new trade deals in the world market. For Schacht and Goerdler, further military expenditure at the expense of civilian economic growth was insane and made no sense form a rational point of view. With military expenditures quickly growing far larger than the civilian work-creation programs, Schacht realized that the Chancellery’s imperialist ambitions of achieving Lebenraum through violent irredentism surpassed that of securing the economic gains and social stability of the last four years.

The economic miracle credited to Schacht declined when the Chancellery decided to replace him with the economically illiterate and trigger-happy Goering in 1937. With Schacht gone, the ongoing massive military expenditure was creating a debt with which the national civilian economy could not cope anymore. The overblown Fascist military-industrial complex was not devised to built refrigerators and hydroelectric power plants; it could nonetheless plunder and pillage neighboring states. Hitler and Goering expected that upcoming territorial expansion would provide the means of repaying the soaring national debt, by using the wealth and manpower of conquered nations. Their targets were, however, largely poverty-stricken. In the last years of the Third Reich, 25% of the labour force was made up of slaves, mostly Poles and Jews, many of them working at in the Auschwitz labor camps for IG Farben’s rubber plants fueling the war effort. Perhaps the most disturbing moment that Hitler had was when he traded Schacht’s developed economic theories for the idea that a sustainable economy could be run on slave labor and looting at the heart of Europe in the 20th century.

== Infrastructure ==

=== Health ===
The German Reich experienced significant mortality and nutritional crises during peacetime (a remarkably rare occurrence in a developed nation):

{{quote|Germany experienced a substantial increase in mortality rates in most age groups in the mid-1930s, even relative to those of 1932, the worst year of the Great Depression. Moreover, children’s heights—an indicator of the quality of nutrition and health—were generally stagnating between 1933 and 1938, but had increased significantly during the 1920s. Persecution, by itself, does not explain such an adverse development in biological welfare; the non-persecuted segments of the German population were affected as well.|Andrea Wagner & Jörg Baten|<ref name=Autarchy>{{safesubst:citation |last1=Baten |first1=Jörg |last2=Wagner |first2=Andrea |editor=|editors= |title=Autarchy, market disintegration, and health: the mortality and nutritional crisis in Nazi Germany, 1933–1937 |journal=Economics & Human Biology |url=https://sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1570677X02000023 |archiveurl=https://wp.me/pa7b25-1i |archivedate=30/July/2018 |location=Germany |publisher=Elsevier Science B.V. |year=2003 |volume=1 |issue=1 |pages=1–28 |pageurl= |doi=10.1016|oclc=}}</ref>}}

These problems were the direct result of their capitalist policy:

{{quote|The reason for this adverse development was caused by the fact that military expenditures increased at the expense of public health measures. In addition, food imports were curtailed, and prices of many agricultural products were controlled. There is ample evidence that this set of economic policies had an adverse effect on the health and nutritional status of the population.|Andrea Wagner & Jörg Baten|<ref name=Autarchy/>}}

By 1939, living standards were even lower than those of other anticommunist regimes, such as the [[U.K.]] and the [[U.S.]]

== Ideology ==
<blockquote>
{{quote|It is […] entirely appropriate to register the point that, despite the [[Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact|Nazi–Soviet pact]], and indeed other instances of his opportunistic use of anti-Bolshevism to achieve short-term goals, Hitler remained committed from the early 1920s until his downfall in 1945 to the pursuit and destruction of Bolshevism. Even if he may have toyed fleetingly with the idea of accommodating the Soviet Union as a partner in Ribbentrop’s proposed ''Kontinentalblock'' in the hope of finally ending his war with Britain, […] the fact remains that the struggle against Bolshevism constituted a fixed principle, the ‘lodestar’, as Ian Kershaw has put it, of his foreign policy. Indeed, given the intensity of Hitler’s views on the Jewish question, it could hardly have been otherwise from the moment in the early 1920s when he accepted that Bolshevism was an invention and instrument of the Jews, who wished to use it to impose their own tyranny across the globe.|Lorna L. Waddington|<ref name=Waddington>{{safesubst:citation|last=Waddington|first=Lorna|title=The Anti-Komintern and Nazi Anti-Bolshevik Propaganda in the 1930s|journal=Journal of Contemporary History|location=London|publisher=SAGE Publications|volume=42|issue=4|year=2007|pages=573–594|ISSN=0022–0094|DOI=10.1177/0022009407081488}}</ref>}}
</blockquote>

The Reich’s eugenics programme was consciously inspired by [[America]]’s own eugenics programmes<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|last=Kaelber|first=Lutz|title=Eugenics: Compulsory Sterilization in 50 American States|url=http://www.uvm.edu/~lkaelber/eugenics|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20200303104237/http://www.uvm.edu/~lkaelber/eugenics|archivedate=2020-03-03}}</ref> from the 1920s and earlier. The Führer himself once wrote Madison Grant an appreciative letter implying that ''The Passing of the Great Race'' was one of his favorittations, and Fascists regularly communicated with eugenicists from New York to California, who were eager to assist with the Reich’s programme.<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|last=Black|first=Edwin|title=Hitler's debt to America|url=https://amp.theguardian.com/uk/2004/feb/06/race.usa|date=2004-02-05|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20160315091802/https://amp.theguardian.com/uk/2004/feb/06/race.usa|archivedate=2016-03-15}}</ref> Physically and mentally challenged people thus became early victims of the Third Reich’s violence. Nevertheless, the Fascists made some exceptions for capitalists deemed too useful for disposal, such Artur Adolf Konradi, who was paralysed from the waist below, and Max Hahn, who lost one of his arms in [[WWI]]. Some physicians have also speculated that the Chancellor himself was suffering from Parkinson’s disease at the time of his death.

Generally, the Third Reich held people of color in contempt, with some government officials holding a less intolerant attitude towards certain Asian men, although the Reich nevertheless opportunistically accepted the assistance of many volunteers of color such as the Free Arabian Legion, and despite their own aggressive colonialism, the Fascists frequently exploited the anticolonial sentiments of Arabs<ref name=Hammond>{{safesubst:citation|last=Hammond|first=Kelly|title=Managing Muslims: imperial Japan, Islamic policy, and Axis connections during the Second World War*|journal=Journal of Global History|publisher=Cambridge University Press|volume=12|year=2017|pages=251–273|doi=10.1017/S1740022817000079}}</ref> and Indians,<ref name=Bauerkämper>{{safesubst:citation|last=Bauerkämper|first=Arnd|title=Transnational Fascism: Cross-Border Relations between Regimes and Movements in Europe, 1922–1939*|journal=East Central Europe|volume=37|location=Leiden|publisher=Koninklijke Brill|year=2010|pages=214–246|DOI=10.1163/187633010X534469}}</ref> probably as a means of pitting their enemies against each other. After the conclusion of the Anti-Comintern Pact of 1936, the Fascists’ white supremacy made an exception for Japanese people, and relaxed attitudes further after the Tripartite Pact of 1940, but some complications remained even after these pacts. For example, intermarriages between Germans and Japanese, while technically legal, remained discouraged, and the few interracial couples in the Reich faced harassment. There were also some European Fascist politicians who never completely trusted the [[Empire of Japan]] either, a feeling which the Imperialists held toward them in turn.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Krebs|first=Gerhard|editors=Rotem Kowner, Walter Demel|chapter=10|chapterurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=6Tq2CAAAQBAJ&pg=PA217|title=Racism under negotiation: the Japanese race in the Nazi-German perspective|series=Brill’s Series on Modern East Asia in a Global Historical Perspective|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=6Tq2CAAAQBAJ|location=Boston & Leiden|publisher=Brill|year=2015|volume=II|pages=217–241|DOI=10.1163/9789004292932_011|ISBN=978-90-04-29293-2|ISSN=2212-1730}}</ref> Despite the wavering attitudes and the want of consensus, Japanese men were the people of color for whom the Fascists had the most tolerance. There were likely about five hundred Japanese people living in Berlin during the early 1940s, a number comparable to that of the Germans living in the Empire of Japan, and many Japanese in the Reich worked as diplomats, military officers, students, and trading company employees.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Kudō|first=Akira|editor=J.A.A. Stockwin|chapter=1|title=Japanese-German Business Relations: Co-operation and Rivalry in the Interwar Period|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=W00qBgAAQBAJ|location=London|publisher=Routledge|year=1998|year_published=2001|page=31|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=W00qBgAAQBAJ&pg=PA31|ISBN=0-203-01851-6}}</ref>

=== Anti-Semitism ===
''Main Article: [[Anti-semitism in Nazi Germany]]''

One crucial part of German Fascism was antisemitism; only a tiny minority of German Fascists (e.g. Karl Plagge, Oskar Schindler) secretly dissented from this view. Traditionally, antisemitism in German society referenced Jewish culture as its basis, but capitalists such as Henry Ford<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|title=Mein Kampf : Nazi Germany|url=http://spartacus-educational.com/GERmein.htm|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20140515020345/http://spartacus-educational.com/GERmein.htm|archivedate=2014-05-15}}</ref><ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Ryback|first=Timothy|chapter=three|title=Hitler’s Private Library|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=VZY6CB_9IGAC|date=2008-10-21|location=|publisher=Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group|page=69|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=VZY6CB_9IGAC&pg=PA69|ISBN=978-1-4000-4204-3}}</ref><ref>{{safesubst:web citation|last=Dobbs|first=Michael|title=Ford and GM Scrutinized for Alleged Nazi Collaboration|url=http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/national/daily/nov98/nazicars30.htm|date=1998-11-30|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20090605012002/http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/national/daily/nov98/nazicars30.htm|archivedate=2009-06-05}}</ref><ref>{{safesubst:web citation|last=Sartore|first=Melissa|title=How Henry Ford Helped The Nazis As Much As He Possibly Could|url=https://www.ranker.com/list/relationship-between-henry-ford-and-nazis/melissa-sartore|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20170831125043/http://www.ranker.com/list/relationship-between-henry-ford-and-nazis/melissa-sartore|archivedate=2017-08-31}}</ref> introduced a more ‘racial’ justification for this phenomenon, claiming that Jews were innately rather than just socially or religiously inferior.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last1=Pool|first1=James|last2=Pool|first2=Suzanne|chapter=3|title=Who Financed Hitler|location=U.S.A.|year=1997|url=https://archive.org/stream/WhoFinancedHitler|page=91|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/WhoFinancedHitler#page/n47/mode/1up|ISBN=0-8037-8941-6}}</ref> In reality, however, the Fascists were committing antisemitism as a means of preserving most of the petite-bourgeoisie: concentrating capitalism’s horrible economic pressure on only a minor segment of the class rather than its entirety.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|title=Bordiga’s “Auschwitz, or the Great Alibi”|journal=Programme Communiste|url=https://www.Marxists.org/subject/jewish/bordiga/auschwitz.htm#a3|number=11|trans=Mitchell Abidor}}</ref>

As well, Fascist antisemitism sometimes spread to regions where it had previously been very rare. For the 1920s and most of the 1930s, Italian Fascists tolerated Jews, and sometimes even complained that German Fascism was too antisemitic, but by 1938 the Kingdom of Italy officially adopted antisemitism due to the overwhelming popularity of the German Reich.<ref name=Bauerkämper/> Antisemitism had been nonexistent in East Asia due to the sheer rarity of Jews there, but as a consequence of the German Reich’s popularity in the Empire of Japan during the 1930s, a minority of Imperialists adopted the antisemitism of their European partners, and in the 1940s the Imperialists implemented some antisemitic policies as part of the inter-Axis Indian Ocean cooperation. At the request of the Western Axis, the Imperialists arrested and incarcerated hundreds of Jews throughout Southeast Asia, and Imperial propagandists would sometimes campaign against ‘Jewish world control’ during 1943 in an attempt to distract local Muslims. Imperial authorities also forcibly relocated 20,000 Shanghai Jews into a ghetto, though they did ignore several thousand other Jews there, mainly ones of either Middle Eastern or Soviet origin.<ref name=Kowner2017>{{safesubst:citation|en|last=Kowner|first=Rotem|title=When economics, strategy, and racial ideology meet: inter-Axis connections in the wartime Indian Ocean*|journal=Journal of Global History|publisher=Cambridge University Press|volume=12|issue=2|date=2017-06-08|pages=228–250|doi=10.1017/S1740022817000067}}</ref> The majority of the Empire of Japan still found antisemitism incomprehensible, however, and applied actions such as these only sporadically. Fascist antisemitism also contaminated the Arab world, made the anti-Jewish sentiment there much more aggressive, and influenced Arab ultranationalist discourse, even decades after 1945.<ref name=Hammond/>

===Military Ideology===
The Fascist state’s ideology also manifested itself in its military policies.

==Culture==
The Fascists coined the locution ‘[[cultural Bolshevism]]’ to disparage cultural phenomena that they deemed worthy of purging, such as jazz. The Fascist state subjected abstractionist artwork to ridicule and favored genres that were less unrealistic. In 1941, the bourgeois state prohibited Fraktur under the official excuse that it consisted of ‘Jewish characters’.<ref>{{safesubst:citation|last=Reuveni|first=Gideon|chapter=IV|title=Reading Germany: Literature and Consumer Culture in Germany before 1933|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=4KNdCjZ4OZgC|location=New York|publisher=Berghahn Books|year=2006|page=206|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=4KNdCjZ4OZgC&pg=PA206|trans=Ruth Morris|ISBN=1-84545-087-6}}</ref> The Fascists also paid special attention to children, marketing to them explicitly anti-Semitic books such as ''Trust No Fox on his Green Heath and No Jew on his Oath'', and also marketed playthings that glorified the military, such as tanks and Fascist figurines, but ceased production of certain ones if they were based on somebody that the bourgeois state just executed. They once marketed an expensive bridge playset, but it sold poorly in part because it wasn’t a militarily specific piece.<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|last=Leatherdale|first=Duncan|title=Nazi toys expected to raise thousands at Thornaby auction|url=https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-england-tees-31991001|date=2015-03-25|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150327191128/http://www.bbc.com/news/uk-england-tees-31991001|archivedate=2015-03-27}}</ref>

===Religion===
The Fascists invented a culturally specific variant of Christianity called Positive Christianity, which sought to unify the local Catholic and Protestant churches. It taught that Jesus Christ was an Aryan rather than a Jew, and was himself fighting against the Jews.<ref>{{safesubst:web citation|last=Springer|first=Karl|title=Onward! Humor from the Period of Struggle of the National Socialist Movement|url=https://research.calvin.edu/german-propaganda-archive/springer.htm|location=Munich|publisher=Zentralverlag der NSDAP|year=1939|trans=Randall Bytwerk}}</ref> This variant had little in common with mainstream Christianity, received the condemnation of Christian authorities elsewhere in the world, and was abandoned by the end of the Reich.

===Gun Control===
The Weimar Republic passed very stringent gun laws that essentially banned all gun ownership in an attempt to stabilize the country and comply with the Treaty of Versailles, with a law in 1928 undoing some of this by creating a permit system. Most men and many women still owned weapons from during or before the first World War though and this new law was applied quite rarely, mostly when newly-bought weapons became registered. The Fascists used these records to confiscate guns from their enemies, but because they only covered a few of the weapons in circulation, many Jewish people and others managed to stash away weapons into the late 1930s. In 1938 the Fascists adopted the German Weapons Act, which reduced gun restrictions to just handguns, extended permits from one year to three, and lowered the legal age of purchase from 20 years to 18. Many categories of people were further no longer subject to gun ownership restrictions, such as holders of annual hunting permits, government workers, and NSDAP members. On 11 November of that same year though, the Regulations Against Jews’ Possession of Weapons was issued, banning all Jews in the Reich from owning any kind of weapon. Jewish homes were already being raided by the Fascists however, and as the Anti-Defamation League [https://www.adl.org/news/press-releases/adl-says-nazi-analogies-have-no-place-in-gun-control-debate explained in 2013], the small amount of Jews could in no way have stopped the power of the Fascist state.

In current gun control discussions a reference to the disarmament of the Fascists’ victims is often made as an argument for loose firearm regulations, in spite of the facts of the actual situation, with the 1943 Warsaw Ghetto Uprising also being brought up. As for that case, 7,000 Jews died and 50,000 were sent to concentration camps whereas German losses as estimated to be from under 20 to several hundred — at any rate an overwhelming defeat for the armed civilians, who lacked tremendous amounts of almost every aspect that actually took the Allies to defeat the Third Reich.<ref>[https://www.politifact.com/factchecks/2019/apr/08/viral-image/no-gun-control-regulation-nazi-germany-did-not-hel/ No, gun control regulation in Nazi Germany did not help advance the Holocaust]. ''PolitiFact''.</ref>

==References==
<references/>

Template:Cite book

2022-03-02T22:35:34Z

Anarcho-Bolshevik: Reformatted.

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German Reich (1933–1945)

2022-03-02T01:49:26Z

Anarcho-Bolshevik: Copied data from https://leftypedia.org/wiki/Third_Reich.

The '''German Reich''' (officially the '''Greater German Reich''' from 1943–45), commonly known as '''Nazi Germany''', the '''Third Reich''' or occasionally '''Fascist Germany''', was a right-wing [[Fascism|fascist]] dictatorship which existed in [[Europe]] between 1933 and 1945 and was ruled by the [[Nazi Party]] (NSDAP). It was preceded by the [[German Reich (1918–1933)|Weimar Republic]] before its dissolution with the issuance of the Reichstag Fire Decree and the Enabling Act of 1933, which allowed for the then Chancellor of Germany [[Adolf Hitler]] to act outside of parliamentary control.<ref>''"The law that 'enabled' Hitler's dictatorship"''. [https://www.dw.com/en/the-law-that-enabled-hitlers-dictatorship/a-16689839 Deutsche Welle]</ref>

It began on 30 January 1933 when Hitler was appointed as chancellor (head of government) by president (head of state) Paul von Hindenburg, although the old Weimar constitution was used up to the end, with its emergency powers being extensively used. The German Reich is frequently credited with starting [[World War II]] with its invasion of Poland, hoping to seize the Soviet Union. However it lost the war and was pronounced defunct on 7 May 1945 and most of Europe’s remaining [[Axis]] personnel surrendered, with a few exceptions.<ref>{{safesubst:cite web|title=Hitler’s Holdouts – Meet the Last German Troops to Surrender in WW2|url=https://wp.me/p42Qr6-1II|date=2014-04-30}}</ref> After over four years of Allied occupation, it was succeeded by the [[Federal Republic of Germany]] and the [[German Democratic Republic]] in 1949.

The Nazi government, over the course of its existence, aggressively expanded into neighboring countries, ultimately resulting in the beginning of the [[World War II|Second World War]] with the Fascist invasion of Poland. Internally, concentration camps were set up for the forced labor, detention, and execution of Jewish and Roma people, political prisoners, communists, socialists, and trade-union activists.

A program of “involuntary euthanasia” was adopted for the state-sponsored mass murder of the disabled. This campaign of mass detention and extermination was based on pseudo-scientific racist, sexist, and anti-Semitic eugenic beliefs, which culminated in a systematic [[genocide]] commonly known as the Holocaust. The Nazi Party was destroyed at the end of World War II after the [[Soviet Union]] captured Berlin and Hitler committed suicide. The German Instrument of Surrender legally declared the surrender and dissolution of the Third Reich, which ended both the Holocaust and Second World War in Europe. The succeeding Allied occupation of Germany would result in the creation of separate [[West Germany|West]] and [[German Democratic Republic (1949–1990)|East German]] states.

== History ==
On January 4, 1933, bankers and industrialists held a secret backroom deal with then-Chancellor Von Pappen to make Hitler the nation’s new Chancellor:

{{quote|The negotiations took place exclusively between Hitler and Papen. […] Papen went on to say that he thought it best to form a government in which the conservative and nationalist elements that had supported him were represented together with the Nazis. He suggested that this new government should, if possible, be led by Hitler and himself together. Then Hitler made a long speech in which he said that, if he were to be elected Chancellor, Papen’s followers could participate in his (Hitler’s) Government as Ministers if they were willing to support his policy which was planning many alterations in the existing state of affairs. He outlined these alterations, including the removal of all Social Democrats, Communists and Jews from leading positions in Germany and the restoration of order in public life. Von Papen and Hitler reached agreement in principle whereby many of the disagreements between them could be removed and cooperation might be possible. It was agreed that further details could be worked out later either in Berlin or some other suitable place.|Kurt Baron von Schröder|<ref>{{safesubst:cite book|editors=Geoffrey Pridham & Jeremy Noakes|title=Nazism, 1919–1945|url=https://ghdi.ghi-dc.org/sub_document.cfm?document_id=3941|location=Exeter|publisher=University of Exeter Press|volume=I|year=1998|pages=115–16}}</ref>}}

In February 1933, the new Chancellor met with the Reich’s leading industrialists at Hermann Göring’s home. There were representatives from IG Farben, AG Siemens, BMW, coal mining magnates, Theissen Corp, AG Krupp, as well as a crowd of bankers, investors, and other bourgeois Germans. During this meeting, the Chancellor said that ‘''Private enterprise cannot be maintained in the age of democracy.''’ To reduce regulation, the Chancellery sent its henchmen to every union headquarters on May 2nd, 1933. They beat the union leaders, sent them to prison or concentration camps, and their party expropriated the union money that the workers paid for their memberships. The unions were now under the leadership of the Chancellery’s anticommunists, who helped bargain away all collective bargaining rights.<ref>{{safesubst:cite web|title=Germany 1933: from democracy to dictatorship|url=https://www.annefrank.org/en/anne-frank/go-in-depth/germany-1933-democracy-dictatorship|date=2018-09-28}}</ref> One Fascist economist indicated that his party indeed had a thorough plan for deregulation:

{{quote|The first thing [that] German business needs is peace and quiet. It must have a feeling of absolute legal security and must know that work and its return are guaranteed. The interferences in a business which occurred at first, perhaps as a result of too much zeal, have become intolerable.|Gottfried Feder|<ref>{{safesubst:cite news|editor=Briton Hadden|title=NAZIS EASE GRASP ON REICH'S BUSINESS|url=https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1933/07/04/105151560.html?pageNumber=5|publisher=Time Incorporated|date=1933-07-04|volume=XXII}}</ref>}}

In September 1933, the Chancellery repeatedly cut social provisions, including food rations, to the poor under the guise of combating ‘idolatry’.<ref>{{safesubst:cite news|title=GERMANS TO SKIMP ON A MEAL A MONTH AND FEED JOBLESS|url=https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1933/09/14/105802896.html|publisher=Time Incorporated|date=1933-09-14}}</ref> In 1934, the Fascists outlined their plan to revitalize the Reich’s economy by reprivatization of significant industries: medicine,<ref name=Muehlbauer>{{safesubst:cite web|last=Muehlbauer|first=Peter|title=Obama, Hitler und die Krankenversicherung|url=https://www.heise.de/tp/news/Obama-Hitler-und-die-Krankenversicherung-1992294.html|publisher=Heise Medien|date=2009-08-28|language=German}}</ref> railways, public works,<ref>{{safesubst:cite news|title=REICH WILL PUSH PRIVATE BUSINESS|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1933/09/21/archives/germany-to-push-private-business-economic-council-decides-on-that.html|pageurl=https://bucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com/public/images/d3fba396-5d8d-4f9e-95c4-089be72fb796_588x868.png|publisher=Time Incorporated|date=1933-09-21}}</ref> construction, steel, and banking. Additionally, the Chancellery guaranteed profits for the private sector, thus many American industrialists and bankers flocked to the Reich to invest.

On January 20, 1934, the Chancellery transferred its right to set minimum wages and working conditions over to the businessowners, stating that the ‘''leader of the enterprise makes the decisions for the employees and laborers in all matters concerning the enterprise, as far as they are regulated by this law.''’<ref>{{safesubst:cite web|title=Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression|url=https://avalon.law.yale.edu/imt/1861-ps.asp|location=Washington|publisher=Office of the United States Chief Counsel for Prosecution of Axis Criminality|volume=IV|year=1946}}</ref> Hence, the employers lowered wages, increased hours,<ref>https://bucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com/public/images/ffe67095-0f49-4b78-8a15-982b5782d8f5_562x529.jpeg</ref> eliminated other benefits, and prohibited workers from striking or engaging in other collective bargaining rights. The anticommunists eliminated reimbursements for Jewish physicians, which allowed private health insurance companies to profit.<ref name=Muehlbauer/> The anticommunists also rounded up the homeless en-masse and interned them in concentration camps.<ref>{{safesubst:cite book|last=Ayaß|first=W.|title=Vagrants and beggars in Hitler's Reich|url=https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/ed34/3d9f11cc03485e7b59489ce6004b40013aa6.pdf|year=1988}}</ref> By the time that the head of the AFL visited the German Reich in 1938, he likened the life of an average German worker to that of a slave.<ref>{{safesubst:cite news|title=GERMAN LABORER LIKENED TO SLAVE|url=https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1938/11/22/98211078.html?pageNumber=5|publisher=Time Incorporated|date=1938-11-22}}</ref>

== Economy ==
{{quote|Irrespective of a quite bad overall performance, an important characteristic of the economy of the Third Reich, and a big difference from a centrally planned one, was the role private ownership of firms was playing—in practice as well as in theory. The ideal Nazi economy would liberate the creativeness of a multitude of private entrepreneurs in a predominantly competitive framework gently directed by the state to achieve the highest welfare of the Germanic people.|Christoph Buchheim and Jonas Scherner|<ref>{{safesubst:cite journal|last1=Buchheim|first1=Christoph|last2=Scherner|first2=Jonas|title=The Role of Private Property in the Nazi Economy: The Case of Industry|journal=The Journal of Economic History|url=http://piketty.pse.ens.fr/files/capitalisback/CountryData/Germany/Other/Pre1950Series/RefsHistoricalGermanAccounts/BuchheimScherner06.pdf|publisher=Cambridge University Press|volume=66|number=2|year=2006|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150910091952/http://economics.yale.edu/sites/default/files/files/Workshops-Seminars/Economic-History/buchheim-041020.pdf|archivedate=2015-09-10|page=411|accessdate=2020-01-18}}</ref>}}

The German Reich was the second modern nation after the [[Kingdom of Italy]] to implement a [[privatization]] programme.<ref>{{safesubst:cite web|last=Bel|first=Germà|title=Against the mainstream: Nazi privatization in 1930s Germany|url=http://www.ub.edu/graap/nazi.pdf|location=Barcelona|publisher=Universitat de Barcelona i ppre-IREA|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20110720073011/http://www.ub.edu/graap/nazi.pdf|archivedate=2011-07-20|accessdate=2020-01-29}}</ref> Indeed, the term ‘privatization’ itself<ref>{{safesubst:cite journal|last=Bel|first=Germà|title=Retrospectives: The Coining of “Privatization” and Germany’s National Socialist Party|url=https://pubs.aeaweb.org/doi/pdf/10.1257/jep.20.3.187|journal=Journal of Economic Perspectives|volume=20|number=3|year=2006|pages=187–194}}</ref> was coined to refer to their economic reforms.<ref>{{safesubst:cite web|title=The Nazi Heritage of Privatization|date=11-September-2006|url=https://wp.me/p1kjl-1d}}</ref> Capitalist economist Mark Thoma has conceded as much.<ref>{{safesubst:Cite web| title = Economist's View: The Origins of the Term "Privatization"| accessdate = 2019-10-09| url = https://economistsview.typepad.com/economistsview/2006/09/the_origins_of_.html}}</ref> While consumer spending in the Reich’s economy did decrease from 71% in 1929 to 59% in 1938,<ref>{{safesubst:cite book|last=Overy|first=R.J.|title=Guns or Butter? Living Standards, Finance, and Labour in Germany, 1939–1942|url=https://www.oxfordscholarship.com/view/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198202905.001.0001/acprof-9780198202905-chapter-10|year=1994|doi=10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198202905.003.0010|ISBN=9780198202905}}</ref> income from capital and business also increased from 17.4% of the national income to 26.6%,<ref>{{safesubst:Cite book| last = Shirer| first = William Lawrence| title = The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany|publisher=Simon and Schuster|year=1960|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=6QngAAAAQBAJ&pg=PA264|page=264|ISBN=978-1-4516-5168-3}}</ref> and the rate of return on capital increased in the Fascists’ industry.<ref>{{safesubst:cite book|last=Tooze|first=Adam|chapter=4|title=The Wages of Destruction: The Making and Breaking of the Nazi Economy|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=-h_Z_KK0MQUC|location=London|publisher=Penguin Books|year=2006|page=152|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=-h_Z_KK0MQUC&pg=PT152|ISBN=978-1-101-56495-0}}</ref>

{{quote|In 1936/37 the capital of the ''Deutsche Bank'', ''Commerzbank'' and ''Dresdner Bank'' in the possession of the German Reich was resold to private shareholders, and consequently the state representatives withdrew from the boards of these banks. Also in 1936 the Reich sold its shares of ''Vereinigte Stahlwerke''. The war did not change anything with regard to this attitude. In 1940 the Genshagen airplane engine plant operated by ''Daimler-Benz'' was privatized; ''Daimler-Benz'' bought the majority of shares held by the Reich earlier than it wished to. But the company was urged by the Reich Aviation Ministry and was afraid that the Reich might offer the deal to another firm. Later in the war the Reich actively tried to privatize as many ''Montan GmbH'' companies as possible, but with little success.|Christoph Buchheim and Jonas Scherner|<ref name=Buchheim406>{{safesubst:cite journal|last1=Buchheim|first1=Christoph|last2=Scherner|first2=Jonas|title=The Role of Private Property in the Nazi Economy: The Case of Industry|journal=The Journal of Economic History|url=http://piketty.pse.ens.fr/files/capitalisback/CountryData/Germany/Other/Pre1950Series/RefsHistoricalGermanAccounts/BuchheimScherner06.pdf|publisher=Cambridge University Press|volume=66|number=2|year=2006|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150910091952/http://economics.yale.edu/sites/default/files/files/Workshops-Seminars/Economic-History/buchheim-041020.pdf|archivedate=2015-09-10|page=406|accessdate=2020-01-18}}</ref>}}

It was possible for capitalists to fund their projects without relying on any state funds. The development of the first relay computer, for example, was funded entirely through private means,<ref>{{safesubst:cite web|title=Konrad Zuse—the first relay computer|url=https://history-computer.com/ModernComputer/Relays/Zuse.html|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20201105231836/https://history-computer.com/ModernComputer/Relays/Zuse.html|archivedate=2020-11-05}}</ref> and while the head of state was unimpressed with the invention they still used it for some minor operations such as calculating aircraft wing design.<ref>{{safesubst:cite web|last=Malcolm|first=Chris|title=Who Made the First Computer?|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20180923013651/http://www.dai.ed.ac.uk/homes/cam/fcomp.shtml|archivedate=2018-09-23}}</ref> Similarly, another business, Günther & Co., designed a board game without any government input. Although the Schutzstaffel harshly criticized its theme, going so far as to call it ‘almost punishable’, it nonetheless never bothered to actually prohibit it.<ref>{{safesubst:cite journal|last1=Morris-Friedman|first1=Andrew|last2=Schädler|first2=Ulrich|title=“Juden Raus!” (Jews Out!) – History’s most infamous board game|url=http://www.giochidelloca.it/storia/BGS6.pdf|journal=International Journal for the Study of Board Games|location=Leiden|publisher=Research School of Asian, African, and Amerindian Studies|year=2003|volume=6|pages=44–58|pageurl=http://www.giochidelloca.it/storia/BGS6.pdf#page=44|ISSN=1566-1962}}</ref> The German Air Ministry requested prototypes from six companies (Gustloff-Werke, Mauser, Johannes Großfuß Metall- und Lackierwarenfabrik, C.G. Hänel, Rheinmetall-Borsig and Heinrich Krieghoff Waffenfabrik), only two (Krieghoff and Rheinmetall) of whom answered favorably, and an irrelevant offer from Mauser was rejected. All others denied that they could even consider it since they were already working to capacity for the Heereswaffenamt and required its approval for the request.<ref name="Senich">{{cite book|last=Senich|first=Peter|title=The German Assault Rifle: 1935–1945|page=239|publisher=Paladin Press|year=1987}}</ref> <ref name="Dugelby">{{cite book|last=Dugelby|first=Thomas B.|title=Death from Above—The German FG42 Paratroop Rifle|page=4|publisher=Collector Grade Publications|year=2007}}</ref>

While the [[bourgeoisie]] did implement some regulations, they did this for the sake of their militarily driven economy (much like the [[U.K.]] and the [[U.S.A.]] did during wartime); their purpose was to reinforce private ownership and [[capitalism]]. Henry Spiegel noted three main characteristics of the Third Reich’s economy:<ref>{{safesubst:Cite journal
|author=Henry W. Spiegel |editor=|editors= |title=Wehrwirtschaft: Economics of the Military State |journal=The American Economic Review |url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/1805064 |location= |publisher= |year=1940 |volume=30 |number=4 |page=717 |pageurl= |isbn= |oclc=}}</ref>

# That it was an ‘economy of scarcity’, that is to say, that the exploitation of ‘men and materials was pushed to the limits’.
# That the state used ‘centralized planning under maintenance of some element of the price system’.
# That the state retained the ‘profit motive’ as the primary ‘economic motor’.

There is little evidence to support the interpretation that the German Reich was a ‘[[planned economy]]’.<ref>{{safesubst:cite book|last1=Frøland|first1=Hans|last2=Ingulstad|first2=Mats|last3=Scherner|first3=Jonas|chapter=1|editors=Hans Otto Frøland, Mats Ingulstad, & Jonas Scherner|title=Industrial Collaboration in Nazi-Occupied Europe: Norway in Context|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=fIMgDQAAQBAJ|location=London|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan|year=2016|pages=18–9|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=fIMgDQAAQBAJ&pg=PA18|ISBN=978-1-137-53423-1|LCCN=2016942278|DOI=10.1057/978-1-137-53423-1}}</ref> The little ‘central planning’ that the bourgeoisie used was not analogous to the Soviet planning; it was more akin to strategic visions for the economy. The ''Wehrwirtschaft'' ideal held primacy in these plans, which sought to transform the economy into an ‘integrated part of the military machine’, but retaining the system of private ownership.<ref>{{safesubst:Cite journal
|author=Martin Wolfe |editor=|editors= |title=The Development of Nazi Monetary Policy |journal=The Journal of Economic History |url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/2114432 |location= |publisher= |year=1955 |volume=15 |number=4 |page=393 |pageurl= |isbn= |oclc=}}</ref> For example, rather than allocating production directly according to the System of Material Balances (as the [[U.S.S.R.]] did), the Four Year Plan of 1936 merely instituted price controls, particularly to discourage consumption of goods deemed to be luxuries and to promote the ‘basic industries’ that formed the Fascists’ apparatus of war production.<ref>{{safesubst:Cite journal
|author=Martin Wolfe |editor=|editors= |title=The Development of Nazi Monetary Policy |journal=The Journal of Economic History |url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/2114432 |location= |publisher= |year=1955 |volume=15 |number=4 |page=394 |pageurl= |isbn= |oclc=}}</ref> Thus food prices effectively increased between the Second Reich and the Third Reich, even despite the ‘higher’ wages and anticommunist attempts at price control, and some foods such as beef, white bread, cereals, and fruits only became more difficult for the proletariat to access (though pork, rye bread, and potatoes did not).<ref>{{safesubst:cite journal|last=Winkler|first=Robin|editors=Rui Esteves, Arthur Downing|title=Feast or Famine: The Welfare Impact of Food Price Controls in Nazi Germany|url=https://www.economics.ox.ac.uk/materials/papers/13982/feast-or-famine-rm-winkler-1.pdf|journal=Discussion Papers in Economic and Social History|publisher=University of Oxford|number=136|year=2015}}</ref> In the agricultural realm, the bourgeoisie did not undertake anything resembling Soviet collectivization, but rather instituted price controls through the ''Reichsnährstand'' (‘Reich Food Estate’) to control cost of living.<ref>{{safesubst:Cite journal|author=Martin Wolfe |editor=|editors= |title=The Development of Nazi Monetary Policy |journal=The Journal of Economic History |url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/2114432 |location= |publisher= |year=1955 |volume=15 |number=4 |page=395 |pageurl= |isbn= |oclc=}}</ref> The bourgeoisie would institute a new, hereditary law in 1933 that made it much more difficult for anybody to obtain a gentile’s<ref>{{safesubst:cite web|title=1933: KEY DATES|url=https://www.ushmm.org/wlc/en/article.php?ModuleId=10007499|accessdate=2020-04-25}}</ref> farm, even through trade.<ref>{{safesubst:cite web|title=The Hereditary Farm Law (September 29, 1933)|url=http://germanhistorydocs.ghi-dc.org/sub_document.cfm?document_id=1550|accessdate=2020-04-25}}</ref>

Among the Reich’s industries, the oil industry was perhaps the best example for how the Fascist bourgeoisie operated the ''Wehrwirtschaft'', as the NSDAP considered it to occupy a ‘special and irreplaceable role’ within the market economy and military machine;<ref>{{safesubst:Cite journal |author=Raymond G. Stokes |editor=|editors= |title=The Oil Industry in Nazi Germany, 1936–1945 |journal=The Business History Review |url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/3114932 |location= |publisher= |year=1985 |volume=59 |number=2 |page=254 |pageurl= |isbn= |oclc=}}</ref> thus Fascist capital’s inability to steal all of the oil and steel from the U.S.S.R. would further ensure the Reich’s collapse.<ref>{{safesubst:cite book|last=Tooze|first=Adam|chapter=17|title=The Wages of Destruction: The Making and Breaking of the Nazi Economy|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=-h_Z_KK0MQUC|location=London|publisher=Penguin Books|year=2006|pages=686–7|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=-h_Z_KK0MQUC&pg=PT686|ISBN=978-1-101-56495-0}}</ref> In the 1930s, Porsche quickly designed the Volkswagen Beetle because one anticommunist claimed to want a cheap and sturdy vehicle that almost everybody in the Reich would be able to drive. He lobbied for his approval, and Porsche’s neoslaves soon began producing these vehicles by the thousands, to the point where they ran low on dealerships, but the project turned out to be a scam:

{{quote|Since private industry could not turn out an automobile for $396, Hitler ordered the State to build it and placed the Labor Front in charge of the project. Dr. Ley’s organization promptly set out in 1938 to build at Fallersleben, near Braunschweig, “the biggest automobile factory in the world,” with a capacity for turning out a million and a half cars a year “more than Ford,” the Nazi propagandists said. The Labor Front advanced fifty million marks in capital. But that was not the main financing. Dr. Ley’s ingenious plan was that the workers themselves should furnish the capital by means of what became known as a “pay-before-you-get-it” installment plan five marks a week, or if a worker thought he could afford it, ten or fifteen marks a week. When 750 marks had been paid in, the buyer received an order number entitling him to a car as soon as it could be turned out. Alas for the worker, not a single car was ever turned out for any customer during the Third Reich. Tens of millions of marks were paid in by the German wage earners, not a pfennig of which was ever to be refunded. By the time the war started the Volkswagen factory turned to the manufacture of goods more useful to the Army.|William Shirer|<ref name=pg267>{{safesubst:Cite book|last=Shirer|first=William Lawrence|chapter=8|title=The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=6QngAAAAQBAJ|publisher=Simon and Schuster|year=1960|page=267|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=6QngAAAAQBAJ&pg=PA267|ISBN=978-1-4516-5168-3}}</ref>}}

Siemens in particular was probably the most important and prolific business in the German Reich, and consequently lost most of its factories during WWII. The business was responsible for the rail infrastructure, communications, power generation, factories (including in Auschwitz and Buchenwald), firearms, execution chambers, and more, throughout the Reich, and survivors later demanded reparations from this business.<ref>{{safesubst:cite web|last=Levy|first=Stephanie|title=Holocaust litigation: asking the courts to right a historic wrong.|url=http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Holocaust+litigation:+asking+the+courts+to+right+a+historic+wrong-a063795747|date=2000-07-01}}</ref> <ref>{{safesubst:cite web|title=Siemens retreats over Nazi name|url=https://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/business/2233890.stm|date=2002-09-05}}</ref> Other businesses such as the Holtzbrinck Publishing Group and Bertelsmann distributed a wide range of propaganda to the Wehrmacht and other anticommunists in the forms of books and magazines. Although somebody did jail a few senior Bertelsmann employees for alleged black-market paper trading in 1944, the Reich Minister of Propaganda pardoned them anyway.<ref>{{safesubst:cite web|last=Manus|first=Elizabeth|title=Bertelsmann’s Nazi Past Gets Ho-Hummed in U.S.|url=https://observer.com/?p=18503|date=1999-01-18|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20110724074250/http://www.observer.com/1999/01/bertelsmanns-nazi-past-gets-hohummed-in-us|archivedate=2011-07-24}}</ref>

Under the banner of ‘rearmament and autarky’, the Fascist bourgeoisie began to use its Four Year Plans to encourage sectors like construction, oil, chemicals, and engineering over others, such as coal and agriculture.<ref>{{safesubst:Cite journal |author=Raymond G. Stokes |editor=|editors= |title=The Oil Industry in Nazi Germany, 1936–1945 |journal=The Business History Review |url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/3114932 |location= |publisher= |year=1985 |volume=59 |number=2 |pages=258–260|pageurl= |isbn= |oclc=}}</ref> Under the Plans, the bourgeois state took control over marketing, but corporate leaders remained in charge of the industry as a whole, indicating that the NSDAP was uninterested in either nationalization or direct government management.<ref>{{safesubst:Cite journal |author=Raymond G. Stokes |editor=|editors= |title=The Oil Industry in Nazi Germany, 1936–1945 |journal=The Business History Review |url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/3114932 |location= |publisher= |year=1985 |volume=59 |number=2 |page=254 |pageurl= |isbn= |oclc=}}</ref>

{{quote|Available sources make perfectly clear that the Nazi regime did not want at all a German economy with public ownership of many or all enterprises. Therefore it generally had no intention whatsoever of nationalizing private firms or creating state firms. On the contrary the reprivatization of enterprises was furthered wherever possible.|Christoph Buchheim and Jonas Scherner|<ref>{{safesubst:cite journal|last1=Buchheim|first1=Christoph|last2=Scherner|first2=Jonas|title=The Role of Private Property in the Nazi Economy: The Case of Industry|journal=The Journal of Economic History|url=http://piketty.pse.ens.fr/files/capitalisback/CountryData/Germany/Other/Pre1950Series/RefsHistoricalGermanAccounts/BuchheimScherner06.pdf|publisher=Cambridge University Press|volume=66|number=2|year=2006|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150910091952/http://economics.yale.edu/sites/default/files/files/Workshops-Seminars/Economic-History/buchheim-041020.pdf|archivedate=2015-09-10|pages=405–406|accessdate=2020-01-18}}</ref>}}

On the rare occasions when they were forced to make use of state-owned factories, they included a contract option allowing private owners to purchase it. In addition, they avoided the creation of state-owned enterprises whenever possible, favoring private investment:

{{quote|State-owned plants were to be avoided wherever possible. Nevertheless, sometimes they were necessary when private industry was not prepared to realize a war-related investment on its own. In these cases, the Reich often insisted on the inclusion in the contract of an option clause according to which the private firm operating the plant was entitled to purchase it. Even the establishment of ''Reichswerke Hermann Goring'' in 1937 is no contradiction to the rule that the Reich principally did not want public ownership of enterprises. The Reich in fact tried hard to win the German industry over to engage in the project.|Christoph Buchheim and Jonas Scherner|<ref name=Buchheim406/>}}

In 1938 for example, the Reich forced the Jewish businessman Julius Fromm to vend his condom business to Baroness Elisabeth von Epenstein at 116,000ℛℳ, a fraction of its real value. In return for this, she gave Hermann Göring two castles.<ref>{{safesubst:cite web|last1=Aly|first1=Gotz|last2=Sontheimer|first2=Michael|transl=Shelley Frisch|title=Fromms: How Julius Fromm's Condom Empire Fell to the Nazis|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=7ZYrAQAAQBAJ|date=2009-10-13|publisher=Other Press, LLC|page=98|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=7ZYrAQAAQBAJ&pg=PT94|ISBN=9781590513774}}</ref>

In terms of worker’s rights, the Fascist bourgeoisie immediately began to crack down on illegal groups (socialists and social democrats): first, ensuring that these groups were destroyed by force, and second, granting ‘extraordinary powers’ to employers to minimize the ability of workers to organize.<ref>{{safesubst:Cite journal |last = Mason |first = Tim |editor=|editors= |title=The Workers’ Opposition in Nazi Germany |journal=History Workshop |url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/4288349 |location= |publisher= |year=1981 |volume=11 |number= |page=121 |pageurl= |isbn= |oclc=}}</ref> The anticommunists established the German Labour Front (Deutsche Arbeitsfront, DAF) by destroying non-DAF trade unions and seizing their funds.<ref>{{safesubst:cite web|title=Persecution of Trade Unionists|url=https://neu.org.uk/media/3056/view|year=2012}}</ref> Propaganda suggested that the DAF was intended to mediate conflicts between businessowners and workers. In practice, the anticommunists used the DAF to decrease workers’ power and to trap them in their current place of employment.<ref>{{safesubst:Cite book|last=Shirer|first=William Lawrence|chapter=8|title=The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany| publisher = Simon and Schuster|year=1960|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=6QngAAAAQBAJ&pg=PA263|page=263|ISBN=978-1-4516-5168-3}}</ref> After the so-called German Labor Front absorbed the unions, wages fell for front-line workers, working hours increased by 15%, industrial accidents became more common, and capitalists could blacklist workers for complaining about the working conditions.<ref>{{safesubst:cite web|title=Life in Nazi Germany 1933-1939|url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/bitesize/guides/zpq9p39/revision/1|accessdate=2020-04-26}}</ref> The anticommunists introduced the large ‘Strength Through Joy’ (Kraft Durch Freude) vacation program to sell the working class on Fascism and to boost the Reich’s tourism, but contrary to what the propaganda suggested, it was heavily involved in regimenting the leisure time of workers towards Fascist goals rather than allowing the proletariat more freedoms:

{{quote|Tied down by so many controls at wages little above the subsistence level, the German workers, like the Roman proletariat, were provided with circuses by their rulers to divert attention from their miserable state. “We had to divert the attention of the masses from material to moral values,” Dr. Ley once explained. “It is more important to feed the souls of men than their stomachs.” 
So he came up with an organization called Kraft durch Freude (“Strength through Joy”). This provided what can only be called regimented leisure. […] [I]t [was] deemed necessary to control not only the working hours but the leisure hours of the individual. This was what “Strength through Joy” did. In pre-Nazi days Germany had tens of thousands of clubs devoted to everything from chess and soccer to bird watching. Under the Nazis no organized social, sport or recreational group was allowed to function except under the control and direction of Kraft durch Freude.|William Shirer|<ref>{{safesubst:Cite book| last = Shirer| first = William Lawrence| title = The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany|publisher=Simon and Schuster|year=1960|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=6QngAAAAQBAJ&pg=PA265|page=265|ISBN=978-1-4516-5168-3}}</ref>}}

Whereas the [[Weimar Republic]] created collective wage agreements across industries in hopes of preventing intense competition for labor, the Third Reich’s official wage rates were far lower than Weimar wage rates, could be overruled (allowing lower pay) for individual companies by the DAF’s ‘labor trustees’, and disallowed the possibility of collective bargaining by the workers.<ref>{{safesubst:cite journal|last=Siegel|first=Tilla|title=Wage Policy in Nazi Germany|url=https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/003232928501400101|journal=Politics & Society|location=|publisher=|date=1985-03-01|volume=14|issue=1|pages=1–51|DOI=10.1177/003232928501400101}}</ref> Unemployment was approximately 34% in early 1933, and official statistics reduced this rate to 0.9% for 1939.<ref>{{safesubst:cite journal|last1=Galenson|first1=Walter|last2=Zellner|first2=Arnold|editor=Universities-National Bureau|title=International Comparison of Unemployment Rates|url=https://www.nber.org/chapters/c2649.pdf|journal=The Measurement and Behavior of Unemployment|publisher=NBER|year=1957|pages=455–474, 526–537|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150919113314/https://www.nber.org/chapters/c2649.pdf|archivedate=2015-09-19|ISBN=0-691-04144-X}}</ref> This was likely in part because the official statistics did not take conscriptions, enemies of the bourgeois state, or women into account.<ref>{{safesubst:cite web|title=Life in Nazi Germany 1933-1939|url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/bitesize/guides/zqrfj6f/revision/3|accessdate=2020-04-25}}</ref> [[Neoslavery]] would expand and contribute to the Reich’s economy recovery.<ref>{{safesubst:cite book|last=Silverman|first=Dan|title=Hitler’s Economy: Nazi Work Creation Programs, 1933–1936|url=https://www.hup.harvard.edu/catalog.php?isbn=9780674740716|date=1998-08-31|ISBN=9780674740716}}</ref>

Abroad, the German Reich frequently engaged in what came to be termed ‘fascist imperialism’ by historian Maurice Dobb.<ref>{{safesubst:Cite journal |last = Dobb |first = Maurice |editor=|editors= |title=Aspects of Nazi Economic Policy |journal=Science & Society |url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/40399575 |location= |publisher= |year=1944 |volume=8 |number=2 |page=97 |pageurl= |isbn= |oclc=}}</ref> Dobb pointed out that, while earlier imperialist ventures targeted unindustrialized and undeveloped nations, Fascist imperialism annexed countries that had “already reached a high level of industrial development” and incorporated them as colonies of the Reich.<ref name=Dobb>{{safesubst:Cite journal |last = Dobb |first = Maurice |editor=|editors= |title=Aspects of Nazi Economic Policy |journal=Science & Society |url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/40399575 |location= |publisher= |year=1944 |volume=8 |number=2 |page=98 |pageurl= |isbn= |oclc=}}</ref> For example, as the Reich’s debt accumulated dramatically,<ref>{{safesubst:cite news|title=Economic Controls in Nazi Germany|url=https://library.cqpress.com/cqresearcher/document.php?id=cqresrre1940110100#H2_4|date=1940-11-01|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150910204241/http://library.cqpress.com/cqresearcher/document.php?id=cqresrre1940110100#H2_4|archivedate=2015-09-10}}</ref> and the annexation of Austria did little to improve the economy,<ref>{{safesubst:cite journal|last=Abt|first=Parker|title=The Nazi Fiscal Cliff: Unsustainable Financial Practices before World War II|url=https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1188&context=ghj|journal=The Gettysburg Historical Journal|volume=16|article=5|year=2017}}</ref> the German anticommunists would invade Western Poland in 1939 and devastate many of the industries there. Once the bourgeois state successfully subordinated a country, it embarked upon the “unprecedented” task of “de-industrializing” it so that it could produce food and raw materials for the Fascist economy, while maintaining a “monopoly of industrial production” in the German heartland itself.<ref name=Dobb/> When de-industrialization was complete, the bourgeois state granted Fascist firms “extensive privileges” to develop raw material production in the occupied territories, and established “obligatory delivery quotas” of such materials to the Fascists.<ref>{{safesubst:Cite journal |last = Dobb |first = Maurice |editor=|editors= |title=Aspects of Nazi Economic Policy |journal=Science & Society |url=https://www.jstor.org.libdata.lib.ua.edu/stable/40399575 |location= |publisher= |year=1944 |volume=8 |number=2 |page=99 |pageurl= |isbn= |oclc=}}</ref>

Many Nordic capitalists proved quite useful to the Reich. As early as 1940, 54% of Finnish exports went to the Reich.<ref>{{safesubst:cite book|title=Yearbook of Finnish Foreign Policy|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=P9bwAAAAMAAJ|publisher=Finnish Institute of International Affairs|year=1976|page=9|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=P9bwAAAAMAAJ&q="exports+went"}}</ref> Despite the Finnish’s anti-German sentiment that the Reich’s policy during the [[Winter War]] generated, the Fascists knew that Finnish demands were much easier to meet than those of the Soviets, and the Finnish bourgeoisie willingly vended 60% of Petsamo’s nickel to the Reich during 1940, much to the Soviets’ displeasure. By August 1940 the Reich was quietly supplying the Finnish state with arms through private commercial channels, and the Finnish and German bourgeoisies signed a significant arms delivery by October 1940 and a supplementary troop transit by November 1940, further worrying the Soviets.<ref>>{{safesubst:cite journal|last=Krosby|first=H.|title=The Diplomacy of the Petsamo Question and Finnish-German Relations, March–December 1940|journal=Scandia|url=https://journals.lub.lu.se/scandia/article/download/774/560|volume=31|number=2|year=1965}}</ref>

===The “economic miracle”===
The one credited for the Third Reich’s “economic miracle” is Hjalmar Schacht, a freemason banker and an old establishment figure who was the president of the Reichsbank under the Weimar Republic during the 1920s, whom Hitler appointed as Minister of Economics in 1934 — since Fascists were mostly economically illiterate romanticists who were more concerned about racial identity politics than developing a coherent economic model that would truly be an alternative to capitalism. Under the centrist Schacht, the new “national socialist” economy underwent massive privatization. The economically left-leaning faction of the NSDAP that had hoped for ‘real socialism’ with German characteristics was knifed in the same year that Schacht was put in charge.

Hjalmar Schacht brought a cartel economy that was dominated by monopolies like Siemens, Gutehoffnungshütte, Krupp, and Rheinmetall. In the 1930s Germany became one of the most privatized countries in the world, at a time where the world was trying to find its way out of the depression either through experimenting with socialism or Keynesian economics. The Third Reich, instead of breaking up monopolies, was strengthening them. Big business conglomerates were preferred to smaller ones because political intervention and lobbying would be easier. The plan was to make politics involved in business through mutual cooperation, also known as corporatism. Schacht, although being a center-rightist, did support the plan of achieving full employment through public work, yet even this wasn't devised by the Nazis either — the attempt to alleviate unemployment through work brigades constructing the autobahn was a continuation of policies that had been instituted in the late Weimar Republic with the support of the last chancellor, Kurt von Schleicher, who alongside leftists was purged as well during the the Night of the Long Knives.

Since massive public work programs and stimulating the economy required deficit spending, Schacht introduced a scheme that could massively increase government spending without the appearance of it — this was achieved by setting up a private dummy company called '''Me'''tallurgische '''Fo'''rschungsgesellschaft, or MEFO for short, which was a joint-venture effort by the four biggest industrial players — Siemens, Gutehoffnungshütte, Krupp, and Rheinmetall. The only purpose of this company was issuing so-called "MEFO bills". The plan was that when the government would order a new batch of tanks, it would not pay directly with Reichsmarks. The payment to the armament producer would instead be deferred with a MEFO bill given out by MEFO, which operated as a ‘private company’, with a guarantee of MEFO paying the producer in the period of six months, and the government relying on the Reichsbank’s ‘unofficial’ promise to buy these contracts right before the pay date.

Due to Schacht’s scheme, the German economy actually recovered, but there were two problems here: since these MEFO bills had a 4% annual interest rate and they could be traded between the armament producers, they were used like money in trade deals between different German companies. They were even preferred over actual money. The armament producers did not want these contracts to end and so they extended them further and further beyond the initial six-month pay date. They became a pseudo-currency in themselves. Secondly, a big portion of these contracts were given to arms producers and not civilian construction of peace economics. It became clear that the MEFO scheme was primarily to achieve rearmament, bypassing the Versailles Treaty by avoiding making new public debt in the official books. Consumption actually stagnated and at this point the ‘happy well-fed German family driving a Volkswagen’ trope was becoming a myth. Military spending went from constituting 1% of the national budget to 10% in a few years between 1933 and 1936. Schacht desperately tried to warn Hitler that he was going to get the country bankrupt at this rate of military spending.

Hjalmar Schacht maintained that the MEFO scheme was not a permanent solution, but a short, temporary measure to get the economy going again. When unemployment sufficiently lowered and Germany rearmed, he and price commissioner Dr. Carl Friedrich Goerdeler both tried to persuade Hitler that the German Reich was now a defiant military power again and it was the perfect time to change gears from military to civilian-oriented production and develop new trade deals in the world market. For Schacht and Goerdler, further military expenditure at the expense of civilian economic growth was insane and made no sense form a rational point of view. With military expenditures quickly growing far larger than the civilian work-creation programs, Schacht realized that the Chancellery’s imperialist ambitions of achieving Lebenraum through violent irredentism surpassed that of securing the economic gains and social stability of the last four years.

The economic miracle credited to Schacht declined when the Chancellery decided to replace him with the economically illiterate and trigger-happy Goering in 1937. With Schacht gone, the ongoing massive military expenditure was creating a debt with which the national civilian economy could not cope anymore. The overblown Fascist military-industrial complex was not devised to built refrigerators and hydroelectric power plants; it could nonetheless plunder and pillage neighboring states. Hitler and Goering expected that upcoming territorial expansion would provide the means of repaying the soaring national debt, by using the wealth and manpower of conquered nations. Their targets were, however, largely poverty-stricken. In the last years of the Third Reich, 25% of the labour force was made up of slaves, mostly Poles and Jews, many of them working at in the Auschwitz labor camps for IG Farben’s rubber plants fueling the war effort. Perhaps the most disturbing moment that Hitler had was when he traded Schacht’s developed economic theories for the idea that a sustainable economy could be run on slave labor and looting at the heart of Europe in the 20th century.

== Infrastructure ==

=== Health ===
The German Reich experienced significant mortality and nutritional crises during peacetime (a remarkably rare occurrence in a developed nation):

{{quote|Germany experienced a substantial increase in mortality rates in most age groups in the mid-1930s, even relative to those of 1932, the worst year of the Great Depression. Moreover, children’s heights—an indicator of the quality of nutrition and health—were generally stagnating between 1933 and 1938, but had increased significantly during the 1920s. Persecution, by itself, does not explain such an adverse development in biological welfare; the non-persecuted segments of the German population were affected as well.|Andrea Wagner & Jörg Baten|<ref name=Autarchy>{{safesubst:Cite book |last1=Baten |first1=Jörg |last2=Wagner |first2=Andrea |editor=|editors= |title=Autarchy, market disintegration, and health: the mortality and nutritional crisis in Nazi Germany, 1933–1937 |journal=Economics & Human Biology |url=https://sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1570677X02000023 |archiveurl=https://wp.me/pa7b25-1i |archivedate=30/July/2018 |location=Germany |publisher=Elsevier Science B.V. |year=2003 |volume=1 |issue=1 |pages=1–28 |pageurl= |doi=10.1016|oclc=}}</ref>}}

These problems were the direct result of their capitalist policy:

{{quote|The reason for this adverse development was caused by the fact that military expenditures increased at the expense of public health measures. In addition, food imports were curtailed, and prices of many agricultural products were controlled. There is ample evidence that this set of economic policies had an adverse effect on the health and nutritional status of the population.|Andrea Wagner & Jörg Baten|<ref name=Autarchy/>}}

By 1939, living standards were even lower than those of other anticommunist regimes, such as the [[U.K.]] and the [[U.S.]]

== Ideology ==
<blockquote>
{{quote|It is […] entirely appropriate to register the point that, despite the [[Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact|Nazi–Soviet pact]], and indeed other instances of his opportunistic use of anti-Bolshevism to achieve short-term goals, Hitler remained committed from the early 1920s until his downfall in 1945 to the pursuit and destruction of Bolshevism. Even if he may have toyed fleetingly with the idea of accommodating the Soviet Union as a partner in Ribbentrop’s proposed ''Kontinentalblock'' in the hope of finally ending his war with Britain, […] the fact remains that the struggle against Bolshevism constituted a fixed principle, the ‘lodestar’, as Ian Kershaw has put it, of his foreign policy. Indeed, given the intensity of Hitler’s views on the Jewish question, it could hardly have been otherwise from the moment in the early 1920s when he accepted that Bolshevism was an invention and instrument of the Jews, who wished to use it to impose their own tyranny across the globe.|Lorna L. Waddington|<ref name=Waddington>{{safesubst:cite journal|last=Waddington|first=Lorna|title=The Anti-Komintern and Nazi Anti-Bolshevik Propaganda in the 1930s|journal=Journal of Contemporary History|location=London|publisher=SAGE Publications|volume=42|issue=4|year=2007|pages=573–594|ISSN=0022–0094|DOI=10.1177/0022009407081488}}</ref>}}
</blockquote>

The Reich’s eugenics programme was consciously inspired by [[America]]’s own eugenics programmes<ref>{{safesubst:cite web|last=Kaelber|first=Lutz|title=Eugenics: Compulsory Sterilization in 50 American States|url=http://www.uvm.edu/~lkaelber/eugenics|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20200303104237/http://www.uvm.edu/~lkaelber/eugenics|archivedate=2020-03-03}}</ref> from the 1920s and earlier. The Führer himself once wrote Madison Grant an appreciative letter implying that ''The Passing of the Great Race'' was one of his favorite books, and Fascists regularly communicated with eugenicists from New York to California, who were eager to assist with the Reich’s programme.<ref>{{safesubst:cite web|last=Black|first=Edwin|title=Hitler's debt to America|url=https://amp.theguardian.com/uk/2004/feb/06/race.usa|date=2004-02-05|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20160315091802/https://amp.theguardian.com/uk/2004/feb/06/race.usa|archivedate=2016-03-15}}</ref> Physically and mentally challenged people thus became early victims of the Third Reich’s violence. Nevertheless, the Fascists made some exceptions for capitalists deemed too useful for disposal, such Artur Adolf Konradi, who was paralysed from the waist below, and Max Hahn, who lost one of his arms in [[WWI]]. Some physicians have also speculated that the Chancellor himself was suffering from Parkinson’s disease at the time of his death.

Generally, the Third Reich held people of color in contempt, with some government officials holding a less intolerant attitude towards certain Asian men, although the Reich nevertheless opportunistically accepted the assistance of many volunteers of color such as the Free Arabian Legion, and despite their own aggressive colonialism, the Fascists frequently exploited the anticolonial sentiments of Arabs<ref name=Hammond>{{safesubst:cite journal|last=Hammond|first=Kelly|title=Managing Muslims: imperial Japan, Islamic policy, and Axis connections during the Second World War*|journal=Journal of Global History|publisher=Cambridge University Press|volume=12|year=2017|pages=251–273|doi=10.1017/S1740022817000079}}</ref> and Indians,<ref name=Bauerkämper>{{safesubst:cite journal|last=Bauerkämper|first=Arnd|title=Transnational Fascism: Cross-Border Relations between Regimes and Movements in Europe, 1922–1939*|journal=East Central Europe|volume=37|location=Leiden|publisher=Koninklijke Brill|year=2010|pages=214–246|DOI=10.1163/187633010X534469}}</ref> probably as a means of pitting their enemies against each other. After the conclusion of the Anti-Comintern Pact of 1936, the Fascists’ white supremacy made an exception for Japanese people, and relaxed attitudes further after the Tripartite Pact of 1940, but some complications remained even after these pacts. For example, intermarriages between Germans and Japanese, while technically legal, remained discouraged, and the few interracial couples in the Reich faced harassment. There were also some European Fascist politicians who never completely trusted the [[Empire of Japan]] either, a feeling which the Imperialists held toward them in turn.<ref>{{safesubst:cite book|last=Krebs|first=Gerhard|editors=Rotem Kowner, Walter Demel|chapter=10|chapterurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=6Tq2CAAAQBAJ&pg=PA217|title=Racism under negotiation: the Japanese race in the Nazi-German perspective|series=Brill’s Series on Modern East Asia in a Global Historical Perspective|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=6Tq2CAAAQBAJ|location=Boston & Leiden|publisher=Brill|year=2015|volume=II|pages=217–241|DOI=10.1163/9789004292932_011|ISBN=978-90-04-29293-2|ISSN=2212-1730}}</ref> Despite the wavering attitudes and the want of consensus, Japanese men were the people of color for whom the Fascists had the most tolerance. There were likely about five hundred Japanese people living in Berlin during the early 1940s, a number comparable to that of the Germans living in the Empire of Japan, and many Japanese in the Reich worked as diplomats, military officers, students, and trading company employees.<ref>{{safesubst:cite book|last=Kudō|first=Akira|editor=J.A.A. Stockwin|chapter=1|title=Japanese-German Business Relations: Co-operation and Rivalry in the Interwar Period|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=W00qBgAAQBAJ|location=London|publisher=Routledge|year=1998|year_published=2001|page=31|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=W00qBgAAQBAJ&pg=PA31|ISBN=0-203-01851-6}}</ref>

=== Anti-Semitism ===
''Main Article: [[Anti-semitism in Nazi Germany]]''

One crucial part of German Fascism was antisemitism; only a tiny minority of German Fascists (e.g. Karl Plagge, Oskar Schindler) secretly dissented from this view. Traditionally, antisemitism in German society referenced Jewish culture as its basis, but capitalists such as Henry Ford<ref>{{safesubst:cite web|title=Mein Kampf : Nazi Germany|url=http://spartacus-educational.com/GERmein.htm|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20140515020345/http://spartacus-educational.com/GERmein.htm|archivedate=2014-05-15}}</ref><ref>{{safesubst:cite book|last=Ryback|first=Timothy|chapter=three|title=Hitler’s Private Library|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=VZY6CB_9IGAC|date=2008-10-21|location=|publisher=Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group|page=69|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=VZY6CB_9IGAC&pg=PA69|ISBN=978-1-4000-4204-3}}</ref><ref>{{safesubst:cite web|last=Dobbs|first=Michael|title=Ford and GM Scrutinized for Alleged Nazi Collaboration|url=http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/national/daily/nov98/nazicars30.htm|date=1998-11-30|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20090605012002/http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/national/daily/nov98/nazicars30.htm|archivedate=2009-06-05}}</ref><ref>{{safesubst:cite web|last=Sartore|first=Melissa|title=How Henry Ford Helped The Nazis As Much As He Possibly Could|url=https://www.ranker.com/list/relationship-between-henry-ford-and-nazis/melissa-sartore|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20170831125043/http://www.ranker.com/list/relationship-between-henry-ford-and-nazis/melissa-sartore|archivedate=2017-08-31}}</ref> introduced a more ‘racial’ justification for this phenomenon, claiming that Jews were innately rather than just socially or religiously inferior.<ref>{{safesubst:cite book|last1=Pool|first1=James|last2=Pool|first2=Suzanne|chapter=3|title=Who Financed Hitler|location=U.S.A.|year=1997|url=https://archive.org/stream/WhoFinancedHitler|page=91|pageurl=https://archive.org/stream/WhoFinancedHitler#page/n47/mode/1up|ISBN=0-8037-8941-6}}</ref> In reality, however, the Fascists were committing antisemitism as a means of preserving most of the petite-bourgeoisie: concentrating capitalism’s horrible economic pressure on only a minor segment of the class rather than its entirety.<ref>{{safesubst:cite journal|title=Bordiga’s “Auschwitz, or the Great Alibi”|journal=Programme Communiste|url=https://www.Marxists.org/subject/jewish/bordiga/auschwitz.htm#a3|number=11|trans=Mitchell Abidor}}</ref>

As well, Fascist antisemitism sometimes spread to regions where it had previously been very rare. For the 1920s and most of the 1930s, Italian Fascists tolerated Jews, and sometimes even complained that German Fascism was too antisemitic, but by 1938 the Kingdom of Italy officially adopted antisemitism due to the overwhelming popularity of the German Reich.<ref name=Bauerkämper/> Antisemitism had been nonexistent in East Asia due to the sheer rarity of Jews there, but as a consequence of the German Reich’s popularity in the Empire of Japan during the 1930s, a minority of Imperialists adopted the antisemitism of their European partners, and in the 1940s the Imperialists implemented some antisemitic policies as part of the inter-Axis Indian Ocean cooperation. At the request of the Western Axis, the Imperialists arrested and incarcerated hundreds of Jews throughout Southeast Asia, and Imperial propagandists would sometimes campaign against ‘Jewish world control’ during 1943 in an attempt to distract local Muslims. Imperial authorities also forcibly relocated 20,000 Shanghai Jews into a ghetto, though they did ignore several thousand other Jews there, mainly ones of either Middle Eastern or Soviet origin.<ref name=Kowner2017>{{safesubst:cite journal|en|last=Kowner|first=Rotem|title=When economics, strategy, and racial ideology meet: inter-Axis connections in the wartime Indian Ocean*|journal=Journal of Global History|publisher=Cambridge University Press|volume=12|issue=2|date=2017-06-08|pages=228–250|doi=10.1017/S1740022817000067}}</ref> The majority of the Empire of Japan still found antisemitism incomprehensible, however, and applied actions such as these only sporadically. Fascist antisemitism also contaminated the Arab world, made the anti-Jewish sentiment there much more aggressive, and influenced Arab ultranationalist discourse, even decades after 1945.<ref name=Hammond/>

===Military Ideology===
The Fascist state’s ideology also manifested itself in its military policies.

==Culture==
The Fascists coined the locution ‘[[cultural Bolshevism]]’ to disparage cultural phenomena that they deemed worthy of purging, such as jazz. The Fascist state subjected abstractionist artwork to ridicule and favored genres that were less unrealistic. In 1941, the bourgeois state prohibited Fraktur under the official excuse that it consisted of ‘Jewish characters’.<ref>{{safesubst:cite book|last=Reuveni|first=Gideon|chapter=IV|title=Reading Germany: Literature and Consumer Culture in Germany before 1933|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=4KNdCjZ4OZgC|location=New York|publisher=Berghahn Books|year=2006|page=206|pageurl=https://books.google.com/books?id=4KNdCjZ4OZgC&pg=PA206|trans=Ruth Morris|ISBN=1-84545-087-6}}</ref> The Fascists also paid special attention to children, marketing to them explicitly anti-Semitic books such as ''Trust No Fox on his Green Heath and No Jew on his Oath'', and also marketed playthings that glorified the military, such as tanks and Fascist figurines, but ceased production of certain ones if they were based on somebody that the bourgeois state just executed. They once marketed an expensive bridge playset, but it sold poorly in part because it wasn’t a militarily specific piece.<ref>{{safesubst:cite web|last=Leatherdale|first=Duncan|title=Nazi toys expected to raise thousands at Thornaby auction|url=https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-england-tees-31991001|date=2015-03-25|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150327191128/http://www.bbc.com/news/uk-england-tees-31991001|archivedate=2015-03-27}}</ref>

===Religion===
The Fascists invented a culturally specific variant of Christianity called Positive Christianity, which sought to unify the local Catholic and Protestant churches. It taught that Jesus Christ was an Aryan rather than a Jew, and was himself fighting against the Jews.<ref>{{safesubst:cite web|last=Springer|first=Karl|title=Onward! Humor from the Period of Struggle of the National Socialist Movement|url=https://research.calvin.edu/german-propaganda-archive/springer.htm|location=Munich|publisher=Zentralverlag der NSDAP|year=1939|trans=Randall Bytwerk}}</ref> This variant had little in common with mainstream Christianity, received the condemnation of Christian authorities elsewhere in the world, and was abandoned by the end of the Reich.

===Gun Control===
The Weimar Republic passed very stringent gun laws that essentially banned all gun ownership in an attempt to stabilize the country and comply with the Treaty of Versailles, with a law in 1928 undoing some of this by creating a permit system. Most men and many women still owned weapons from during or before the first World War though and this new law was applied quite rarely, mostly when newly-bought weapons became registered. The Fascists used these records to confiscate guns from their enemies, but because they only covered a few of the weapons in circulation, many Jewish people and others managed to stash away weapons into the late 1930s. In 1938 the Fascists adopted the German Weapons Act, which reduced gun restrictions to just handguns, extended permits from one year to three, and lowered the legal age of purchase from 20 years to 18. Many categories of people were further no longer subject to gun ownership restrictions, such as holders of annual hunting permits, government workers, and NSDAP members. On 11 November of that same year though, the Regulations Against Jews’ Possession of Weapons was issued, banning all Jews in the Reich from owning any kind of weapon. Jewish homes were already being raided by the Fascists however, and as the Anti-Defamation League [https://www.adl.org/news/press-releases/adl-says-nazi-analogies-have-no-place-in-gun-control-debate explained in 2013], the small amount of Jews could in no way have stopped the power of the Fascist state.

In current gun control discussions a reference to the disarmament of the Fascists’ victims is often made as an argument for loose firearm regulations, in spite of the facts of the actual situation, with the 1943 Warsaw Ghetto Uprising also being brought up. As for that case, 7,000 Jews died and 50,000 were sent to concentration camps whereas German losses as estimated to be from under 20 to several hundred — at any rate an overwhelming defeat for the armed civilians, who lacked tremendous amounts of almost every aspect that actually took the Allies to defeat the Third Reich.<ref>[https://www.politifact.com/factchecks/2019/apr/08/viral-image/no-gun-control-regulation-nazi-germany-did-not-hel/ No, gun control regulation in Nazi Germany did not help advance the Holocaust]. ''PolitiFact''.</ref>

==References==
<references/>

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2022-03-02T01:23:27Z

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